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Title page i 

Contents iii 

Dates of publication and editions of the brochures iii 

last of illustrations iv 

A Study of Bagobo Ceremonial, Magic and Myth. By Laura Watson 

Benedict 1 

Index 283 

Tepecano, a Piman Language of Western Mexico. By J. Alden Mason 309 

(No Index has been prepared for '*Tepecano," the detailed contents being 
deemed sufficient for the reader's guidance) 


Pp. 1—308, 15 May, 1916 1200 copies 

Pp. 309—416, June, 1916 1500 copies 




i. —Group of Ba^ol)o i>eople and typical Baj;obo house. 

Fig. 1. (iroup of mountain Ba^obo in fentival rostunio. In the forc;;round 
are Datu .\uga of Bugo (left) ami Dafu Tongkaling of Sihulaii. The 
women (left to right) are Otik. Si])a, Tbing, Ingan and S:igomayan. 

Fig. 2. — Typical Bagobo house with walls and that<"h of nipa palm. 
TI. — Datu Tongkaling of Sibulan holding sjK'ar and warshield. 

III. — Ceremonial kerchief and carrying bag of the Bagobo. 

Fig. I. — ('eremonial (fitikulu, which may be worn only by those Bagobo men 
who have killed other men. 

Fig. 2. Man's carrying bag (knhir) worn on the back to hold m<Miicine-ca,sc% 
lime tube, belel box and other nece-isaries. 

IV. -Bago).)o mcilicine case and woman's basket. 

Fig. 1. — Old man's medicine case of woven rattan, with telescope lid. for 
hoUling charms, native drugs, flint, .stones and tinder. 

Fig. 2. S|K.'cimens of the Bagobo woman's basket, which is hung tm the 
left shoulder ami contains areca-iuits, mcilicine, a little knife, beads and 
materials for end.»roiilerv. 

V. BandK»o tubes decorated with incised [)at terns. 

(These tubes {tngm) an* useil by th<» Bagobo in Ih»I«1 the jMjwdere.'l Hme 
that is chewed with aRM-a-nuts.) 

VI.- Strij) of finely woven hemp textile. 

(In thi.s tyiX' of textile the crocodile charm ilcsiirn The border 
shows conventional n'pi-esentati(»ns of birds, snakes. fn)gs. human 
figures and motives drawn from still life.) 

VII. -Cen'monial shirt. 

(Ceremonial clan't -colored hemp sliirt worn by old Bagobo men and 
women. The <lecoration Ls of mother-of-pearl shell discs, with a border 
of embroidery done by a Bila-an or a Tagakaola woman.) 

VIII. — Festival jacket worn by the Ba.:;obo. 

(Young man's festival jacket of hemp beaded in the "eagle's wing" dj\sign.) 

Text Figures 


Ix»af dishes used in the rite of preliminary ;\was 109 

.\ntler of Buso deer 113 

Agongs at Dalu Oleng's long hou.*«c» 147 

Vol. XXV, pp. I— 30S, pil. I— VIH 

Editor, Ei)Mi'.\D Otip IIovey 



Xi:\V YilliK 

I'ClU.ISllKn IIY TEIK .vc.\.i)i:siv 

Ij .M.iv. r.ili; 


(LyCEDI ok XaTIKAI. lIl.-iTOKY, 1S1( — ISTli) 

*)FKiCi:i{H, lltHi 

J'ltvii/nit — Mii'iiAKi. Ii)VOi!>'Ky I'ri*lN, rulinnliia TniviTHity 
J7(v-iV(W(V(«y«;— EiixR^T E, !Sm[tii, J. McKekx ('attkln, 

|v;; i DiU'iii-AK AV. .)(m.\>ux, IIkkmaxx VMS "\V. Srini.' 
('••rn-sjuiill' — IIk.\I!Y K. ('iia»i*ti>x, Aiii('i'ii.aii Musi'ii 
IhTiifiUiHi tii-n-'hir;/ — EnMl'Mi Oris IInvKV, Aiiu-riiiUi Muhouiii 
7V.'M((m-— llKSitY J. CnciiKW, :tfi!» Fifth Avi'nut* 
LUirnriiiH — ItAi.rii W. TtiwKit, A rtKTii-aii .Musi'iiiii 
Kt/Unr — EiiMixi* Otis I1<ivky, Aiiu-rii-nii Museum 

,s/;rr/f*A' III' AsTi.'i)X(tM)\ /'//I'.s/r.s am* < ukmistid 

rifi!r,,i<in--i:}ivy.i'T E. Smiiii. r.O East 41st Htri-.-t 

.Sirr'-'cf//— Vk'tdh E. I.kvisk, C'ullcifc cif I'iiysiciaiiii lunl Surgi'mi 

si:(Ti<)X or niouxiv ■ 

rA(/iV/w./»— IlKiiMASx YON W. Hciill.TK, CdUi'^c "!' I'liysioiiiiis ;ii 

S.,niliiri/—\\i\AA.\yi Iv. (JiiKMHiY, Auicricaii Mutiinua 

si:<T/().\ or <:r.oLo(!y asd Mfsr.nAi.ouY 

(■l„n;„.u,- Dur.ii.A- W. .Imiixh.x. CoUinih:.. tnivomty 
/^•■n-tt'irii~-V\\v.<\'VM \. Ui:!:!'", Aincrieaii Musnuii 

sE'Ttos or Asrnuiiroi.of;)' a.\i> I'srciiouifn' 

f'liiih-iiiiiH -.1. M(lvi:i;x (.'aitkli., I'uliiiubiii I'uivtTsity 
S-mtiiri/- liiniiiiir II. Lowii;, Aiin'riiau Musciini 

Tiir wssi.-iis uf (ii.. Ara.l.-uiy ai- licld ..u M-uuiiiy .'v.-iiin-s 
u".-|.H'U In.iii (IftulHT I'. May.' i;u'liisivr. t,t [lie Ai'sK-rii-aii ,Mil 
Xulural lli>l..rv. Villi Str.iE au<i Ct'iiCnil I'jik, \Vi'>t. 

[Annals X. Y. Acai». Sci.. Vol. XXV, ijp. l—:%»8, pll. I— VIII. 15 May, 1910 1 


Jh' Lai'ka Wat.<c>x Hknkdict 

{Pn;St'nfiil hij fiflr ht'fort' th*' Antdr/tttf, W Aitrll^ 1 If 1.4) 


Prefatorv reiiiiirks ;», 

Inti*0(1nctioM. (ifni*riil cliiiracieri-tics t»f ilu.' religious altituile of the 

Bagobo .s 

Part I. MytlioIo«;:ical •oiuepis i;{ 

The Bagobo pantheon l;{ 

Myth-gods of th<» iiini' lifa\en> V.\ 

Ciods associated with liuin:in intere>ts IS 

Tlie deniuiis calhsd buso Sy 

Intcrpretatiun nf physical »*\iroinuent \\\ 

The soiiK ot* man and lilV aftn* d^ath 4'J 

Characterization uf the two soiiN 4*J 

Right-hand soul nr (jiniokud Takawaiian l}^) 

Signs of* dt'ath .M 

Summon^ t«» th<» living .M 

Onong or trawl outiii I'oi \\w >'»i|| TkI 

The «»ne cuuntiv of the drad .M 

Manner of i'\i<ten<'e in < linp-kiidan TCi 

T«»|»ogr;iphy ot' ilit» one «i»untiy W* 

Idea of n'ti"il»uth»n TiS 

Left hand soul or (Jinioknd Tidiamr 5>^ 


Dream exploits .'»s 

Kate at <leatli fin 

<M*m*ral c.»nsidcM'atiori> i'A 

Kestorati'Mi of the di*ad t-* iift* til 

t/nlt nf the doad f.'i 

Idea-^ o^ dtMth t'».» 

Souls of animaU and ot rnarnil.i.iiin*l •■l>j«'rt> I'i 

Traditions of mvthi(':il aui f-tT.- ii."» 

Part II. Th«» fornKil I' 7."» 

Typical ceri*m«>ni:ii b«diavix»r 7.*i 

tient'ral r|i:ira»*t«M* of r««iVMi..«inaI 7r> 

Finidam<!nt.ii •demi'iiL- of «*"!"!ii ui..i; 7^ 

Human >.irrili«"r' 7-^ 

i'ereiiionial fo-id 7'» 

t (M'lMooni.ii iiqij'. 7'.» 

I}et«d rilu.i". N<» 

t )|h'riiii:*« ot iii.iiiiif.K! i.i -I |.!'-.!ii!- "^1 

* ManuSi'rJijt ii.'i'i;i\i'l \'\ \\.> I-.":: -* A:...- :'' - 


Purification 81 

Recitation of ritual words 82 

Ceremonial chant 82 

Agong music K3 

Dancing and costumes 85 

The feast 87 

Manganito 87 

Various types of alt;ir 87 

Bamboo prayer stands called tainbara 87 

Hanging altars 90 

Tigyama DO 

Balekdt 9() 

Agong altars called sonai*an 01 

Hut shrines 02 

Buis or buso houses 02 

Parabuuniiin or rice-sowinj; altars. 02 

Ceremonies in iletail 0:^ 

Festival of drinking called Ginum 03 

Introductoi-y remarks 93 

Chronology of the preparation and of the four main days of the 

festival ! 00 

First day of the Ginum 101 

First night called tig-kanavau or the beginning 101 

Second day 101 

Second night called ta dua dukilum 102 

Third day 102 

Third night 10;{ 

Fourth and main dav 103 

Fourth and last night 10:» 

Ceremony of A was or oflerings of aroca-nuts to spirits lO-i- 

Preliminary Awas 105 

Main Awas Ill 

Ceremony of Taming or magic rites against Briso 113 

Preliminary Tanung 1 14 

Main Tanung 115 

Ceremony of l*amalugu or purilioation 117 

Ceremony of Lulub or wasiiin«r of water flasks 12 i 

Ceremony of Sonar iW uilering on the agongs of niaoufaclui-ed 

products 125 

Offering of manufattured products to the gods 12(i 

Ablutions called Sa^rmo 12S 

Visitation of Anito 128 

Piites with, balabba 120 

CerenioFiies on the main day of Ginum 131 

Arrangement of llie long house 151 

Festival of tiinum at Tubisou 1 53 

(,»uestiou of head hunting ir)S 

A few reremonial r.hauts 102 



Rite of human sacrifice called Pag-huaga 166 

Ceremonial at rice-sowing called Mariimmas 171 

Ceremonial at harvest called Ka-pungdan 174 

Marriage rites 180 

Trial marriage 181 

Formal ceremony called Taliduma 181 

Rites attending death and burial 186 

Part III. Every-day forms of religious response 193 

Interviews with the gods called Manganito 193 

Charms and magical rites 203 

Charms by actual defense 206 

Charms by substitution 208 

Charms through association by contiguity 213 

Charms having inherent virtue 217 

Ordeal or test 222 

Disease and healing in their supernatural aspects 223 

Diseases that result from breaking tabu 223 

Diseases caused by buso 225 

Diseases caused by the left-hand soul 227 

Methods of healing sickness 229 

By an act of devotion 229 

By magic 230 

By native materia medica 230 

Method of burning 232 

Method of external use without burninjjj 233 

Method of internal use without burning 2,*i4 

Method of wearing or of carrying medicine on the person 234 

Tabu as a factor of the religious life 235 

Ceremonial tabu 236 

Mythical tabu 238 

Class tabu 2-40 

.Esthetic tabu 2^i3 

Omens and dreams 245 

Omens 245 

Dreams 248 

Part IV. JVoblem of soui'ces of ceremonial and myth 250 

Bibliography 279 

Index 28:5 

Pkefatoky Rkmauks 

The Bagobo form one of those Malay cultural groups in the 

> mountainous country of soutlu'astern Mindanao wliich have retained 

^^ their pagan faith in its entirety and have never accepted the religious 

dictates of Islam. During the period wlien the Moro dominated 


the southern coast '^ from Point Tagubum to Zamboanga, the Bagobo, 
like the other wild tribes of the Gulf of Davao, doubtless paid 
tribute to the Mohammedan conquerors, but they retained their 
independence in customs and in worship. Unlike the lowland 
peoples of the west, they would not fuse by conversion and by 
intermarriage with the Moro, though they came into trading rela- 
tions with Moro groups at the coast. In their remote homes on 
mountain peaks, which could be reached only by hard climbing 
through dense and thorny forest growth, the Bagobo remained safe 
from attack, except as, now and then, a few of their number were 
caught and pressed into slavery by the Moro. 

Within the last sixty years, — that is to say since the Spanish 
conquest of the gulf of Davao, — the Bagobo have begun to build 
little villages on the west side of the gulf, and there to establish 
their own cultural conditions. When Datu^ Ali, a chieftain of 
great distinction, died in 1906, he had lived for fifty years in Liibu, 
the old Bagobo name for the present village of Santa Cruz. 

While a coast culture developed that was modifi(»d somewhat by 
Visayan and Moro customs and by n(;w elements from Spanish 
sources, yet, on the whole, the Bagobo at the coast appear to have* 
been but superficially influenced by these vari(ms contacts. They 
have clung tenaciously to the old industrial processes and to the 
ancient forms of worship. There is not to be found that sharp 
dividing line which one would look for between mountain culture 
and coast culture; and particularly is this true on the religious 
side. While there is a considerable range of local variation, not 
onlv between coast and mountain but also between diffen^nt moun- 


tain groups, yet, as a general characterization, it may be said that 

* For a disciiBsion of the Moro conquests in Mindanao, see N. M. Salekry: "Studies in 
Moro History, Law and Religion/* pp. 50 — 61. 1906. 

' Datu, a Malay word for grandfather, is now, as applied to the chiefs, restricted 
to the Moro and the wild tribes; but formerly it was in wide use among the Filipino 
as well. Hlaib and Robertson (The Philippine Islands, vol. IC. p. 157. 1U04) quote 
Pardo de Tavera as saying that the word dafu or daluls, though not in the present day 
vocabulary of the Tagal, primitively signified grandfather or head of the family, the term 
being equivalent to the head of the barangay. The reference is given to 'W H. Pakdu de 
Tavera : Costumbres de los Tagalos, p. 10, note 1. 1892. Cf. also, Hi.AiRand RobektsuN: 
op. cit.t vol. 4, footnote, pp. 184 — 185, for a discussion of the baranyay^ as meaning: 
(1) the slender craft, pointed at both ends and put together with wuoden pegs, that 
formed the distinctive vessel of the Philippines; (2) the small social community of related 
individuals directed by the same eaheza^ or dato, who had been captain of the same 
family group on the barangay in which they had crossed the water to the new home. 


the same rites are celebrated on mountain tops and beside the sea, 
the same tabus are respected, the same precautions taken against 
ghosts and demons. Although the new doctrines and the new 
rites suggested to the Bagobo fresh safeguards against evil spirits, — 
safeguards which might well be added to their already ample collec- 
tion of magic spells and of charm objects, — although they eagerly 
accepted foreign amulets and untried formulae that might, per- 
chance, subdue a fever or expel a cough, there are unmistakable 
signs that even those coast Bagobo who have felt most strongly 
the impelling force of the new forms of worship are at heart as 
sincere pagans as they ever were. In all essentials, they believe 
and think and behave like those remote mountain Bagobo who 
have been scarcely touched by foreign influences. 

Recent history accoimts easily for this situation. The Bagobo 
who have settled at the coast during the last half century have 
come with a religion well organized, and fixed by centuries of 
tradition. Furthermore, there has been continuous and unbroken 
intercourse between the mountain people and the coast people, 
particularly on occasions of ceremonial gatherings and for purposes 
of trade. Intermarriage between mountain Bagobo and coast Bagobo 
has not been lacking. More than this, there has occurred an inter- 
mittent flow of whole families from the hills and from the nearer 
mountains to the coast, and from the sea back to the upland villages, 
in regulated response to a varying pressure of conditions both 
ecclesiastical and economic. Particularly has this pressure been 
operative since the American occupation, on account of the demands 
of labor. Many houses at Santa Cruz, for example, which were 
built and occupied by the Bagobo early in the present century 
were deserted as soon as a return to their little hemp fields on 
the mountain slopes was made possible by a change in the local 

Throughout these fluctuations, the presence of the older chieftains, 
like Ali, Tongkaling, Imbal, Oleng, Yting, and others of no less 
dominating personality, as well as the existence of such permanent 
centers of influence as Talun, Sibuldn and Tubison, has operated to 
preserve the old traditions and the integrity of the tribal religion, 
so that no group at the coast has been swamped by foreign in- 
fluences. During the last few years, however, the death of several 
leading datu, and the transference of entire mountain groups to 
provide native labor for American plantations have been operative 


factors tending, unquestionably, to bring about marked modifications 
in Bagobo culture, sucli as to affect the mountain area almost equally 
with the coast. The disintegration of the whole body of Bagobo 
custom and Bagobo tradition cannot long be held off. 

The material culture of the Bagobo is of a primitive agricultural 
type. The food staples are rice, corn and sweet potatoes; fields are 
cultivated without the aid of animals or of hand plough, for the 
mere burning over of the land gives a soft soil in which holes 
may be made with a digging-stick. In addition to garden products, 
some wild food is secured by hunting and by gleaning. 

The horse and the dog are their domestic animals, while the 
coast Bagobo make use of carabao, or water butfiilo, for dragging 
loads and, to some extent, for riding bareback ; they snare and 
tame jungle fowl. They make a rough pottery and fire it without 
the use of an oven ; they weave baskets and traps and scabbards ; 
they do highly specialized forms of overlacing and coloring of 
hemp, a plant that has been cultivated by the wild tribes since 
prehistoric times, and almost as far back as Bagobo tradition goes. 
At the coast, the women have learned, in addition, to weave im- 
ported cotton in the Visayan manner. 

One would say that th(^ material culture, as a whole, suggested 
that of the pile-dwellings of the Neolithic age, were it not that the 
use of iron (of how recent introduction we do not know) has com- 
pletely supplanted stone implements, and that the industry of casting 
various bronze and brass objects from a wax mould has reached a 
higli degree of artistic skill. 

With this brief introduction, we may pass on to our discussion 
of the Bagobo religion. The ceremonial is closely associated with 
the everyday interests of the people — interests which find expres- 
sion in the ceremonial use of bamboo and of betel, of the fruits of 
the field, of products from loom and from forge. 

The religious material here presented was gathered in 1906 — 7, 
during a personal expedition undertaken for the purpose of investi- 
gating the culture of this tribe. The bulk of the description of 
ceremonial, contained in Part II of this paper, was recorded in the 
native district of Talun, at the village of Mati, * which was situated 
on the summit of Mount Merar, and which could be reached by a 
steady ride of about fourteen hours from the coast, or on foot in 

^ Not to be confused with the town of Mati on the Pacific coast. 


the same time; since the steep grade, as well as the thick jungle, 
made progress by horse as slow as that of the pedestrian. At that 
time, a very primitive culture flourished in those isolated villages 
of Talun, a culture which, in large part, has now passed away. 
It was but a few months after my visit there that the entire grouj) 
composing the village of Mati moved down to the coast. 

Much of the folklore and mythical material was recorded at 
Santa Cruz, a village to which the Bagobo resorted in great num- 
bers, coming from long distances to exchange their hemp for dried 
fish and rice and salt, and to enter their cocks at the little pit. 
There, in the small nipa hut that I occupied, were gathered, day 
by day, Bagobo men and women and young people in considerable 
numbers, representing a large part of the rancherias' of mountain 
and coast where Bagobo settlements existed. Some came occasionally ; 
others, every two or three days. The method of securing material 
which seemed to work most satisfactorily was to reduce questioning 
by a set schedule to a minimum, and, following out the most 
promising lead that presented itself at the moment, to let any 
Bagobo talk on whatever subject pleased him. As a result, my 
material is scanty in some directions; in others, very abundant, 
but there is a compensating advantage for such lack of balance in 
view of the spontaneity with which the information was given me, 
in the pleasant intimacy of frequent intercourse during my stay 
of fourteen months. 

The collection of Bagobo stories recently published in the Journal 
of American Folk-lore*^ form properly a part of the plan of this 
discussion, if the mythology, the ceremonial behavior and the folk- 
tales are to be examined as a unit. 

The ceremonial texts were repeated to me either by the same 
men who had sung or said them, or by other Bagobo who had 
heard them often; the recitations were recorded by me, in Bagobo, 
directly from their lips and have been translated as nearly as 
possible word for word. The prayers at the shrines and the inter- 
views with the anifo were given me at the conclusion of the 
respective devotions or the morning after a night seance, by Islao, 
grandson of Pandia, the mantaman ^ of Bansalan in Talun, and the 

* A name given by the Spaniards to the little hamlets of the pagan peoples. 

* Vol. 26, pp. 18—68. Jan.— Mar., 1918. 

* The assistant datu to a head datu. 


son of a Tuban man. He was a boy well versed in tradition and 
in ceremonial material, a close observer, and possessed of a fair 
knowledge of English. He was present with me at the above- 
mentioned rites, and listened carefully to the formal®, already 
familiar to him from many previous hearings. For purposes of 
checking, I often took the same texts from him both in English 
and in Bagobo. Although the festival at Talun took place after 
I had been for several months with the Bagobo, and could make 
my way fairly in the language so far as everyday conversation 
was concerned, yet, when listening to devotional exercises, it was 
impossible for me to record more than small portions of the text. 
This difficulty was due, in part, to a difference in ceremonial vocab- 
ulary from that used in ordinary affairs; in part, to the necessity 
of giving attention to various ritual activities that were going on 
at the same time. 

It would bo ungracious to omit mention here of my great 
indebtedness to many Bagobo friends who gave me, freely, stories 
and magical devices, as well as explanation of the ceremonies ; who 
entertained me at their homes; who excused my blunders, and who 
helped me in a hundred ways. Chief among these native friends 
are my hosts at Talun: Datu Oleng, Datu Ido, Miyanda and all 
of the members of their large families ; Sambil of Talun, her mother 
and her brother, and others of the village of Mati; my hosts at 
Tubison: Datu Imbal, his wife, their sons and their daughters; 
Datu Yting of Santa Cruz, his wives Soleng and H6bS and his 
son Melanio ; Ayang, Liwawa, Simoona and many other old women ; 
Egianon's family; Kaba and his wife Sugg, and their five sons — 
Tungkaling, Gayo, Uan, Baya and Balusan; and also a great 
number of young people, both girls and boys, who brought me, 
with joyful alacrity, the songs and folklore and traditions that 
they had learned from the old people. 

Introduction. General Characteristics of the 
Religious Attitude of the Bagobo 

The religion of the Bagobo is characterized by the highly sacri- 
ficial nature of public and private ceremonial; by the composite 
make-up of the rites, in which arc blended both offerings of the 
blood of slain victims and agricultural products; by the non-esoteric 
character of the religious life of the community, where the people 


— women, young men, children — are freely admitted as specta- 
tors of almost all ceremonies, and as valued participants in many 
of them. 

Of prime importance are those irregularly periodical assemblages 
of neighboring groups of villages for the celebration of the festival 
known as Ginum^^ at which event sacrifices of human victims or 
of fowls are presented to certain gods; sacred liquor is ceremonially 
drunk; formal lustrations in the river for the expulsion of disease 
take place; rites magically protective against ghosts and demons 
are manipulated; material wealth in garments, ornaments and 
weapons is offered up with the primary intention of obtaining an 
increase of riches; special types of chant and of percussion music 
are performed; festival dances are in order, and social feasting is 
shared in by all present. 

Other ceremonial occasions are incident upon the annual rice 
sowing and the harvest; while still others are associated with in- 
dividual events, such as marriage and burial. It is specially at 
the night gatherings called Manganito^ that the Bagobo may come 
into a more nearly direct and personal relation with the gods. 
Here, various divinities collectively known as manganito speak to 
the people; ask and answer questions, and issue oracles through 
the mouth of some recognized individual — usually a woman — who, 
in the capacity of medium, speaks or sings as she is prompted by 
the spirit for the moment possessing her. 

While group assemblages are of fundamental value in obtaining 
benefits for the participants and in averting from them all disease, 
yet it is noteworthy that the parents of every family, at their own 
house-altar, are accustomed to perform devotions and to make offerings 
for the health and well-being of the members of the household. 

The priesthood is not closely organized, but there are recognized 
several classes of official functionaries among whom ceremonial 
activities are distributed with a fair degree of distinctness, (a) The 
chieftain, called datu^ who is both civil and ecclesiastical head of 
his village or group of villages. It is he who repeats the central 
liturgies of the Ginum festival and offers the sacrifice, and who, 

* Tbe word innm means **Xo drink/' or "a drinking;" g- \% a particle used before 
iaitial Towelip and appears to have a purely formal or a phonetic yalue. 

* Mtmpg', a nominal element with a plural force ; am'io, a god who communicates with 
the people through a medium. 


assisted by prominent old men and a few old women, '® deliberates 
in informal council w^lien any problem arises with njspect to religious 
behavior or to secular activities. The datu is thus preeminently 
the official functionary of the people. (/>) The group of brave 
men called magani^ each of whom has killed one or more persons 
on such occasions and in such manner as is regarded by the com- 
munity as orthodox and justifiable;"'* these men only may cut the 
ceremonial bamboos; they alone are permitted to lay hold of the 
bamboo poles while they recite their exploits, and it is their prerogative 
to wear the chocolate-colored kerchief as a mark of distinction. 
{c) Priest-doctors, who have some knowledge of the art of healing 
by the use of native vegetable products commingled with magic 
spells. Many of these persons are old women, who are summoned 
in cases of sickness, accident and childbirth; certain women of 
distijiction officiate as chief priestesses at tlie harvest ceremonies; 
while others conduct the anito seances, at which times they both 
reply to the questions of the spirits and draw responses from the 
medium to the queries of the people, and afterwards prepare any 
medicine or offering that may be divinely ordered. A few men are 
priest-doctors, and either a man or a woman from this class may 
be called upon to perform the marriage rite. In recognition of such 
an office, a small gift is made to the priest, but the Bagobo are 
in no way burdened by the imposition of heavy ceremonial fees. 
There is to be found in their communities no sign of an autocratic 
shamanistic control '^ on the part of a functionary belonging to any 

»• The Recollect fathers wrote of the natives of the Visayas: "The duties of priest 
were exercised indifferently by both men and women..." Blaiu and Robertson : c»p. ctV., 
vol. 21, p. 208. 1905. The situation among the Bagobo is not quite parallel to this; 
for with them the men-priests have certain functions, the women-priests have certain 
other functions, while still other offices may be performed either by men or by women 
or by both sexes in cooperation. 

^"^Tbe following are recognized as occasions when killing is justifiable: 

a) Human sacrifice, ceremonially performed; cf. under this caption. 

b) The blood-feud. 

c) Slaying a man in a fair fight between two. 

d) The killing of foes in war. 

e) Slaughterini^ the women of a village when the men have all fallen in battle. 

f) A private assassination of an undesirable individual, at the hands of a deputed 
agent acting under commands of his datu. 

* ^ Skeat calls attention to the fact that the shaman among peninsular Malays enjoys 
an exalted rank and a political influence not accorded to him by the wild tribes of the 
islands. Cf, Malay magic, p. 59. 1900. 


one of these official religious classes, {(l) Mediums, by whose 
instrumentality alone messages from the unseen beings can be 
regularly transmitted. A medium may also have ceremonial offices 
of a more formal character to perform, such as effusing candidates 
with water shaken from medicinal twigs in the rite of pamalugu.'- 
If all the intermediaries with the spirits were old people, we might 
simply call them a specialized variety of priest-doctors; but the 
fact is that some young men give oracles at the seances, and young 
men are not ordinarily called upon to perform priestly offices. 

Formal worship of the gods is carried on at fixed altars or at 
temporary shrines of recognized types, where fruits of the field and 
manufactured products are placed, or the slain victim is ceremo- 
nially offered up. But acceptable devotions may be performed by the 
wayside or in the forest, merely by laying on the ground anareca- 
nut *^ and a betel-leaf, ^* with a word of prayer to some divinity. 

The gods*"' of the Bagobo may be roughly grouped, in part, 
with reference to traditional concepts associated with them and, 
in part, as touching those human interests to which their charac- 
teristics make appeal, namely: (1) Gods of exalted rank who are 
felt to be remote from human affairs, from whom neither help nor 
harm is to be looked for, and to whom, therefore, no devotions are 
addressed; (2) Divine beings closely associated with man's interests 
and the objects of his worship, among whom are nature spirits and 
war-gods and protectors of home and field and industry. At this 
point, it will suffice to mention briefly the names of Pamulak Manobo, 
creator of the earth ; Tigyama, guardian of the home ; Tarabumi^, 
god of the crops; the Tolus, a class of omniscient beings who are 
in charge of special forms of worship and of particular industries; 
the Malaki t'Olu k'Waig, *^ a divine man whose home is at the 
mythical source of all the mountain streams, and to whom the 
Bagobo may freely turn in sickness and in perplexity; and the 
Mandarangan, who inspire men with fierce courage and who love 
to drink the blood of the slain. 

Yet less concerned is the Bagobo with gods than with demons, 
so far as the routine of daily life is involved. Countless pains and 

'* For an account of the ceremony of Pamalugu, see Part II, p. 117 — 123. 
' ' Jreea caieehu. See footnote 165. 

* * Piper betel See footnote 166. 

* * For a characterization of the Yarious classes of divine beings, see pp. 15 — 29. 
'* For the etymology of this name, see footnote 41. 


miseries come to him through the direct manipulation of those fiends 
called buso'^ who, in all events, must be propitiated by oiferings, 
tricked by subterfu^^, banished by magical rites. These evil beings, 
some anthropomorphic, some zoomorphic, dominate the Bagobo's 
attitude toward life and toward death, and keep him constantly 
on the watch lest he be out-mancBuvred, and thus become a prey to 
bodily suffering. 

Of the two souls that are recognized as inhabiting every human 
body, the one on the left side, called gimokml Vebang^ '^ becomes 
a buso at death; this is the bad soul. The right-hand or good 
soul, called yimokud tn-kairnnaft^ *^ goes to the Great Country 
lielow the earth and there lives forever, engaged in the same activ- 
ities as those of earth and, except for the shadowy nature of all 
phenomena, in a like environment to that of this world. 

Disease is always referred to a supernatural agent who attacks 
the human body, either through direct possession or by means of 
a baneful influence which, though often.- -working at a distance, is 
transmitted by some potent force. To forestall the chances of sick- 
ness, the behavior of a Bagobo is checked or re-directed by rigid 
prohibitions at many points, each of which prohibitions has come 
to be associate<l with a specific penalty attached to a hypothetical 
transgression. The central motive in a large number of the religious 
ceremcmies performed by the Bagobo is the expulsion of disease and 
the prevention of death, such matters being subject to control 
and to influence along definite lines. 

The character of individual existence after death, on the other 
hand, cannot be determined or modified by ceremonial behavior, 
however scrupulous the exactness with which the rite is performed. 
Traditi(mal accounts of what goes on in the country of the dead 
fonn simply another chapter in the annals of mythical narrative, 
which is accepted without question as familiar truth. 

' * For a discussion of the baso, see pp. 29 — 43. 

'• Gimokud, "soul;" ^fioj, "the;" ebanp, "left, left-hand.*' See pp. 58—61. 

•• Ta-fiqJ, "the;" kawanoH, "right, right-hand." Sec pp. 60—58. 

Part I. Mythological Concepts 



The number of supernatural beings that figure in Bagobo mythology 
and that form the main source of stimulation for ceremonial rites 
must reach an extremely high count. At present we know but 
few of these mythical personalities, even by name, and only a very 
long and intimate acquaintance with the people, with their cere- 
monies, and with their oral literature, would enable one to make 
a satisfactory analysis of the polytheistic system. In reply to a 
question touching this matter, any well-informed Bagobo will prob- 
ably give the names of several gods, and remark that there are 
**no more." Presumably, at the moment, there are no more present 
in his consciousness. Yet, when the investigator has even limited 
opportunities of assisting at Bagobo ceremonies; of listening to 
mythical tales; of learning little songs; of joining in the spontaneous 
talk of the young people, the mention of one and another divine 
being, each in a natural setting, gives something like familiarity 
with a few of the gods, and suggests that the larger number of 
them still await discovery. 

What we do find is a number of divine personalities whose in- 
dividual characteristics can often be identified with such associations 
as would be made, perhaps non-reflcctively, by the Bagobo in the 
daily activities of work and combat and worship, or in connection 
with those emotional responses that natural phenomena would draw 
forth. We have here a people whose simple agricultural existence — 
spent in the care of hemp and rice and corn, and in the enjoyment 
of family relations that are remarkably pure and tender — is varied 
by sacrificial acts of (to us) relentless cruelty and of not infrequent 
occurrence. We find, correspondingly, supernatural individuals who 


seem to be identified, more or loss completely, with these wide- 
ranging interests of the Bagobo. Yet many of these gods may be 
of foreign origin, for the chances for the diffusion of religious cul- 
ture in tliis entire area have bet»n considerable for a long period; 
and gods borrowt^d from other peoples drift easily into places where 
they hold a permanent relation to the native gods and to the 
native worshipers. At the same time, a simple ritual while growing 
slowly into an organized scheme stimulates the appearance of 
newly-ori»ated beings with the functions of supernatural agencies, as 
soon as the nt»ed for them rises into consciousness. It is clear 
enough that investigations into the native cultures of the Islands, 
and of their relations to adjoining cultures, are as yet in too rudi- 
mentary a stage for us to determine definitely which of the unseen 
beings reverenced by the Biigobo are i»xotic and which are indig- 

The Sanscrit-Malay word diimtu^ which has long binm in wide 
use by many tribes throughout the Philippine Islands, is employed 
by tlio Bagobo in reference to all of the gods, or to any one god, 
but it has no specific content.-^ On hearing casual remarks like 
the following, from various persons, one is k^l at first to infer 
that diwata is some particular divine being: "Diwata cares for the 
rice;" "Diwata watches over the sun, the moon, the stars, and all 
the people;" ** Diwata is a good manobo who lives in the sky;" 
** Diwata is the highest god.*' In the first statement, however, the 
diwata meant is Tarabum^; in the seccmd, Pamulak Manobo is verv 
possibly ret'erred to; the *^good manobo"* in the sky may be one 
of several deities, while the "highest god'' suggests Siilamiawan or 
Lumabat or, perhaps, Pamulak Manobo. 

I should take with some caution any stat(»ment tliat assigned one 
or another of the supernatural personaliti(»s to the rank of "the 
suprenu^ god of the Bagobo." It all (iej>ends upon the point of 
view of the? Bagobo who happens to be talking. The story-teller 

'"This seems to be the ordinary Malay coQDotAtioa of the word. Favre defines 
deicata as, "conditiou divine, jes dicux." Dictionnaire malais-francais, vol. 1, p. 848. 1875. 

Mr. Cole, on the contrary, has reached the conclusion that the diwata are "a class 
of numerous spirits who serve Euirpamolak Manobo.*' "The wild tribes of Davao district, 
Mindanao." Field Museum of Natural History: Publication 170, Anthropological series, 
vol. 12, no. 2, p. 107. 1913. 

This very intcrestinu: work has come to hand too late for discussion in the body of 
my paper; but in time, fortunately, for the incorporation of a part of Mr. Cole's valuable 
material in the form of footnotes, «o that a wider comparative viewpoint may be gained. 


who gave me the myth of Lumabat wound up by saying that, 
after entering heaven, "he became the greatest of all the diwata.'* 
At another time the same young man mediatively proffered the 
remark that he thought Salamiawan was the highest god. That 
many Bagobo regard Pamulak Manobo, in his function of creator, 
as the supreme divinity, is undoubtedly true; but I have been 
present at a ceremony when the aged celebrant addressed the Malaki 
t'Olu k'Waig as ^'the head of all the anito," and this god is appealed 
to, again and again, as the all-knowing and the all-powerful helper. 
Yet it is not to any one of the above-named spirits, but toward 
Mandarangan and the Tolus ka Balekat that the central ritual acts 
of the fundamental ceremonies are directed. 

Therefore, in speaking of the composition of the Bagobo pantheon, 
I shall make no attempt to place the supernatural beings according 
to rank, but shall try to cluster them with a view to their special 
functions as determined by the interests of the Bagobo, or in relation 
to mythical associations. Two main groups may be recognized: — 

A. The myth-gods of the nine heavens; 

B. Gods associated with human interests. 

Myth-God^ of the Nine Hear ef is 

Above the sky is a region of indefinite topography in whicli lie 
nine heavens, perhaps one directly above another, perhaps spread 
out more or less irregularly in space. They are inhabited by a 
considerable number of diwata and are ruled over by nine deities, 
some male, some female, of whom one hears occasionally in the 
songs and in mythical romances. Two or three of them were once 
mortals.'-^ All of the diwata in these upper regions exist bliss- 
fully, without ever experiencing hunger, yet able to sumuKm food 
magically by a word; chewing betel like the Bagobo; riding on 
horses and sailing in boats; living in houses built on the con- 
ventional Malay pattern. The manner of this celestial life is not 
very clearly visualized by the Bagobo, nor does it at all concern 
them, for the diwata of the nine heavens have only an abstract 

* ' The Sarasin brother! note that ia Minahassa the gods who have their dwellings ou 
mountain-tops, in water-falls, among great trees or under the earth, are simply deified 
herous of antiquity. C/, Reisen in Celebes, vol. 1, p. 44. 1905. 


interest for man. So far as my observation goes, worship is not 
directed toward these myth-gods, '•** and sacrifices are not offered 
to them. Of gifts of rice and sugar cane wine they apparently 
have no need, for they are without bodily wants; perhaps worship 
would be wasted on them, since they pay so little attention to the 
affairs of man, and seem to exert no influence, either malign or 

The god of the first heaven is Lumabat, one of the first of 
mortals to achieve the sky. A myth relates that he alone, of a 
large family who started for the sky-country, succeeded in jumping 
between the sharp edges of the horizon as it opened and closed in 
rapid sequence; and that one of the diwata above the sky changed 
him into a god by cutting out his alimentary canal, so that he 
hungered no more. ^^ One tradition says that he became the greatest 
of all the diwata.-* The second heaven is presided over by Sala- 
miawan, who, in his turn, is sometimes called ^the greatest god of 
all.'* His home is in "the shrine of the sky'* (tamhara*^ ka latigit)^ 
which is mentioned in one of the mythical romances that I have 
heard Bagobo women recite. A quotation from this story will be 
found below, in connt^ction with the reference to Tangulili. Sala- 
miawan married Bia-t'odan of the fiftli heaven. Ubnuling rules 
over the third heaven; he is the father of Pangulili of the ninth 
celestial region. The divine rulers of the fourth, the fifth, the 
sixth and the seventh heav(*ns ar(» women. Tiun is goddess of the 
fourth heaven; shv is a virgin {dariuju) and is elder sister to 

* ' According to Rizal, the chief deity of the Tagal i)eople was not the object ot wor- 
ship. He says, ''it appears that temples were never dedicated to daiAala maykaptU, nor 
was sacrilice ever oflered to him." Blair and Robertson: op. cit,, vol. 16, p. 183. 1904. 

''A similar episode occurs in Indian myth, in the story in which the hero laya of 
himself that 'when he had attained the divine nature, from that moment bis banger and 
thirst disappeared.' C/. Somadeva: The Katha Sarit Sagara; tr. by C. H. Tawmit, vol. 1, 
p. 36. 1880. 

'" For the details of Lumabat's adventures and of his deification, see L. W. Bbm edict : 
"Bagobo myths." Jour. Am. Folk-lore, vol. 26, pp. 20—24. Jan.-Mar., 1918. 

According to one of the traditions collected by Spanish missionaries, Lumabat "represents 
tbc divine name of this hero, who, on earth, bore the name of Tagadium." According to 
another story, Lumabat and Tagadium were two different individuals. Cf. F. Blumen- 
TLTri: Vocabulario mitologico, pp. 73 — 74. 1895. (Bound with W. E. Uetaka: Arehioo 
del bibliojHo Jilipino, vol. 2, 1896). 

*^ Tambara, a house altar consisting of a bamboo standard and a white bowl — a shrine 
which is fully described in Part IF, pp. 87 — 90; ka, prep, "of;** Itugit, **8ky,*' "heaven.** 
See p. 17 for further mention of Salamiawau. 


Kadeyuna. In the fifth heaven reigns the divine lady, Bia-t'odan,*° 
«pouse of Salamiawan, who himself is sometimes assigned to the 
fifth heaven. This apparent confusion is easily explained in view 
of the Bagobo custom requiring a newly married man to take up 
a temporary residence, at least, at the parental home of his bride. 
There is a little song containing the lines: "Go to the city far 
away, to a sky above this sky .... where Diwata rides the heavens 
in a banca'^^^ — a reference which is said to indicate the fifth 
heaven. The sixth heavenly region is ruled by one whose name 
is Bia-ka-pusud-an-langit, ^^ a word-cluster which means, ^'Lady of 
the navel of heaven." Kadeyuna, queen of the seventh heaven, is 
the younger sister of Tiun, and wife of Malaki Lunsud, one of the 
heroes of romantic tales. Malaki Lunsud presides over the eighth 
heaven. The name Lunsud is that of a great town known in the 
prehistoric days of fable, and in the old story, "Adventures of 
the Tuglay," ^'^ there are many men bearing the name of Malaki 
Lunsud that figure as characters in the action. The one who 
presides over the eighth heaven married the goddess Kadeyuna, 
but the myth of how he achieved divinity for himself is yet to be 
unrolled. Pangulili is god of the ninth heaven; he is the son of 
Ubnuling, the ruler of the third heaven. In the romance above- 
mentioned, we find the following reference to Pangulili and Sala- 

"After these exploits, the Malaki t*01u k*Waig went on his way . . . From 
the mountain peaks, exultant over his foes, he gave a good war cry that 
re-echoed through the mountains, and went up to the ears of the gods. 
Pangulili and Salamiawan heard it from their home in the Shrine of the 
Sky ( Tamhara ka Langit), and they said : * Who chants the song of war ... 7 
Without doubt, it is the Malaki t'Olu k'Waig, for none ofall the other malaki 
could shout just like that'.'' ^ 

The attitude of the Bagobo toward the myth-gods of the nine 
heavens suggests that these gods are not of native origin,^* but 

** Bia, ''lady;" tY^<iJ* *'the;*' odan, a word which sometime! has the meaniDg of "a 
shower;'* bat it is qaestionable whether this divinity is associated with raia. 

*' Boats of the dag-out type, some of which have out-riggers. 

•■ Utiud, "navel"; -on, a locative particle; langii, "heaven." 

»• C/, Jour. Am. Folk-lore. vol. 26, pp. 83—84. 1918. 

»• Ibid., p. 28. 

* ' For Skeat*s discassion of this question in connection with the peninsnlar If alays, 
€/, his Malay magic, p. 85. 1900. "The evidence of folk-lore, taken in conjnnctiou with 
that sapplied by charm-books and romances, goes to show that the greater gods of the 



probably imported divinities, whose place is in song and in romance 
and whose interest for the Bagobo is purely of a literary sort, 
like that of characters in a story-book. 

Gods Associated with Human Interests 

In intimate relation to the daily life of the Bagobo, we find the 
names of many unseen beings who have charge of the physical 
world ; who act as divine protectors and helpers of man ; who direct 
industries; who stimulate brave men to fight; and who, in their 
several departments, receive the prayers and gifts of the people. 
Nature-spirits, as such, are not readily separated from the guardians 
of industry, for their provinces and functions are closely associated. 
The gods of rivers, the gods of mountains, the gods of the sky 
and of vegetation tend to be characterized, as groups, by a typical 
behavior which answers directly to some corresponding human 

In any discussion of Bagobo animism, it will be observed that 
very many, perhaps the larger number, of supernatural beings 
associated with natural objects and with physical phenomena are 
evil spirits who, under the names of buso or tigbanud, are pro- 
pitiated at wayside shrines. It is far from easy to distinguish the 
buso from the nature-gods — a difficulty that is emphasized by 
the use that many Bagobo make of the word dios. Even mountain 
Bagobo, who visit the coast and have caught up a word or two of 
Spanish, find dios a convenient and flexible term to designate any 
unseen personality, w^hether a friendly god or a malignant demon: 
the diwata are dios, but a buso also mav be called dios. In the 
secluded mountain home of Datu Imbal, at Tubison, the young 
girls led me from onc^ to another of the out-of-door shrines, and 
pointed out this one as belonging to the dios ha fana^'^ (god of 
the ground), and that one as sacred to the dios ka ivaig (god of 
water). The impression made upon me was that of altars erected 
to beneficent nature deities; but later, at Talun, when observing 
the devotions performed before shrines answering exactly to those 
at Tubison, the possible significance of dios, as they had used the 

Malay Pantheon, thoagh modified in some respects by Malay ideas, were really borrowed 
Hinda divinities, and that only the lesser gods and spirits are native to the Malay 
religions system. 

• » Ka, prep, "of;" tana^ "earth" in the sense of "ground," or "soil," but never "the world."^ 


word, occurred to me. That those shrines were dedicated to the 
tigbanud of the ground, the tigbanud of the water, etc., is quite as 
likely as that they belonged to nature-gods. However, one is 
helped out by the phrase niudiger tnanobo (good person) or malaki — 
terms commonly used by the Bagobo in referring to a god — as well 
as by the description given of the spirit's behaviour and functions. 

The Bagobo creator is Pamulak Manobo, ^^ who made the earth, 
the sky, the heavenly bodies, the trees and small plants, and 
all races of men. He takes care of every tribe known to the 
Bagobo — except the hostile Moro, abhorred by wild tribes and 
rigorously excluded from the divine protection. When a Bagobo 
says: "Diwata made the world," he means us to understand Pa- 
mulak Manobo. On ceremonial occasions, one hears devotional reci- 
tations made to this much-loved god, and as a desired guest he is 
summoned to a festival. Some form of relief is confidently expected 
from him in answer to prayer; and indeed a deeper emotion may 
make itself apparent. I have heard an old man speak with real 
gratitude of Pamulak Manobo, as the one who had made the earth 
and the sky — something which no human being could have done. 
It should be noted, however, that to Pamulak Manobo pacificatory 
rites are not paid, ^* nor are bloody sacrifices offered before him, 
because with him there is no association of dread or fear. 

Manama is a deity referred to as "a person in the clouds," but 
his characteristics are not specified. At Sibulan, Cole^*' found this 
deity identified with Pamulak Manobo. Blumentritt, ^* quoting a 
Spanish writer not named, says that 'Manama, called also Uguis- 
manama, is a god of the Bagobos, who preserves all and who 
punishes the bad and rewards the good'. 

In very intimate relation to man, stands Tigyama, ^® protector 
of the household and healer of the sick. The word yama in the 

* * Famula is the general tenn for growing plants, and it is possible 4hat the name 
of this god should be written PamulO'ka'manobo (Plants for man), or the Plant-Man. The 
preposition ka has a number of different meanings, as related to the context. 

'* It has been noted that no worship of any sort, either of praise or of pacificatioUi is 
paid to the gods of the nine heavens. 

*«' Philippine Jour, of Sci., toI. 6. p. 132. 1911. 

** Cf, his Diccionario mitologico de tilipinas, p. 79. 1895. (Bound with W. E. Retana: 
ArchiTo del bibli6filo tilipino, ?ol. 2. 1896.) 

** Father Gisbert understood Tigyama to be the creator. "God, Tiquiama, is very 
good, they say, and has created all things, although he has been aided by other small 
gods who are under his guidance . . ." Blair and Robertson : qp. d/., vol. 48, p. 286. 1906. 


Bagobo dialect carries the idea of *^something to be taken care of,'* 
*a pet," like a tame bird. I have seen a boy pull from a snare a 
little wood-pigeon and hold it to his breast with a caressing touch, 
as he murmured, ^'It is my yama." He had caught the bird in 
order to cage, to tame and to care for it. Tigyama means "One 
who takes care of or protects." Like Pamulak Manobo, Tigyama 
is lovingly summoned to come and be present at a ceremony;'^ a 
little hanging altar, also called tigyama^ is placed in many Bagobo 
houses, and on it betel is laid for this god when anybody in the 
family falls sick. ^^ It is possible that Tigyama is a divinity 
borrowed originally from Indian myth and given somewhat different 
attributes, for, in the Vcdas and in the Sagas, Yama was god of 
the dead. ^^ The character of the Bagobo Tigyama seems more 
nearly identical with that of Yima of Mazdeism, *^ the protector of 
the Iranians and the mythical founder of their postdiluvian culture. 
Among the chief of those unseen beings that care for the Bagobo, 
there is a divine man called Malaki t'Olu k'Waig*^ who, unques- 
tionably, represents the highest ideal of goodness and of purity, as 
the native visualizes that ideal. He figures as a hero in mythical 
romance, where, indeed, one finds many malaki t'olu k'waig, who 
go through remarkable adventures and achieve distinction. On the 
devotional side, however, all of these fabulous characters are fused 
into the impersonation of one beloved individual, whose home is 
associated with a legendary spring far up in the mountains which 
is called "the source of the waters." Here two rivers are said to 
take their rise, and it is just at the point where the two streams 
separate tliat the Malaki t'Olu k'Waig lives. He is the great 

* "* See Ceremony of Pamalugu, Part II. 

"See Various types of Altar, Part II. 

*• Cf. Somadeva: Katha Sarit Sagara, tr. by C. H. Tawney, vol. 2. p. 188. 1884. 
In the story, SinhaTikrama is led off by Death to the hall of Yama, where he is to be 
judged. See also *'A funeral hymn," in the Rigveda, where the following lines occur. 
"To him that passed along great heights and sought out a path for many, Vifas¥aiit*8 
son, the gatherer of men, Yama the king, to him bring worship and oflfering." Peter 
Peterson (tr.): Hymns from the Rigveda, p. 288. 1888. In the same hymn, the by- 
standers are thus addressed: "Stand aside, go away, disperse, the fathers have made this 
place for him, furnished with days and waters and nights: Yama will give him rest." 
lb. p. 289. 

^'^ Cf. James Darmesteter (ed.): The Zendavesta; part I, The Vendidild, pp. Iviii — lix. 
1895. (Sacred books of the East, vol. 4). 

•^^ Malaki, "good man;" i*OoJ, "the;" k'CkaJ, «of;" icaig, "water:** the Divine Man 
(or the god) at the Source of the Waters. . . 


healer, and to his home are carried all the diseases which the 
Bagobo, by magic rites, have coaxed into leaf-dishes or into little 
manikins. Here, at the mythical spring, the Malaki destroys all 
sickness that is sent to him. He winds one end of a string, or 
fibre, aroimd the neck of each disease, ties the other end to some 
post or tree, and quickly strangles the disease. The Malaki t'Olu 
k'Waig is believed to know the whole world; he never sleeps; 
he answers prayer wherever offered. The range of his influence 
is now generously extended to include even recently-known foreign- 
ers, for I was] told that if I, while praying in the United States, 
should ask anything of the Malaki, he would give me an answer. 
In ceremonies**- on the mountains, this god is invoked again and 
again — indeed, there is no other divine person who is so often 
appealed to for help, who is so frequently mentioned in song and 
story, or who is so affectionately regarded by all of the Bagobo. 

There is also a family of gods — a male deity, his wife, and 
two children — known as Olu k'Waig, and associated with the 
mountain streams. All of them are said to be extremely small in size, 
but otherwise they are not definitely described, although it is 
currently reported that Datu Yting once caught sight of them on 
the mountain trails. In spite of the identity in name, they do not 
appear to be traditionally associated with the Malaki t'Olu k'Waig. 

There is said to be **a Bagobo god who lives everywhere" and 
is called Tambara. This is the name given to the bamboo prayer- 
stand found in many Bagobo houses, yet I have heard but a single 
mention of a divine personality called by the same name. While 
possibly this extremely common type of altar was once associated 
primarily with the worship of the god Tambara, it is certain that 
its use is not now so limited, for tambara are set up in honor 
of many different spirits. 

A supernatural protector to whom at least one ceremonial chant 
is addressed is Duma-Tango, who is otherwise called, **the god 
who keeps the people," and a shrine is sometimes set up in the 
festival house for this divinity. The word duma is variously used 
to mean companion, wife, or husband, and it is possible that Duma- 
Tango will eventually be found to be related to one of the 
other Bagobo deities, for we have to bear in mind, continually, 
the Malay fondness for paraphrase and for indirect allusions. 

*»S60 Part n. 


Yalatandin (var. Yanatandin) is a diwata whose office it is to 
protect solitary women in the meadows, and to permit no man to 
molest them. In one Bagobo song, there is a reference, in highly 
allegorical language, to a maiden alone in a field where the blades 
of rank cogon grass *^ are sharp like needles; but from whose sting 
she is saved when Yalatandin spreads over the ground a richly- 
embroidered textile, the tambayang^ for her to lie down upon. 

One other mythical person associated with the meadow grass is 
called Malaki Lisu Karan,** who, from his name, would be con- 
ceived to live in the very densest part of the tall, waving, cogon 
growth. He is mentioned in the songs together with malaki who 
live in various species of bamboo. 

Of high importance in relation to daily life, is TSlrabum^, ** 
who cares for the growing rice and for the hemp plants, and who, 
if the ritual at planting is properly performed, gives an abundant 
rice crop.*® The beautiful ceremonial called mariimmaSj with its 
waving of plumes and its striking of clappers is carried on for the 
pleasure of T&rabumg. "We make the digging-stick pretty to please 
T&rabumS; when the clapper goes, he can hear the pretty sound." 
"Diwata makes the rice and the hemp grow; he lives in the sky;" 
and again, in this connection the Bagobo say that they mean 

In close association with the industry of casting brass, stands the 
god Paneyangen, another so-called good manobo, of huge size, who 
dwells far up on the mountains where he protects the swarms of 
wild bees that hive in the flowering trees. That the comb-building 
and the honey-making of the bees should go on unmolested and 
under divine care, is of vital interest to the Bagobo, for the young 
men must secure wax for the moulds used in the process of casting 
bells, betel-boxes, armlets and leglets. The honey gathered with 
the wax is a favorite article of diet, and the young bees are 
relished too, the tablet-shaped comb containing the newly hatched 

** CopoH saeekaruM koenigii a meadow grass that grows rankly in the mountaina of 
Mindanao, large areas of it alternating with dense forests. 

**JK«», "pit, kernel, center;" karan, "meadow grass." 

* * The same name is recorded by Mr. Cole as Taragomi, Op, cii , ^, 85. 

*• The Recollect fathers wrote of the Calamianes, in 1624, that "they adored a doity 
who resembled Ceres, to whom they commended their fields and offered their fruits." 
Blaib and Bobbbtson; op, eit,, toI. 21, p. 228. 1905. The ceremonial at ice sowing is 
described in Part II. 


bees being lightly toasted and dipped into liquid honey, or eaten 
unbrowned. Thus the office of Paneyangen, as protector of the 
bees, is a highly important one and a special dance, performed by 
one girl alone, is danced in his honor. Several legendary episodes 
cluster about bees, which are visualized in the myths as white. *^ 

The god who controls success in the hunt is Abog (var. Ubog), 
an old man with a big belly who is engaged much of the time in 
killing game. He is reputed to have his home on the small island 
named Samal, in the gulf of Davao, and here he keeps a great 
«tore of bows and arrows for shooting the wild boar and the deer, 
which he brings down in great numbers. Offerings of arrows are 
made to him by the Bagobo, and in return he helps them to 
track and to spear their game. 

Certain interesting water-gods, known as Gamo-Gamo, are distin- 
guished in bodily aspect by mermaid characters, though they behave 
in a different manner from the traditional mermaid. The female 
gpamo-gamo are divinities of little streams, while the gamo-gamo 
men are in charge of large rivers. Both sexes are human down 
to the waist; below that, fish — resembling a big fish called mung- 
agat. In the test for theft, these river-people seize the guilty 
one, and torment him with pricks from their sharp iron punches. 
Another type of gamo-gamo is a good manobo who lives in the 
ocean, and takes care of large vessels. He is said to be of enor- 
mous height, with a head as high as a Bagobo man's full stature. 

Gods of the sky*® are Sebandal and Salangayd. There is a 
beautiful dance called salangayd that I saw performed by Salimdn, 
one of the most artistic dancers on the mountains. They said it 
was done for the sky-god, Salangayd. Another pretty dance is 
-executed by one girl for the ** God-brother in the sky," who, it 
was explained to me, is brother to girls only, and is hence called 
Ug-Tub^. *^ A myth accounting for the origin of the "god-brother" 
is yet to be discovered. 

^ * Id an unpubliahed manaseript, I have a song that refen to a certain malaki who 
was nartared by a white bee. Note also a Spanish Tersion of the story of Lnmabat 
which represents this hero as passing up into heaven escorted by a swarm of white bees. 
Cf. F. BLumHTftrrr: Diccionario mitologico, p. 78. 1896. 

* " The Bagobo very commonly speak of this or of that divinity as a "god in the sky," 
withoat specific limitation as to place. 

* * A word indicating the relationship between sister and brother, each of whom is 
iuht to the other. The prefix ug appears to have a purely formal or a phonetic value. 


Mountain-gods are Renerungen and Sindar. Of Sindar wc know 
nothing. Renerungan is the name of a family of friendly gods — 
a man, his wife, and four children. 

Another supernatural being associated with the mountains is 
Tagamaling, "^^ who is, traditionally, a god on the alternate months 
only, and at other times a demon. In a later chapter,'* under the 
caption, ^the Demons called Buso,'' Tagamaling finds his place, 
but he ought to be mentioned at this point because he is god half 
of the time, and one hears him mentioned with the other dios of 
the mountains. As the special protector, too, of deer and of pigs, 
Tagamaling cannot be excluded from the spirits that are closely 
related to the interests of the Bagobo. Primarily, there are two 
chief tagamaling, a male god and his wife, but, according to folk- 
lore, there must be very many spirits by that name. 

The gods ruling over the ground and the air are known as Linug^ 
some of whom are male, some female; the former being in charge 
of large areas of ground, while the latter are rulers of small sections 
of land. As linug is also the word for earthquake, it may be in- 
ferred that these divinities are held responsible for all tremblings 
and convulsions of the earth, although I did not hear a statement 
to that effect. 

The names of two deities are forbidden to the lips of the Bagobo : 
the god of fire and the god of the sea. Old men at Tubison, while 
mentioning other gods, told me that, if they should speak the name 
of the god of fire, the buso would come; and that they must not 
utter the name of the god of the sea. In one corner of the Long 
House at Tubison, I noticed a bamboo prayer-stand (tambara), set 
up for a divinity of the fire (apuy); but no other bit of evidence 
has come under my observation that would justify us in calling 
the Bagobo ^'fire-worshippers," as reputed.*^ Fire does not appear 
to be held by them as a sacred object to any greater extent than 
streams or trees or dense thickets may chance to be so regarded, though 
it is true that spirits throng the earth and the air in such numbers 
that any interesting phenomenon, like a flame, is likely to be 
referred to a supernatural agency. The reverence of the Bagobo 
for the names of fire-deities and sea-deities may be an extraneous 

• • See pp. 85—86. 
••See p. 29. 

* * Cf. United Sutes Bureau of the Ceusus : Census of the Philippine Islands, vol. ] , 
p. 561. 1905. 


element, possibly due to some very early dissemination of an Indo- 
Iranian tradition of the sacredness of the four elements. It has 
been noted, however, in preceding paragraphs, that gods of earth, 
of air, of fresh water, are freely mentioned, and that one gamo- 
gamo is associated with marine life. 

We have now to consider the Mandarangan, a class of war-gods'^ 
of very high rank who, in their ceremonial capacity and in their 
relation to individuals, are of first-rate importance. Ordinarily, one 
hears only the chief of these war-gods mentioned, Mandarangan 
proper, who is the mighty god of warriors, as well as of all brave 
men who have actually taken human life in fair fight or by the 
orders of the datu, and thus are privileged to wear the peculiar 
kerchief known as tankulu. Mandarangan is one of the divinities 
to whom the higher rites of the ceremonial are paid,** and for 
whose pleasure human sacrifices are offered. He is called "the 
God of the Sky for Men," but he is conceived to live at will on 
Mount Matutun** and on Mount Apo. *® He fills a man's heart 
with fierce courage stimulating him to fight, and thus give blood 
to him (Mandarangan) to drink ; and any man who has killed many 
persons is under the special protection of Mandarangan. In part, 
because of his residence on the volcano Apo; in part, because of 
his love for blood, there has been some tendency among those 
Spanish priests who have left documents on native customs to 
identify Mandarangan with Buso, ^^ but his personality stands out 
sharply distinct from that of Buso. Carefully it was explained to 
me that Mandarangan eats the fiesh of those only who have been 
slain in fight, and of victims oifered in sacrifice; while Buso, on 
the contrary, eats any dead body that he can get hold of, whether 

* ' The Calamianes are said to haTe ''worshiped ... a petty deity who resembled 
Mars, in order to gain protection in their battles." Blajr and Robebtsom : op. eii., 
▼ol. 21, p. 228. 1906. 

* ^ See index for references to Mandarangan. 

* * An extinct volcano, jnst north of Saraugani bay. 

* * An active volcano in southern Mindanao, and the highest peak in the Philippines, 
with a height of 10, 812 feet. C/. Censas of the Philippine Islands, vol. 1, pp. 71, 202. J 905. 

* * Popular writers, as well as missionaries, have drawn the inference that Mandarangan 
is "a devil" and "responsible for all ailments." See A. H. Savage Landor: "The Gema 
of the East," p. 862. 1904. So far, however, from being in any manner identified with 
evil, Mandarangan is represented as placing himself in opposition to evil in the combat 
with Base. Mandarangan's presence is desired in the ceremonial house, where food and 
drink and entertainment are prepared for him; while every art is used to drive away the 
bnso from the festival. C/. section, "the DemoQS caUed Buso," pp. 29—48. 


the death has occurred by sickness or by violence. Mandarangan, 
according to tradition, often fights with Buso and invariably puts 
the mean demon to flight. 

There is a belief, not precisely formulated, in the existence of a 
great number of minor spirits also called mandarangan, that are 
closely related to those Bagobo men who have distinguished them- 
selves by exploit. It is said that a mandarangan lives in the head 
of a brave man and that this is what makes him brave. ^When 
the brave man is asleep at night,'' Islao told me, ^the mandarangan 
stands under the house, under the bed. When you go out, he goes 
too; when you come back, he comes too." 

As Mandarangan is called ^'God of the Sky for Men," there is 
correspondingly a "God of the Sky for Women," whose name is 
Tot-dardgo. This is, undoubtedly, the same spirit that was called 
by Father Gisbert, Darago^ and was by him identified with Manda- 
rangan. This investigator makes practically no distinction between 
the war-gods and the demons, any more than between Mandarangan 
and Darago, according to his letter of July 26, 1886. **There is 
no rancheria in which they do not annually make their feasts to 
the demon — Busao, Mandarangan, or Darago, for they are wont 
to give him these and many other names.... There... they drink 
toasts . . in honor of the great Darago, whom they promise to follow 
and honor forever, offering to him, as did their ancestors, the blood 
of many human victims, so that he may be their friend and aid 
them in their wars."*'' I heard Dariigo's name coupled closely 
with that of Mandarangan, and mentioned as holding a like relation 
to women as his toward men; but while Mandarangan's name was 
constantly used in connection with the ceremonies, I rarely heard an 
allusion to Dariigo. I am inclined to the opinion, however, that 
she is included in the honors paid to Mandarangan at sacrificial 

There remains to be discussed a class of omniscient beings whose 
personal names, perhaps through fear of desecration, are never 
mentioned, but who are invariably referred to as Tolus, '^ a word 
which is explained as meaning "One w^ho knows everything." 

*'Blais and Robertson: op. eii., vol. 48, p. 249. 1906. 

* * The derived adjective, wuUoltu, is applied to great heroes of romance who have 
aaperhaman aDderstanding and who slay a maltitnde of foes by magical power. The 
Malaki t' Olu k' Waig has the quality of being maiolua ; but it is qaestionable whether 
dm, "head" or "scarce," and oIum are etymologically related. 


The most deeply reverenced of them all is Tolus ka B^lekdt, the 
god of the b&lekdt, which is the highest type of altar, and the one 
before which the culminating act of Ginum is performed on the 
last night. In honor of this divinity, the ceremonial bamboos are 
set up; before him the sacrificial food is placed on a sacred shelf, 
and he is apostrophized by the priest in some such words as these: 
"Tolus ka Bdlekdt, we are making a Ginum for you; we are 
killing a victim for you." Many manufactured articles are hung 
on the altar for this god, who is said to wear a shell bracelet into 
which the spirit of each offering passes for his enjoyment, and he 
makes known, through the lips of a medium, that he is extremely 
jealous of his rights, not permitting the sale of any object that 
should come to the bdlekdt. Yet he is not indifferent to the interests 
of the Bagobo, for he warns them against sickness, and informs 
them of the source whence the disease comes. 

The god called Tolus ka Kawayan is the "All-knowing One of 
the Bamboo." He is particular about the punctual performance of 
the Ginum, and threatens to send sickness if there be undue delay. 

The Tolus ka Balekayo^^ is a female divinity who is associated 
with the sections of forest made up of that slender, thorny variety 
of bamboo called halekayo. She is also interested in the proper 
conduct of the great festival and gives directions, through a priestess, 
on this subject. 

Another woman-god is the Tolus ka Talegit, called the "All- 
knowing Medicine of the Loom," who understands perfectly the 
art of weaving and knows all about the work of the women. 

At present, it is impossible to state in how many connections the 
unseen beings called tohis appear, but that a very large number of 
them function as the mysterious, impelling forces of industry, is 
highly probable. The little bamboo prayer-stand beside a black- 
smith's forge ^^ suggests the existence of a tolus for workers in 

** There it some evidence that a Tolas may be associated with each of the magic 
plants and trees which are employed for repelling the approach of Buso ; one of these is 
the balekayo, another the dalinding. At a certain devotional office, the spirits of these 
Tegetable growths are addressed, and they are asked not to let the Boso pass by, bat 
to prevent him from getting into the ceremonial hoase. The dalinding, as well as the 
balekayo, is asked to be "all-knowing" in respect to the Bagobo — the form of address 
aied to a Tolas. It seems to be understood that the spirits residing in those plants which 
have a charm valae shall shield the people from evil beingt, and I am inclined to think 
that it is a Tolas that gives saoh plants their magical effect. 

* ' It is interesting to note that Cole found at Sibalan the belief that the "workers in 


iron,®^ and the discovery of other such guardian divinities of in- 
dustrial arts is to be expected. While the personality of the various 
tolus is but vaguely outlined, this fact, at all events, is clear: that 
their relationship with the people is a very intimate one, as con- 
cerns daily work and daily needs; and it is equally true that the 
wisdom of a tolus is considered infallible, whether the question be 
one of a ceremonial detail, or of a wasting illness. 

The anito, so often mentioned by the early writers on the 
Philippines, even as far back as the Saavedra voyage*^' of 1527 — 
1528, and used with so many different connotations, in Bagobo theo- 
logy are simply divinities under a certain aspect; that is to say, 
they are gods coming into direct communication with the people 
through the instrumentality of mediums who convey the divine 
oracle. Almost any god or spirit, with the exception of the diwata 
of the nine heavens, may assume for a brief time the character 
of anito. My conclusion that the word anito refers to the temporary 
functioning of any god, rather than to some well-defined class of 
gods, is borne out by the fact that the spirit of a particular sick- 
ness, or the spirit of a living individual, when speaking through 
the mouth of an official intermediary in the conventional manner 
is termed anito, equally with the divinities. This entire subject 
will be more fully considered under the caption, ** Interviews with 
the gods called Manganito." ®* 

As for guardian spirits of individual Bagobo, all that we know 
is comprised in a few scanty allusions. The personal mandarangan 
of brave men have been mentioned in an earlier paragraph. To 
this I have only to add that, while attending the festival at Tubison, 
I saw, in one corner of the Long House, a bamboo prayer-stand 
which, they told me, was for the dios of Datu Imbal, our host. 
At Yting's harvest, the god of at least one member of the family 
was invoked at a certain point in the ceremony. This was the 

dios of H6b6, Yting's younger wife. 

brass and copper are under the care and guidance of a spirit, Tolus ka Towangan, for 
whom they make a yearly ceremony, Qomek iowaugan" Op. eit., p. S2. 

* * For the position of the blacksmith among the natives of central Celebes, and for 
the ceremonial paraphernalia of his smithy, see P. and F. Sabasin : Reisen in Celebes, 
▼ol. 1, pp. 280—281. 1906. 

* ' The chronicler of this voyage states that the natives of Cebu offered human sacrifices 
to the anito. Cf, Blair and Robkrtson: op» eU,, vol. 2, p. 42. 1908. 

• * See Part. III. 


The following divinities are mentioned by the Spanish fathers, 
and collected by Blumentritt in his ^'Diccionario mitologico." °* 
Although there may be question as to their respective attributes, 
they no doubt have their place in the Bagobo pantheon. 

Domakolen, creator of the mountains. 

Makakoret, creator of the air. 

Makaponguis, creator of the water. 

Mam ale, creator of the earth. 

Malibud, the deity who created women. 

Salibud, a god who taught the first men to cultivate the fields, to trade, 
and to carry on various industries. 

Todlay,** a god who presides over marriages and was creator of the male 
sex. Todlibon, wife of Todlay, yet a goddess ever-virgin. 

I will conclude this section with a little word-picture of the 
gods, as given by Uan, son of Eaba. "Diwata are good manobo 
who live in the sky. They protect Bagobo, Americans, Kulaman, 
Tagakaola, Kalagan, Ata — not the Moro; Moro are bad people. 
The diwata are male and female. The diwata are rich. They never 
eat; they sleep at night; they have very good clothes, fine and 
shining clothes. They take care of all the living; they do not 
care for the dead. No, indeed! Buso looks after the dead. Datu 
Yting knows a diwata; he saw him once far up in the mountains; 
he spoke Bagobo." 


All demons, spirits of diseases, evil supernatural beings of what- 
ever form, anthropomorphic and zoomorphic, are classed by the 
Bagobo under the generic name of bmo. The fundamental concept 
underlying all of these manifestations of evil is that of a being 
that preys upon human flesh, that sends sickness to the living in 
order to kill them and thus have their dead bodies for food. There 
is, for the most part, no idea of an interaction between stimuli 
from bad spirits and the religious or ethical transgressions of man. ®^ 

** C/. ander each letter in its alphabetical poaitioa. The ''Mamale" that he refers to 
is perhaps identical with the constellation Mamare, since / and r are interchangeable 
soands, according to the location of the Bagobo group. 

** For myths concerning Tuglay and Tuglibung, (Blumentritt's Todlay and Todlibon), 
see pp. 66—74 Of. also F. C. Cole: op. cii., p. 106, where "Toglai" and "Toglibon" 
are mentioned as spirits in charge of marriages, and as having given langnage and 
customs to the Bagobo. 

*"* The demons, Tagareso and Balinsugu, should be excepted from this general statement. 
See pp. 86—37. 


Buso does not incite a Bagobo to break tabu or to steal rice. 
Though a spiritual foe, his attacks are aimed, ordinarily, against 
the body alone. 

Toward securing some means of propitiating Buso, or of shunting 
off his attacks, the attention of the Bagobo is constantly directed. 
They pray to Buso; they prepare for him offerings of areca-nuts 
and betel-leaf; they erect to him tiny houses for shrines, under 
forest trees, by the wayside, at the river, near the dwelling-houses 
— particularly at the time of a festival.*^** There are altars for 
the buso of the woods, for the buso of the ground, for the buso 
of the rattan, for the buso of the nearer side of the river, for the 
buso of the farther side of the river. The shrines are like many 
of those put up in honor of the friendly gods, and the form of the 
devotions is outwardly much the same, but the intention of the 
rites is altogether different. In the first place, altars to Buso arc 
never placed within the home or within the ceremonial house, 
like altars to friendly deities, but at strategic points that command 
the approaches to the house, or else in the deep forest. Secondly, 
as regards the substance of the prayers, the gods are implored to 
baffle the operations of disease-bringing demons; but a buso, the 
recognized source of sickness, is conjured in various ways. Every 
single devotion to Buso is a mere magical device for inducing him 
to go away. It must be noted, too, that in those cases where a 
god sends sickness, it is because the Bagobo have broken some 
religious mandate or have failed in the technique of a ritual, 
and the sickness is felt to be the logical outcome of a clumsy per- 
formance. The diseases with which a buso tortures the body come, 
avowedly, to cause death so that the food supply of dead bodies 
for thc! buso may be increased. These distinguishing features give 
to each form of devotion its own peculiar atmosphere. 

Associated closely witli the buso are the ghosts of the dead, 
since it is believed that the evil soul,'^^ or tebang^ of a person 
becomes at death a burkan, which in its nature is practically 
identical with a buso. It haunts graves and lonely trails; it eats 
dead boditjs, and is commonly called a buso. Tradition indicates 
vaguely that long ago nobody died, and that the attitude of Buso 
toward man at that time was friendly, ^° by which tradition we 

*' See Ceremony of Awas, Part II. 

** For a discassion of the character of the eril soul, sea pp. 5S— 61. 

** Cf, Jour. Am. Folk-lore, vol. 26» pp. 42^48. 1918. 


are led to infer that not all buso are ghosts. It will not do to 
press this inference too far, however, for the Malay may not feel 
a contradiction that, to us, is at once apparent. Yet the most 
malignant buso, called tigbanud, seem to be distinguished from 
burkan, or ghosts, for I have heard an old man, while explaining 
a ceremony, make this remark: "We offer betel to all the tigbanui 
and to all the dead buso.'' Again, the statement is made that 
^'there are many buso and many burkan." Moreover, there are a 
great number of zoomorphic forms called tigbanui or buso that are 
not identified with ghosts. The fact is, that so great is the mul- 
titude of mental images associated with evil spirits in their diverse 
shapes and functions, that some little confusion in dealing with the 
subject is almost inevitable. There are different lines of approach^ 
according to whether a native is talking of sickness, or of death^ 
or of a ceremonial, or of a haunted tree, or of an episode in a 
story; and he makes no attempt to correlate these various lines of 
approach, or to define exactly the groups of evil personalities that 
he happens to be dealing with. 

The volcano Apo, whose intermittent eruptions of sulphurous 
vapor and whose matchless height suggest mysterious dwelling- 
places for spirits, has long been regarded as the home of the worst 
buso or tigbanua, of many less malevolent buso or tagamaling, and 
of a vast throng of bad ghosts (burkan), all of whom live in an 
enormous house within the mountain into which the crater leads 
as a vast passageway, or as an open door. Great numbers of wild 
animals, reptiles and flying creatures live on the summit of the 
volcano — deer, pigs, cats, dogs, civets, mice, flying lemurs, mon- 
keys, birds, jungle fowl, snakes and monitor lizards — all of which 
belong to Buso. Around the edge of the crater, the prints of these 
animals may be seen by those persons who have the temerity to 
make the ascent (so say the old men); but the fabulous animals 
are invisible, except to all the buso. There are also living on 
Mount Apo great numbers of the so-called **bad animals," that ia 
to say, buso under the form of beasts. Here is one of the little 
folk tales of Apo. 

All the old Bagobo men say that in the crater of Apo lives a rich man. 
He is a Chinaman, and he keeps a store there. Long ago a Bagobo man 
climbed up to see the volcano. He saw a big hole in the top of it. He went 
down into the hole and found a big house with a store in it. He went in 
and rested there a while. A Chinaman was keeping the store. By and by 


the Chinaman told him tliat he must go away. "Why," asked the Bagobo. 
^'Because the buso will be here in a few minutes and he eats people/* 
Then the man went home. In a few minutes the Buso came to rest in the 
store. He smiled and said : "Who has been here?" "Nobody but a dog," 
replied the Chinaman. 

That Americans are not afraid to ascend the volcano without the 
use of protective charms, is a source of bewilderment to the Bagobo, 
and that no fatal illness follows the rash act is still more astonish- 
ing; but the native explanation is that we treat Buso with pro- 
nounced courtesy, and thus win his favor. "The American people 
can go to Apo, because they are very polite to Buso. If they were 
not polite, Buso would eat them." 

Though having their special habitat on Mount Apo, and on 
another mountain called Mabanisan, ^' the buso are said to frequent, 
in general, all localities where there are graves, empty houses, 
solitary mountain trails. At any time, indeed, or in any place 
outside of the house, there is the chance of a buso making his 
appearance. The young people are impressed with the idea that 
^'Buso lives everywhere out-of-doors;" and that a buso is "in every 
way." For this reason, a Bagobo rarely walks alone for any con- 
siderable distance over the mountains; two, or several, go in com- 
pany, the more easily to ward off Buso's influence, for, although 
unable to attack directly a living man or openly kill him, he 
works under covert by entering, in the form of some disease, the 
body of his victim; or by some other means he makes him sick. 

An empty house is likely to be buso-haunted, even if its owner 
has gone away for but a short time, and the neighbors are cautious 
about entering during his absence. One often sees several Bagobo 
sitting on the bamboo rounds of the house-ladder, and waiting 
patiently for some member of the family to return, when they will 
all go up the steps together. Rarely does a buso dare to enter a 
house while people are living there, at least during the day, for 
the demons are supposed to be afraid of meeting, face to face, 
people in health and action; but in case of mortal illness Buso 
scents from afar the flesh of the dying, and flies through the air 
until he comes to rest under the house, or even inside of the sick- 
room. Unless by some magical means he can be driven away, he 
seizes the body as soon as life is extinct, puts into its place a 

' ' The ftituation of this moantaiii ia not known to the writer. 


section of a banana-trunk, to deceive the friends, and goes ofiF, riding 
on the corpse. 

Certain apecies of forest trees are traditionally haunted by demons, 
particularly the baliti, ^^ the mararag, ^^ the pananag, the barayung, 
the magbok, and the lanaon^^ — all of which are mentioned in 
folklore and myth as sacred to Buso. In general, too, any individ- 
ual tree" having spreading branches and heavy, straggling roots 
protruding above the surface of the earth is associated with 4he 
possible home of a buso, and is pointed out, fearfully, as an object 
to be avoided after dark. Throughout the island tribes, indeed, a 
tree of such appearance is almost universally held to be haunted. 

Both mythology and current folklore represent the number of 
individual buso as practically unlimited; they people the air and 
the mountains and the forests by myriads ; their number is legion. ^^ 

^ * Spelled by some writers as balete ; the form baliii is here adopted as a matter of 
uniformity with other Malay words throughout this paper. The tree is a species of Ficus, 
«nd is Tery generally associated with spirit habitation, in the beliefs of the Filipino as 
weU as of the wild tribes. It is a tall tree, with large branches, dark-green leaves — long, 
narrow, firm*textared and glossy — and with roots that grow oat from the trnnk for 
some distance above the ground. Sawyer observes that the baliii corresponds to our 
witch elm. Cf. The Inhabitants of the Philippines, p. 848. 1900. Cf. also Chirino's 
•observations on the balUi. Bla.tb and Robektsom : op, eil., vol. 12, p. 214; and footnote. 1904. 
' ■ The Bagobo word for yellow. 

*^ Presumably the tree called, variously, linan, kmaon, iauau, lauaan, and identified by 
Foreman and by Blair and Robertson as Dipteroearpus ihuri/era; it is characterized by 
wood that is reddish-white or ash-colored with brown spots and is light in weight, and by 
ita yield of fragant white resin that is used for incense. Cf, J. Foreman : The Philippine 
Islands, 2 ed., p 370. 1899. Cf, also. Blaie and Robertson : op. cii., vol. 18, p. 171. 1904. 
'» Cf. "Bagobo myths.'' Jour. Am. Folk-lore, vol. 26. pp. 44, 49, 50. 1913. Skeat 
says that the peninsular Malays associate the hantui^ or spirits of evil, with particular 
trees which they suppose these spirits to frequent after dark. Cf. Malay magic, pp. 
64 — 65. 1900. For similar traditions in the southern islands, ef, Blumentritt's discus- 
«ioo of sacred trees in Sumatra, Nias, Java, Borneo, Celebes, Burn, etc., in Diecionario 
wUtologieOy pp. 29 — 8). 1895. The ancient Tagal and Visayan believed that the spirits 
of ancestors, called nono or nonoJt, resided in the baliii and in certain other trees, all of 
which, by a figure of speech, were similarly named uano. For a treatment of this subject, 
aee the extract from Tomas Ortiz: *'Practica del ministerio.'* Blair and Robertson: 
op. eii., vol. 48, pp. 104—105. 1906. Among the Bagobo, I have not heard the grand- 
father, or noHO, conception mentioned. With them, it is the buso that haunt the trees; 
and, although the bad ghost is a kind of buso, this is not the ancestral spirit idea. 

"* * Here, again the Bagobo Follows the great body of Malay tradition. Cf. the dis- 
cussion of the bantu among pagan tribes of the peninsula, as given by Stevens, and by 
Martin, who says: '^Wenn Stevens schreiht*. 'Jeder Baum hat seine besondere Art Han- 
tn's,' und wenn er ferner von Hantu redet, die 'durch Regen, durch Hitze, in Bergen, 
Seen, Steinen, Baumen, u. s. w.' wirken, so kommt dies einer Beseelung der Ganzen Na- 
tur gleich . . ." ''Die Mehrzahl dieser letztgenannten Hantu scheint nicht spezialisiert zu 



Of course, like the ghosts and demons of all other peoples, it is 
in darkness ^^ that the buso are particularly busy in their evil 
deeds, although, here and there, they have been known to make 
their presence felt by day. 

These vast throngs of evil personalities, known under the col- 
lective term of buso, are subdivided into several groups, and in 
these, again, we find a great number of individual names, each of 
which suggests some peculiar external buso-character, or some par- 
ticular buso-trait, or some set mode of preying upon the human- 
kind. Of such sub-groups and individuals, the following are typical. 

The tigbanud^^ are representative fiends of the most dangerous 
sort. To them, more than to any other buso, shrines are erected, 
magic formulflB are recited, and propitiatory offerings are made; 
while numerous spells are constantly worked to frustrate their evil 
designs. A tigbanud is reported to live in a state of perpetual 
cannibalism and to be most repulsive in aspect, having one eye in 
the middle of the forehead, a hooked chin two spans long and 
upturned to catch the drops of blood that may chance to drip from 
the mouth, and a body covered with coarse black hair. From 
Mount Apo and from the deep forest the tigbanud come flying or 
running to every fresh-dug grave, whether it be on mountain or 

sein, d. h. maa spricht meist einfach von Berg-, Wald-, und Baum-Hantu im Hinblick 
auf einen einzelnen Fall. ...„Die InlaadstaniDie der malayischen Halbinsel, pp. 946 — 
947. 1906. 

^ ^ Those e?il spirits that figure in Indian saga under the names of Rakshasa, Yaksha 
and Pisacha are said to "have no power in the day, being dazed with the brightness of 
the sun; they delight in the night." Somadeva: Katha Sarit Sagara; ed. cU.^ vol. 1, 
p. 47. 1880. See also the prayer in the Atharva-Veda. ''Shelter us . . . from greedy 
fiends who rise in troops at night-time when the moon is dark." R. T. H. Griffith 
(tr.): Hymns of the Atharva-Veda, toI. 1, p. 19. 1895. 

^ * Tigbanua is practically identical with Banuanhon, of Visayan myth, and with Tig- 
balang, a Tagal demon, as indicated in the following passage from the writings of Fray 
Casemiro Diaz, 1688 — 1640, trans, by Blair and Robertson. "Moreover, in those moan- 
taios of Fanay, are many demons, who appear to the natives in horrible forms — aa 
hideous savages, covered with bristles, having very long claws, with terrifying eyes and 
features, who attack and maltreat those whom they encounter. These beings are called 
by the Indians Banuanhon, who are equivalent to the satyrs and fauns of ancient times . . . 
They are called in the Tagal language Tigbalang, and many persons who have seen them 
have described to me, in the same terms, the aspect of the monster. They say that he 
has a face like a cat's, with a head that is flattened above, not round, with thick beard, 
and covered with long hair; his legs are so long that, when he squats on his buttocks, 
his knees stand a vara above his head; and he is so swift in running that there is no 
quadruped that can be compared with him." The Philippine Islands, vol. 29, pp. 269«-> 
270. 1905. 


beside the sea; they drink the blood from the corpse, and gnaw the 
flesh from the bones, and then throw away the skeleton. Gruesome 
as is the situation, however, it is relieved by flashes of quaint hu- 
mor, such as invariably dart into Bagobo talk and story. According 
to the folktales, a tigbanud is often very dull of perception, very 
credulous; so much so that a child, a cat, the moon, even a wo- 
man's comb may fool him and make a jest of him, ^^ in much the 
same manner that the trickster Coyote, of American myth, is him- 
self, in turn, tricked by others. 

The Tigbanud most often invoked are the following: 

Tigbanud kayo (of the timber, or forest trees); 

Tigbanud balagan (of the rattan); 

Tigbanud tana (of the ground); 

Tigbanud waig (of the water); 

Tigbanud batu (of the rocks, or stones) ; 

Tigbanud dipag-dini-ka-waig (of this side of the river); 

Tigbanud dipag-dutun-ka-waig (of the other side of the river); 

Tigbanud buis (of the hut-shrine). 

Another group of supernatural beings, the Tagamaling, are some- 
times termed **good buso" on account of their extreme moderation 
in eating human flesh, a practice in which they indulge only 
on alternate months. The tagamaling are thought to resemble the 
Bagobo in physiognomy and in manner of dressing. A few of them, 
however, have eight faces. Their houses, invisible to man, are 
hidden in dense foliage up on the mountains or the hills. I quote 
from the "Story of Duling and the Tagamaling"®^ a tale of two 
young men who are enticed to the house of a tagamaling by two taga- 
maling girls; as a result of which adventure one of the youths is 
turned into stone. 

"Before the world was made, there were Tagamaling. The Tagamaling is 
the best Buso, because he does not want to hurt man all of the time. 
Tagamaling is actually Buso only a part of the time ; that is, the month 
when he eats people. One month he eats human flesh, and then he is Buso ; 
the next month he eats no human flesh, and then he is a god. So he 
alternates, month by month. The month he is Buso, he wants to eat man 

"* * Stories of the tricking of Boso will be fonnd in my "Bagobo myths." Jour. Am. 
Folk-lore, vol. 26, pp. 48 — 46, 48—60. 1918. With Miual ease the Rakshasa of Indian 
myth is doped, as shown in one of Somadeva's tales: e/, op, eit,, vol. 1, pp. 868— 
864. 1880. 

**Joor. Am. Folk-Lore, vol. 26, pp. 50—51. Jan.— Mar., 1918. 


during the dark of the moon; that is, between the phases that the moon 

is full in the east and new in the west 

"The Tagamaling makes his house in trees that have hard wood, and low, 
broad-spreading branches. His house is almost like gold, and is called 
^Talimbing", but it is made so that you cannot see it; and, when you pass 
by, you think, 'Oh! what a fine tree with big branches', not dreaming that 
it is the house of a Tagamaling. Sometimes, when you walk in the forest, 
you think you see one of their houses ; but when you come near to the place, 
there is nothing. Yet you can smell the good things to eat in the house.'* 

Another literary reference to these legendary tree-dwellings of 
the spirits is in a little poem, the text of which I have in manu- 
script. A yoimg man says to the girl whom he has seduced: 

"In the mountains hide you, 

Like Tagamaling's house concealed." 

A rustic demon well known in folklore is S'iring, ®* who, under 
the guise of some relative or friend, lures a young person into the 
densest part of the forest, causes him to lose memory and judgment, 
and finally brings him to his death in some indirect manner. 
What we call echo is the call of S'iring, who answers in a faint 
voice the shout of some wanderer whom he is trying to entice from 
the familiar trails. The S'iring is represented as having long sharp 
nails and curly hair. 

The demon who ^'makes men dizzy" is Tagasoro, and his presence 
at a ceremonial is greatly feared. 

Tagareso is an ugly fiend who stimulates ill-feeling and arouses 
a quarrelsome spirit on festival occasions. lie tries to make mar- 
ried men dissatisfied with their wives, so that they will want to 
run off and leave them. 

Balinsugu is another dangerous spirit that stirs up enmity at 
ceremonies, in the hope that good men may be induced to fight 
and kill one another in the house where many are assembled, and 

•*For folklore of the S'iring, see Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, vol. 26, pp. 51 — 53; aud 
c/, Kathd Sarit Sagara, ed, cit., ?ol. 1, p. 837: "Whoever remains in the forest falls 
prey to Yakshivi who bewilder him . . ." 

Capricious forest demons, having certain characteristic marks of the Bagobo S'iring, 
are mentioned by Aduarte, Bishop of Nueva Segovia. "They also tell of some very 
mischievous tricks which the devil has played upon them. It happened sometimes that 
when a man was alone in the field he came npon some creatures resembling little women. 
They would deceive him, and either by alluring words or force would place him within 
a thicket, and then toss him in the air as if he had been a ball; they then left him 
half-dead." Blaib and Robertson: op, cU. vol. 80, p. 298. 1905. 


thus give him blood to drink. I was present at a devotional meeting 
at Oleng's house when one of the anito urged the Bagobo to be 
on their guard against Tagareso and Balinsugu. 

The Mantianak, " as everywhere throughout the Malay country, 
is associated with childbirth, but there are local variations. Bagobo 
tradition says that if a woman dies during her trial her spirit is 
angry at the husband, since he is held responsible for the conditions 
that caused his wife's death. The ghost of the woman becomes a 
mantianak that hovers in the air near her former home and utters 
peculiar cries, resembling the mewing of a cat. When the man hears 
that sound at night, he knows that it is the voice of the mantianak 
of his dead wife. This form of buso is characterized by a hole in 
the breast and by the long claws, and it is called "a bad thing." 
They say that the mantianak is constantly trying to kill men and 
boys, but that it is afraid of women and girls. 

Some buso live in the sky, like the eight-eyed Riwa-riwa, ®^ who 

■* A Malaj compoand of two elemeDts: niati, ''to die," ''dead;" anai, "child." The 
Bagoho and certain other tribes interpolate a nasal. The Tagal makes the initial 
Bound a sard, p. 

Concerning a parallel myth amoug the Tagal tribes, Father Plasencia wrote in 1589: 
**!£ any woman died in child-birth, she and her child suffered punishment ... at night 
the could be heard lamenting. This was called paiianae. See Blaib and Robertson: 
op. eii. vol. 7, p. 196, 1908. If the missionary drew a correct inference from the wail 
of the woman's spirit, the significance of the mantianak's cry is distinctly different from 
that given to it by the Bagobo, who put the burden upon the man. Birth-charms for 
driving away this spirit are given by Ortiz, op. eit., vol. 48, p. 107, 1905. He states, 
farther, that when travelers lose their road, the patianac is to blame. lb. p. 108. 

Cole found among the Mandaya a belief in Mantianak, which was regarded as "the 
spirit of a child whose mother died while pregnant, and who for this reason was born 
in the ground." Op. eii.^ p. 177. 

In the tradition of the peninsalar Malays, the matianak (or pontianak) is a stillborn 
child which takes the form of a night-owl that disturbs women and children at the time 
of childbirth. If a woman dies in childbirth, she is popularly supposed to become a 
lansugu, or flying demon, much like the pole-cat called bajang. Cf. W. W. SkbaT: Malay 
magic, pp. 829, 825, 827. 1900. Among certain inland tribes, according to Dr. Martin, 
the matianak^ as a jin or haniu^ is the demon of puerperal fever, and occasionally takes 
the form of a frog or a bird. Die Inlandstamme der malayischen Halbinsel, pp. 944, 
046. 1905. The natives of Nias have a bhhu maiidna which has the power of tor- 
menting a woman in childbirth, and of procuring abortion. Of. Elio Modigliani: Un 
Tiaggio a Nias, p. 625. 1890. For allied conceptions among the natives of Sarawak aBd 
the tribes of south-east Borneo, and in other parts of the Malay area, ef. Blumentritt: 
op. eii,, article, "Patianak." 

*' Blumentritt quotes the following description of Riwa-Riwa: "Segfin los Bagobos ti 
Rioa-rioa nn ser espantoso y malo que, suspendido en el cenit, k manera de pendulo 


listens to the talk of mortals. If anybody makes a random remark 
that offends Riwa-riwa, his eight eyes ^turn big;*' he drops to the 
ground, and brings sickness with him. 

Of Busu buntud it is reported that he is black as soot, and has 
nine faces. 

Buso lisu t'kayo, on the contrary, is pure white, being probably 
associated with the pith of forest trees. 

Buso t'abo is a mere torso of a demon, with head, chest, shoul- 
ders and arms; but having no legs or abdomen. In pictures, his 
body is cut off sharply at the waist. 

One of the disease-bringers, named Earokung, is a white woman 
with long black hair, whose home is in rivers. Her characteristics 
will be described under the caption, "Disease and Healing." ®* 

In the native arts there are no figures or symbols of Buso to be 
found, either in animal or in human form; but Bagobo boys and 
girls who have learned to use the pencil a little and who also 
come from families conversant with a wide range of buso folktales, 
agree in stressing certain features that are traditionally character- 
istic of the demon in his anthropomorphic guise — big round eyes, 
tongue lolling from large mouth, branched horns, wings of varying 
sizes, enormous feet, heavily clawed or hoofed. The characters that 
are emphasized are those that stand out most prominently in folk- 
lore, while the rest of the body takes its chance, so to speak, being 
merely a "filler" for the really important buso traits. Such traits 
characterize, in particular, the entire class of tigbanuti. On the 
other hand, the tagamaling arc pictured as looking like the Bagobo, 
both in face and in costume; but their hair is curly rather than 
wavy, and they carry small circular shields of an ancient pattern. 

We now turn to the distinctly zoomorphic forms of the buso. 
While the tigbanua, the spiring, and perhaps other buso in human 
form, have the power of assuming at will the appearance of certain 

Urgo, llega cod sa boca a la tierra para devorar a Iob hombrea que sa lervidor Tabmmkuk 
le preienta." Diccionario mitologico, p. 100. 1895. 

Blamentritt finds mentioned by the Spaniards a Bagobo demon named Pelabatan; and 
in association with Riwa-Riwa another e^il spirit called Tabanka that is characterized at 
follows: "Un demonio de los Bagobos. Es el espiritu de impareza j libertinaje, cuyo 
offieio es ten tar a hombres y mujeres contra el sexto j nono mandamientos de la Ley de 
Bios, para que, habiendo machos escandalos, rillas y asesinatos, tenga qne comer en abun- 
dancia sa amo RiTa-ri?a." Ibid, p. 111. 

•♦See Part lU. 


animals,^' there are, in addition, a large number of evil personal- 
ities that have peculiar and permanent bestial shapes. These are 
myth animals — the so-called bad animals — of strange shapes 
and ill-matched members, that are visualised as curious modifica- 
tions of familiar beasts and birds, or, more often, are purely fanciful 
products. Doubtless there are hundreds of such fabulous animals 
awaiting the discovery of the field worker, but the following names 
will at least suggest what sort of creature a myth animal may be. 

Most important of all, probably, is Kilat,®* that gigantic un- 
gulate — it may be horse or it may be carabao — that runs 
through the sky, and during a storm makes his voice heard in 
claps of thunder. When the roaring is loudest, the people expect 
Kilat to fall to the earth, and to bring in his train numerous 

Many buso have the form of deer, notable among which is Naat, 
with his one good horn, and his one bad horn that has a branch 
pointing downward.®^ 

Numbers of buso are snakes, whose chief is Mamili, called **king 
of snakes." 

The Buso-monkey is well known in myth, ®® and even at this time 
not only are there many buso who are lutung, or monkeys, but a 
normal ape occasionally turns into a buso. 

Timbalung is a disease-bringer whose home is on the mountains, 
and who is said to be ^ a big bad animal that goes into the belly 
and makes the Bagobo very sick." It is thought dangerous to speak 
the name of this buso, and children are so instructed; but occasion- 
ally somebody will mention him in connection with the sickness 
he causes. 

* * Adaarte writes of the natives of Nae?a Segovia that, "The amUerat . . . dreamed 
that they saw their anitoi in the form of carabaos or of buffaloes, and of black men." 
Blaui and Robertson: op, eii,, vol. 81, p. 85. 1905. Chirino, 1608, writes in like 
phrases that "another Indian, while very ill, was afflicted with horrible apparitions; 
when he was left alone, hideous and farioas black men appeared to him, threatening 
him with death.*' Ibid., vol. 18, p. 78. 1904. 

Morga, 1609, writes of the PinUtdoi (Visayan): "The devil usually deceived them 
with a thousand errors and blindnesses. He appeared to them in various horrible and 
frightful forms, and as fierce animals, so that they feared him and trembled before him." 
Ibid., vol. J 6, p. 181. 1904. 

** For the myth concerning Kilat, see pp. 48—49. 

•* See "Ceremony of Awas." 

•* Cf. op. eii. Jour. Am. Folk-lore, vol. 26, pp. 46^48. 1918. 


Blanga is a curBorial animal, distinguished by enormous branching 
horns. Pungatu is pictured as a fat quadruped, with a bird-like 
head, and several humps on his back. He lives up on the moun* 
tains. Limbago is a long-necked quadruped, that carries sickness 
wherever he goes. Abuy and Riiii are pig-like forms, the lat- 
ter being an underground animal, with a big belly and extremely 
pointed teeth. Any intruder into Riiii's house below the ground 
is punished by having his strength taken from him. Straightway 
he becomes so weak that he cannot walk, and his feet give way 
under him. Then Riiii attacks him with his sharp teeth. Sekiir 
is a big-eared quadruped, a mountain climber, sometimes called 
Sakar. Marina is an arboreal animal with a snake-like body, that 
climbs by means of long arms. Ubag looks like a horse with a 
hump on his back, and is said to smite with mortal illness those 
whom he attacks. Kogang is a bad animal which is visualized 
under several shapes. 

Still other diseases are brought by the Buso Tulung, who resembles 
a jungle fowl. 

The most famous mythical birds are, perhaps, the following: 

Minokawa^^ is an enormous bird that swallows the moon at the 
time of a lunar eclipse, a feat accomplished easily, since this bird 
is conceived to be as large as the island of Negros, or the island 
of Bohol. 

Eulago appears in myth as the bird into which Wari, brother 
of Lumabat, was metamorphosed^^ as a punishment for his diso- 
bedience to one of the gods. Its cry is that of the screech-owl, 
but its body is covered by both hair and feathers representing every 
sort of animal and bird and jungle fowl. 

The most rapacious bird of folklore is Wak-Wak, a fierce mythical 
crow that flies headless, and feeds on human flesh, and must be 
charmed away by a formula of suggestive magic. ^' 

•• C/. "Bagobo mythi." Joor. Am. Folk-lore, vol. 26, p. 19. 1918. 

*** The story of Wari's transformation into a screech-owl is given in the same Jour- 
nal, vol. 26, pp. 22—28. 

** For the Visayan oiuang^ see p. 42—48. The huso and the asnang that have the 
form of birds of prey resemble the Penggalan of the Peninsula, that is characterized aa 
"a sort of monstrous vampire which delights in sucking the blood of children.*' The 
head of this bird flies separately from the body, but the intestines are attached. €f^ 
Skeat: op. cit., pp. 827 — 828; and for other folklore touching fabulous Malay birds, 
ef, ibid,, pp. 110 — 182. See also Somadeva: op. cit,, vol. 1, p. 64, 1880. "A bird of 


Of course, none of the above-mentioned demons, whatever its 
form, can be seen by the Bagobo,®*'* unless it be, rarely, by some 
old man. But in response to what is, perhaps, a primitive psychical 
impulse — that of attributing to other peoples and to other forms 
of living organisms (with whose mental processes one is unfamiliar) 
the power of perceiving things beyond one's own sense-range — 
the Bagobo say that the Eulaman folk can see Buso; and that Buso 
is plainly visible to the domesticated animals, whether dog or cat 
or chick or horse or carabao. When a dog bays mournfully into 
the air at night, he is baying at Buso; when the carabao leave 
their wallow and dash wildly through the lanes of the villages, 
they are fleeing from Buso. It is always Buso that makes animals 
behave in a strange manner after dark, and it is currently believed 
that Buso walks in the rain, for the dogs, seeing him, at once 
begin to bark. This is the reason why dogs bark more often in 
shower than in sunshine. 

Charms against Buso are more numerous than any other class of 
charms. A considerable number are described in the section entitled, 
**Charm8 and Magical Rites," where they are grouped with other 
sorts of spells, according to their several psychological aspects. For 
convenience, however, the forms of buso magic in most common 
use are briefly listed together at this point. To forestall the approach 
of a buso: 

Repeat magical formulsB; 

Set up images of wood to represent living men; 
Make a thicket of ^'medicinal" plants near the house; 
Lay pieces of lemon and red peppers under the house; 
Circumambulate the house while holding a lemon;*' 

the race of Garuda poanced on her, thinking she was raw flesh;" and e/,, in the same 
▼olame, Tawney's notes on fabalons birds of prey in other literatures : the Roc of Arabian 
roDoance, etc. Ibid., p. 572. 

* * According to Adaarte, the Filipino of Nneva Segovia (in Luzon), "sometimes asked 
the devil that he woald permit them to see him; but he answered that his body waa 
so subtile that they could not see it." Blair and Robietson: op. eit., vol. 80, p. 290. 

* ' The use of lemons as an antidote to the machinations of demons is not confined to 
the Bagobo tribe. Mr. J. M. Oarvan found that among the Manobo of Mindanao both 
lemons and limes were thus used, as shown in "The Legend of Ango, the Petrified Ma- 
nobo." C/. H. 0. Brteb: "Origin myths among the mountain peoples of the Philip- 
pinea.** Philippine Jour. Sci., vol. 8, p. 90. April, 1918. 

On one occasion, I had an opportunity of taking part in the formation of such a magic 


Wear a bit of dried lemon on the necklace ; 

Hang a crab-shell over the door; 

Hold a rice-winnower before the face; 

Weave into textiles a crocodile design; 

Paint the figure of a crocodile on bamboo rice-cases, on stringed instra- 
cnents, and on other manufactured objects of wood ; 

Carve the figrure of a crocodile on the coffin, or decorate the coffin with a 
conventional crocodile figure, made of strips of cloth; 

Rub a dying person with sweet-smelling plants of magical value; 

Hold a wake in the house of death ; 

Surround with all kinds of knives the bed of an expectant mother before 
she sleeps at night.** 

In Visayan myth, (as I learned in a number of conversations 
with Visayans) the asuang is functionally identical with the buso 
of the Bagobo: both haunt desolate places, tear open freshly-made 
graves, feed on corpses, prowl over the earth at night in shadowy 
shapes, or fly through the air and, having entered a death-chamber by 
the window, suck the blood of the dead as soon as the soul leaves 
the body. Yet there is a fundamental distinction between the two 
conceptions on the morphological side; for the Visayan says that 
many of the asuang are able to metamorphose themselves into human 
beings, and thus live in intimate relationship with the people — 
an extension of the sphere of demoniac influence quite foreign to 
Bagobo ideas. The Visayan young people insist that a large number 
of the asuang are men and women who live and work as near 
neighbors of their own. In certain parts of their villages these 
human demons cluster. In Davao, there is a short street, named 
CJlaveria, where whole families of asuang are popularly believed to 
have their residence, and their houses are pointed out to visitors. 
At nightfall, the asuang resume their proper forms, put on wings, 
become shadowy, and go flying off in search of dead bodies for 

•circle around the home; and I observed that we made the circuit clock-wise, ao that 
the hooie was kept always on oar right, jost as in the circomambulations of ancient In- 
dia; but I did not bear a statement that the dextral cireait most necessarily be foUowed 
for this charm. Cf. SomadcTa: Katha Sarit Sagara, yol. 1, p. 98. 1880. 

It is possible that Base's alleged fear of lemons may be associated with the myth 
in which Bnso is killed by thorns while he is trying to climb a lemon-tree. On the 
•other hand, perhaps the episode grew oat of the wide spread tradition that all demons 
are afraid of lemons. Cf, the Ule, •The Baso-Monkey." Joar. Am. Folk-lore, toI. 26, 
p. 46—48. Jan.— March. 1918. 

" ^ The folklore material in regard to this spell will be found in a story entitled. *Tho 
Buso-Child." Jour. Am. Folk-lore, toI. 26, pp. 45—46. 1918. 


food. It is said that all asuang have oil in their bodies for lubri- 
cating their wings, so that flight is easy* A human asuang is 
ordinarily a person of tall stature, extremely thin, with a shiny 
skin, and with eye-balls slightly protruding. However other bodily 
characters may differ, there is one sure mark of an asuang to be 
found in the pupil of the eye. Suppose that some neighbor is 
suspected of being an asuang. One must examine iiis eyes, and if 
in the pupil there is detected the figure of a boy upside down, 
that person is unmistakably an asuang. 

Among the Yisayan on the coast of Davao gulf, it is said that 
the asuang systematically propagates the baliti by making use 
of rotten tree trunks as a suitable soil. An old tree of which the 
native name is ononang was shown me by Manuel, a clever Yisayan 
boy, who assured me that that was an asuang-haunted tree. It 
had a hollow trunk, into the decaying texture of which an adven- 
titious shoot of a baliti had intruded, aud had pressed its way 
upward through the soft material, its roots intertwined within the 
trunk, its glossy, sharp-pointed leaves growing out through nume- 
rous crevices in the bark. ^Nobody but an asuang,'' explained 
Manuel, **can make the trunk of any tree hollow. You see, the 
asuang works himself through some small hole in the bark and, 
with his long nails, scoops out the trunk and claws away until 
only a hollow shell remains. That done, he plants a seed or root 
of baliti to grow there, and then he goes oflf to work at another tree." ^^ 


Natural objects or natural phenomena, as such, a Bagobo rarely 
worships; but the larger processes of the physical universe, that 
take shape in air and sky and earth and sea, are associated in his 
mental processes with spirits, and these spirits are made the objects 
of varied cults, some in the capacity of gods, some in that of 
demons. The functions of nature spirits are rather sharply distin- 
guished one from another, for the underlying concepts of the Bagobo 
^would not lend themselves readily to expression in terms of a 
pantheistic religion. So far from conceiving of one common vital 
principle as pervading nature and unifying it, he puts different 

** For other aioaog myths, e/, Joar. Am. Folk-lore, vol. 19, pp. 205 — 211, 1906; yol. 
S6, p^ 25—28, 81—82, 42—68, 57. 1918. 


intelligent personalities back of as many physical phases; so far 
from fusing gods and the visible world into one substance, his 
nature-spirits are persons who can leave at will the natural objects 
with which they are identified. 

Nor does the Bagobo, from the polytheistic standpoint, regard 
every single object in nature as controlled immediately by an in- 
dwelling spirit. One highly-honored god, Pamulak Manobo, made 
the world and the things in it; certain minor deities assist him in 
regulating set departments, as TarabumS, who has charge of the 
growing rice; while a throng of spiritual beings of which some 
few hold a friendly attitude toward man, but many more a hostile 
attitude, are associated with large classes of natural objects. There 
is, as we have said, a tigbanua of the woods, a tigbanud of the 
water, a tigbanud of the rattan. In regard to individual objects, 
it cannot be assumed that spirits inhabit every tree, every rock, 
every stream; yet any particular rock or stream or tree may happen 
to be the home of some supernatural being. Rarely, again, the 
natural object itself which is supposed to have peculiar functions 
attracts devotions at fixed seasons, solely in connection with that 
functioning, and, perhaps, at no other time. The stars are not 
worshiped in mass, as stars, yet to certain constellations that tra- 
dition makes responsible for the success of crops, offerings are made 
at seed-time and at harvest, but on no other occasion. Further- 
more, any special manifestation of natural processes, like a trem- 
bling of the earth or a violent thunder-clap, that occurs at irregular 
intervals and that stimulates a sudden emotional discharge, is in- 
stantly referred to a supernatural agency either working within 
the phenomenon or operating from a distance. 

Thus the Bagobo tends to hold a receptive attitude toward nature, 
for in the background of his consciousness lies a mass of fragments 
of nature myths, nature songs, customary interpretations, any one 
of which may, at any moment, become embodied in his own expe- 
rience. To the play of natural phenomena, he reacts with emotions 
of wonder, awe, fear, pleasure. Any shift out of the ordinary, 
any unusual sound or shape, impresses itself insistently upon his 
consciousness, until it comes to be associated with other and more 
familiar mental images; and, finally, the entire complex takes shape 
as some new episode in romance, or as some fresh exploit of god 
or of demon. Of course, the range of fanciful associations that he 
can make is strictly limited by a traditional myth-pattern, to which 


he clings with characteristic conservatism; but with an emotional 
response to the unexpected in nature, he is always ready. When 
a Bagobo walks out of doors, his manner tends to be more serious 
and contemplative than indoors. Anything may happen, for nobody 
can predict the possible freaks of spiritual beings. While, perhaps, 
no buso may be in that particular trail; while this special clump 
of trees may be uninhabited ; while the entire journey may be free 
from spiritual encounter, yet one must be on the alert, and it is 
safer to behave with gravity toward nature in all of her phases. 
This attitude of quiet seriousness finds expression in a curious 
nature myth, which is repeated to the young people and possibly 
tends to inhibit in them some of the propensities of youth. They 
are taught that they must not laugh at their reflection in the 
water; that they must not laugh at small animals; that no monkey 
or rat or lizard or spider or fly may be put to ridicule. ^^ In a 
word, as one boy expressed the idea: ^'You must not laugh at 
anything you see; for, if you do, Eilat will break your neck." 
Whether such little creatures are under the special protection of 
Kilat, the Thunder Spirit, is not clear, but to make fun of them is 
regarded as a presumptuous act, to which a severe penalty is attached, 
nothing less than having one's neck dislocated and one's head 
twisted about. ^' Bagobo mothers tell their daughters that long ago. 

* * In Beyers's recent publication, it is interesting to note that among the Manobo 
people of Mindanao there exists a tabu against ridiculing or mocking frogs, monkeys and 
cats; and Oarvan states that laughing at other animals, too, is forbidden. With both 
the Bagobo and the Manobo, we find that the punishment for such levity is associated 
with thunder; although the punishment takes different forms, for Manobo tradition says 
that the transgressor is turned to stone. C/, "Origin myths amoog the mountain peoples 
of the Philippines." Philippine Jour. Sci.. pp. 89—90. April, 1918. 

*' A tradition, corresponding, in every detail, to that repeated by Bagobo women, was 
found by Dr. Nieuwenhuis, among the Bahau tribes of East Borneo. They say, there, 
that laughing at animals is punished by the Thunder Spirits, who twist round the neck 
of the offender, and that it is incautious to place a domestic animal even in a situation 
that would cause laughter. 

.Diese Naturgeister iiben anch direkten Einfluss auf das Leben der Menschen aus; so 
werden bestimmte Vergehen durch die io beklaref Donnergeister, bestraft. Das Lachen 
nber Tiere z. B., das bei den Bahau als Verbrechen gilt, wird durch die ta b^klare sogleich 
gestraft, indem sie dem Schuldigen den Hals umdrehen. £s ist daher sehr onvorsichtig, 
mit einem Huhn, Bnnd oder Schwein etwas vorznnehmen, was die Laute znm Lachen 
bringen konnte. Als am Mahakam plotzlich ein kleines Madchen, wahrscheinlich an Ver- 
giftang, starb, sehrieben die Dorfbewohner ihren Tod dem Umstand zu, dass sie iiber 
irgend ein Tier gelacht habeu sollte." A. W. NnuwKnHUis : Quer durch Borneo, vol. 1, 
pp. 97- 98. 1904. 


in another part of the world, there were some girls who laughed 
at small animals, and that Kilat turned their heads around so that 
they had to walk facing backward. 

The Bagobo is highly imitative, very ready to incorporate the 
myths and customs of other tribes, yet he borrows and assimilates 
in a manner peculiarly Bagobo. The interpretation that he will 
make of a bamboo trunk mottled with darkish spots, or of the 
baying of a dog at night, while it may conform in general outline 
to wide-sweeping Malay tradition, will yet have a characteristic 
Bagobo touch, since the background of Bagobo experience is not 
identical with the background of Bilaan, or of Tagakaola, or of 
Visayan experience. His response to natural phenomena will be 
somewhat different from that of any other group having a similar 

Below are sketched in outline a few typical myths concerning 
natural phenomena. 

Before time began, the sky, the sun and moon, and all of the 
heavenly bodies, the land and all green things that grow on the 
earth, the sea and rivers and rocks, were created by Pamulak 
Manobo. He also made people of every race and tribe that are 
now in the world. Another widely-told story, ^*^ that is repeated in 
slightly varying versions, gives a different origin to the stars. 
The moon is the mother of the stars and the sun is their father. 
Each star is one small fragment of the body of the moon's little 
daughter, whom the sun killed at her birth and cut into small 
pieces, because of his bitter disappointment that the child was not 
a boy. He scattered the bright sherds by handfuls over the sky, 
and they became the stars. ^^ 

The earth is flat, and is shaped like a circle, over which the 
sky fits down snug, like a cap or a circular box-lid; and thus we 
get the line of the horizon, commonly called the ^'root of the sky,'* 
or the "border of the heaven." At first, the sky hung low over 
the earth, and through it the sun and the moon traveled close 
together, for then they were on friendly terms; but the sky was 

** Thii story, and several other myths associated with natural phenomena, are given 
in Joor. Am. Folk-lore, vol. 26, pp. 15—19. 1918. Cf. also Beyer's Manobo tale, "The 
origin of the stars." Philippine, Jour. Sci., vol. S, p. 91. April, 1918. 

* * A Mantra legend represents the san as engaged in a perpetual attempt to destroy 
the star-children. Cf. R. Martin: Die Inlaodstamme der malayischen Halbinael. p. 
977. 1906. 


so near to the earth that the people could not work, and so Pa* 
mulak Manobo commanded it to come up higher. '^^ At about the 
same time, the sun and moon had their altercation over the fate 
of the baby, and no longer wished to journey together. For this 
reason, after the sky moved up, they began the custom of taking 
passage over the earth at different times. Both sun and moon 
travel above the earth, from east to west, and then pass down 
below the earth and go back from west to east. During our nighty 
the sun illumines the place where the dead spirits are staying. 

An eclipse *°* of the moon is believed to be caused by the rapa- 
cious bird named Minokawa that lives just outside of the eastern 
horizon, and has beak and claws of steel. Eight holes the moon 
makes in the eastern horizon by which to enter for her passage 
over the earth, and eight holes in the western horizon, by any one 
of which she can get out again when she takes her course under 
the earth, back from west to east. Every day, when she comes in 
at one of the eastern entrances, she runs the risk of being snatched 
up and swallowed by the mammoth Minokawa-bird, in which event 
an eclipse occurs. Then the Bagobo, following a widespread Malay 
custom, begin to utter shouts and to beat agongs and to make a 
tremendous din, in the hope of making the bird disgorge the moon. '"^ 

**** Another Tersion, still more common among tho Bagobo, is given in the Jonr. Am. 
Folk-lore, vol. 26, p. 16. 1918. The old woman, called Tuglibang, cannot pound her rice 
becanse the sky hangs so low, and she chides the sky nntil it rushes up to its present 
place. Almost precisely the same story is known among the Manobo. Cf. H. 0. Betek: 
op. eit. p. 89; and compare the Ifugao tale, ibid, p. 105, which, like the version in my 
text, calls in the help of a god to raise the sky. 

' * ' Among Malays of the Peninsula and of Sumatra, the belief is widespread that an 
eclipse is caused by a serpent, a dragon, or a dog devouring the sun or the moon; and 
that the setting up of a din and clamor will frighten away the monster. Cf. Skeatr 
op. cit,, p. 11. In the Mantra myth, just quoted, the pursuit of the moon by the sun 
is continually going on, and when the sun bites the moon a lunar eclipse occurs. Op. eit., 
p. 977. For the fiagobo story of the eclipse, see Jour. Am. Folk-lore, vol. 26, p. 19; 
and, for the Visayan legend, ef. Maxwell and Millington's collection, in the same jour- 
nal, vol. 19, p. 209. 1906. 

In an Indian saga we find an episode of Rahu's head swallowing the sun and tho 
moon. Somadeva: op. cit,, vol. 1, p. 151. 

'**The Batak of Sumatra give a sliii^htly different explanation of an eclipse. Aocor> 
ding to Warneck's story, the sun in the beginning had seven sons, each of whom gave- 
ont a heat as intense as the sun herself. The plants on earth withered, and men could 
not stand up against the heat. They asked the help of the moon. He called all the- 
ttars to him and hid them; then, by the ruse of spitting betel juice into seven dishes, 
and showing to the sun the dishes full of red juice, persuaded her that he had eaten hia 
children. Then tho son killed and ate her seven sons. On discovering that the moon had 


Tradition says that in the moon live many people who are like 
the Bagobo. There is a great pananag tree there, with a white 
monkey sitting on one of its branches. This is what causes the 
phenomenon of ** spots" ^®^ on the face of the moon. We can make 
out the shape of the monkey and of the tree rather indistinctly, 
but all the old men know that they are there. They say, however, 
that if anybody should clearly see the white monkey sitting on the 
tree he would instantly drop dead, or be taken with a fatal illness. 
It appears that the clouds are all afraid of this monkey, and this 
is the reason why, on a moonlight night, the clouds are often seen 
flitting over the face of the moon, and then fleeing away into the 
sky. Yet the monkey in the moon is a good animal, and the friend 
of man, for he is continually fighting with the evil huso. According 
to another myth, the clouds are not personified but are said to be 
the white smoke arising from the fires of the diwata in the heavens. 

The phenomena of thunder and lightning are referred to an 
enormous horse, Kilat by name, that belongs to one of the diwata. 
Kilat runs and fights, prances and gambols in the sky, making 
lightning flash when he shakes his bright mane, sending out thunder- 
claps when he neighs in a mighty, roaring voice. The power of 
this mythical animal is feared like that of buso, since the heaviest 
peals of thunder indicate that Kilat is about to drop down to earth, 
bringing sickness and death to domestic animals and to the Bagobo. 
When Kilat's voice is heard at its loudest, they cut up a lemon 
in water and throw the water here and there on the ground, since 
this will frighten him back to his place in the sky. There is an 
interesting tradition connected with certain small, bluish-black 
stones, several inches long, that are, perhaps, of meteoric origin. 
The Bagobo use them for whetstones and for scouring-bricks, but 
they say that they are the teeth of Kilat which dropped out of his 
mouth when it was wide open for emitting thunder-claps, or that 

let out the stars, the sun sent the fighting spirits Uu to attack him. When the mooa 
is hard pressed by the lau, an eclipse occurs. Then all the people on earth, mindfal of 
the moon's kindness to them, cry out "Set the moon free, you lau I" Sometimes these 
spirits attack the sun, and then, an eclipse of the sun takes place. C/. Die Religion der 
Batak, pp. 43—44. 1909. 

'**' Some peninsular Malay groups think the spots on the moon to be an inYerted 
banyan tree. Of. W. W. Skeat: Malay magic, p. 13. 1900. The Manobo call the spots 
ft bunch of taro leaves that the sun, in anger, threw at the face of the moon. Cf. 
H. 0. BiCTEB: op, cit.^ p. 91. The same author calls attention to tbe beliefs of other 
groups: that the spots are a cluster of bamboos, or a baliti tree. Cf, loc. dt,, footnote. 


he lost some teeth while eating. It is the action of Eilat's teeth that 
splits open cocoanuts and makes them fall to the ground. This is 
the reason that cocoanuts are so often heard to drop, when no man 
has climbed the tree to cut them off. Bananas, also, are found lying 
on the ground, spoiled evidently by the teeth of Eilat, for the 
dents may be seen in the skin. 

There are several distinct notions connected with rainstorms and 
showers. One belief is that when the diwata throw out water 
from the sky, or when they spit, the rain falls; another, that 
the tears of the little sister of the Malaki t'Olu k'Waig fall down 
in drops of rain. Again, it is said that showers come when the 
spirits of dead friends are weeping, because they are lonely and 
are calling other Bagobo individuals to accompany them to the 
lower world. Very commonly, however, rain is associated directly 
with the mythical source of thunder and lightning, and said to be 
due to Kilat, who is dropping water from his body. That Buso 
walks in the rain is generally believed, and hence children are 
instructed to remain indoors during a storm. Only dogs and other 
domestic animals may safely walk with Buso in a heavy shower. 
Finally, a thunderstorm may be brought to a close by some strong 
and fierce buso who is able to devour Kilat himself. 


Characterization of the two souls 

Like other Malay peoples, the Bagobo have a great body of myth 
and of folklore concerning the behavior of the souls of man, 
events connected with death, and the nature of future existence. 
Inhabiting every individual, two souls called gimokud are recognized ^®* 

**^ Father Gisbert irrites that, ''The Bagobos recognize two beginniogs, and say that 
they ha?e two souU ... Of the two souls, one goes to heaven and the other to hell." 
Blajb] and Robertson: op. eiL, vol. 48, p. 3S5. 1906. As will be seen later, in our 
treatment of the subject, the fate of the two souls is such that the Father's use of the 
words, "heaven" and ''hell" is a broad extension of the popular meaning of those words. 
The important point, however, is that he found two to be the generally received number 
of souls belonging to each individual. It is clear that the conception of soul varies 
somewhat in different Bagobo communities, since Cole found at Sibulan a belief in eight 
•ouls for every individual. Cf. op cU., p. 105. The Malays of the peninsula, according 
to Skeat, distinguish seven different soule. Cf. op, cii., p. 50. 

The natives of Nias believe that there are three souls, according to Wilken, who, as 
Modigliani quotes him, agrees with the missionary, Sundermann, in the statement that 



— shadowy, etherial personalities, that dominate the body more or 
less completely. The right-hand soul, known in Bagobo terminology 
as the Oimokiid TakawanaUj is the so-called ''good soul" that 
manifiists itself as the shadow on the right hand side of one's path. 
The left-hand soul, called Gimokud Tehang^ is said to be a ''bad 
soul" and shows itself as the shadow on the left side of the 
path. The name for either shadow is alung. The takawanan is 
associated, in native thinking, with those factors of existence that 
stand for lif(», health, activity, joy; while the tebang is associated 
with factors that tend toward death, sickness, sluggishness, pain. 
The left-liand soul often departs from the human body and does 
unlooked-for things that have an unhappy influence on the body: 
it undertakes alarming exploits; it wanders about as a dream-spirit, 
thus producing nightmare, or, at least, horrible mental images during 
8lo(»p. The right-hand soul, on the contrary, is associated with the 
nornuil continuity of existence, for it never leaves the body from 
birth until death, except to lie, at times, as the right-hand shadow, 
still attached clingingly to the physical frame. Death is the simple 
fact of the passing of the right-hand soul out from the body, and 
becoming pernumently separated from it. But the stream of indi- 
vidual existence is not checked by death, for the takawanan goes 
at once to the (Hreat Country below the earth, and there continues 
to live, in much the same manner as on earth, except for the non- 
corporeal and ghostly appearance that characterizes all of its activities. 

liifjht'hand Soul or (rimokud Takawanan 
Brown in color like a Ibigobo, they say the takawanan would 

thete touU b«lon)t, retpeotivrly, to the br«ath the shadow and the heart. The first sool 
is MiW. which, at death, returns to the wind and ceases to exist, except where it surTiTet 
as a hereditary soul. The second is the soul of man's shadow, and can be seen only in 
the light of the sun or in the brightness of lore, thoogh a priest may see it at aU times. 
At death, this s«>ttl becomes the hhkm ei maUt which goes to the realm of the dead in 
the subterranean world. The third soul has its seat in the heart, and is known as mbto- 
4/«'^V^, or ftuil of the heart, and this is the most noble of the three, since there is nothing 
in man which does not take its origin from the heart. 

M\^igliaBi. howefer, differ* from Wilken and distinguishes between the statements of 
tiio natives of Nias concerning the soul of the dead, and the soul of the liring. Daring 
lite, the »tW di>d\ located in the hean, is the wnl most commonly spoken of, and the 
MMTve of all emotions. At deaih. this soul resolres itself into three: the tktk^ or hered- 
itary si>al ; the w.\n». or spiritual principle of all human e^isteAce* and the htckm n wamte^ 
or spirit of the dead. Cf. In ria^o a Nias, pp. 287— d90. 1$90. 


look, could one but clearly glimpse it, and in all other character- 
istics, it is like the living Bagabo, except for its tenuous substance. 
It is identified with the activities and the life itself of the body, 
and hence remains in the body throughout life; for the event of 
its removing itself to a distance would spell death. I have heard 
the opinion hazarded by a Bagobo youth that the takawanan might 
go away for just a little while without the body dying, but this 
idea may have been suggested by observing his shadow, and fan- 
cying that it might move away from him. The customary concept 
of the takawanan, as well as the conduct observed at a deathbed, 
implies that this soul inhabits the human body perpetually, or as 
a shadow remains closely attached to it, imtil death. 

Signs of death. The beating of the pulse at the wrist and 
the pulsations that are to be felt "on top of the head" are signs of 
the presence of the gimokud takawanan in the living body. When 
a Bagobo is mortally sick and death is imminent, an attendant 
holds the wrist of the patient, with the index and the middle fingers 
at the dorsal side, and the thumb on the pulse, in order to note 
whether the gimokud is still there. When the pulse ceases to 
throb, the gimokud is ready to take leave of the body, but, since 
it cannot find an exit through the wrist or the finger-tips, it passes 
up to the head of the dying man and goes out through that point 
in the crown where a pulsation is apparent (probably the anterior 
fontanelle). Somebody lays fingers or palm of the hand on top of 
the head to. ascertain the exact moment when gimokud takes its 
flight. '®* The cessation of heart-beat, laginawa^ is often noted also. 
The signs of death are therefore three : (a) The stilling of the pulse ; 
(6) The cessation of throbbing on the skullcap; (c) The stopping 
of heartbeat. 

Sometimes they make efforts to detain the takawanan in the body : 
they seize and shake the arms of the dying man; they grasp his 
head and make it wag to and fro, in the hope of checking the 
spirit's departure; but as the sure signs of death become apparent 
they cease all efforts to hold the gimokud. 

Summons to the living. Between the time of death and 

> • • The Moro say that the soal enters the body through the top of the skoll, and 
makes its exit by the same hole at death. Cf, C. H. Forbes-Limdsat s The Philippines 
under Spanish and American rules, pp. 602 — 505. 1900. Perhaps the Bagobo have bor- 
bowed the idea. 


burial it is still possible for the right-hand soul to communicate 
with the living, and this it does on a vast scale. Immediately 
after leaving the body, it is customary for the spirit to give notice 
of its last journey, and at the same time try to secure a com- 
panion, by visiting in the form of an insect every house in the 
world. The entire series of visits is supposed to be made during 
the short period — say, from twenty-four to thirty-six hours — 
that elapses between death and burial. '°^ The insect enters a house 
and sings in a small voice that is like the chirp of a cricket, or 
the soft tinkling of a little bell called korung-korung. Nobody can 
see the gimokud, but at night when **the bug with the sweet 
voice chirps on the wall" one knows that somebody is dead. 
Then the person listening must say: "Who are you? my brother? 
my sister?" If the singing stops immediately, it is a sign that a 
near relative is dead, ^but if the sound keeps on it indicates that 
some other family has been bereaved. 

Sometimes the chirping is interpreted as a summons to some 
friend or relative to follow the dead one, who asks for a fellow 
traveler to the lower world. Fearful of sickness and death coming 
upon him, the listener quickly replies: "You can come here no 
more because you are now going to the Great City. You have 
still a little love (diluk ginatva) for me; do not bring me sick- 
ness." This formula is usually potent to banish the importunate 
spirit. It is said that when a gimokud is very insistent for a 
companion, a friend may die within a day or two, an example 
quoted being that of Adela, the Bagobo wife of a Visayan. Of 
her, they narrate that she caused a woman friend to die one or 
two days after herself, because she feared to journey alone to the 
lower world. 

This form of spiritual manipulation is considered quite proper for 
a timid person or for a youth, but there is a feeling among the 
Bagobo that a gimokud who is strong and brave will not wait 
around for a friend to die, but will start alone for the Great City. 
A boy of fourteen, nephew of Adela, confided to me his fears of 
the gruesome journey. 

''If a gimokud is not brave, he waits for a companion to die. I am afraid 
to go alone to tlic Great City. When I am dead, my spirit will wait near 

* " * The body of a datu may be kept much longer, but I failed to ascertain the proceis 
of embalming that would be used. 


my friend, Rarlos, and will say to his spirit: 4 want you to go with me to 
the One City.' Then my friend will get a sickness and die, and I shall have 
a companion; but if he does not want to go with me, I do not force him, 
but I ask other friends — many." 

After the burial, the ghost-bug can sing no more, for the spirit 
has started for Gimokudan, and can never again disturb the living 
by chirping at night. The gimokud is now known also as Kayung. 

A rain lasting several days, or even a week, is a phenomenon 
very significant when it occurs immediately after the death of a 
Bagobo, for it is caused by the tears of the dead gimokud, who is 
lingering about, waiting for a friend to accompany him. A magical 
rite must then be performed to still the lamentations of the spirit. 
Suppose that showers fall incessantly after the death of a boy. 
Forthwith, his father places a few areca-nuts and betel-leaves, with 
perhaps a little tobacco, on the ground as an offering to the gimo- 
kud, and cajoles him with words like these: ^'Do not cry any more, 
for you know you do not love your father; you would rather go 
to the Great City." The spell is efficacious; the rain ceases; the 
gimokud stops its weeping and starts alone on the last journey. 
This case does not appear to be reconcilable with the belief that 
the soul leaves the earth for Gimokudan immediately after the 
funeral, for in the tropics a body cannot be kept for several days 
unless embalmed, while the metaphorical showers may last for a 
week. A Malay, however, does not think in exact dialectic, and 
perhaps would not be conscious of the contradiction. 

Onong or travel outfit for the soul. The time required for 
the journey from earth down to the land of the dead, called 
Kilut, is variously estimated at from two days to one week. A 
traveling outfit, technically known as onong^ is prepared by the 
friends of the deceased so that he may lack for nothing on the 
road. The onong includes those articles which are in constant use 
by the living — betel-box and lime-case, areca-nuts, buyo-leaf, 
tobacco (for a man), boiled rice, and other necessaries — all of 
which are placed in carrying-bag or basket and buried with 
the body. 

In common with the animistic conceptions of many another prim- 
itive tribe, the belief is held by the Bagobo that it is the spirit- 
ual substratum or essence of the rice, the buyo or the tobacco, 
that the gimokud abstracts and enjoys, while the material element 
is left in the grave with the corpse. This spiritual substance is 



regarded as the gimokud of the object, for, as stated in a later 
section, every manufactured thing has its own soul: there is a 
gimokud of the betel-box, a gimokud of the lime-case, a gimokud 
of the carrying bag, and all these go down to Eilut with the 
human gimokud. Only what is buried with a person can go with 
him to the home of the dead, although it is thought that other of 
his possessions may later reach him, after the material parts have 
been worn out and thus have lost their gimokud. 

The one coantry of the dead. The place of the dead is 
variously called Kilut, Gimokudan, '^^ the Great Country (to Dakul 
Banud '^®), the One Country (to Sebad Banna). It lies directly 
below the earth, which, in the form of a flat disc or circle, rests 
upon it. The soul is conceived to go from the grave straight down 
through the earth to reach the lower world. In talking of such 
matters, a Bagobo will say that his kayung, or his gimokud "goes 
into the ground" when he dies. 

On reaching Gimokudan, it is necessary to pass, first, through 
the City of the Black River (Banud ka Metutn Waig ^^\ which 
has also the name of Alamiawan. Here, under the direction of 
Mebuyan, '^^ chief priestess of the place, the soul undergoes a cere- 
monial lustration in the dark waters of the river, a bathing of 
head and joints. This process stands for naturalization in the world 
of spirits, and serves also to infuse a feeling of restfulness and 
content into the newly arrived gimokud and to dispel any lingering 
desire that it may have to return to earth. Failing this rite, the 
spirit might slip away, go back to the world and reanimate the 
body. The name given to this ceremonial bathing is pamalugu — 
the same term that is applied to that important function at the 
Ginum festival when water, applied with a bunch of plant charms, 
is poured over the head of the candidate. While it would be 

' * * Oiwiokud, ''souls or spirits" ; -am, "place of, place where." The particle -At, nsed at a 
nominal suffix, has several meanings; sometimes it is a plural ending, sebad pamaramg; 
dua pamarangan ; "one ear-plug, two ear-plugs ;" tebad kalaii, dua kalatidm ; "one pearl disc, 
two pearl discs." Again, in many cases, this particle is locative, as in Oimotudam; and I 
wish to correct the footnote made by me, in the story of "Lumabat and Mebajan," 
Jour. Am. Folk-lore, vol. 26, p. 20, which gives to this particle a plural force in the 
word gimokudan, 

*•• To, "the;" dakul, "big, great;** banud, a term variously applied to a town, a coantry, 
or the world itself, as well as to the place of the dead. 

•••Ztf, particle, "of;** metum, "black or dark-colored;" waig, "water.** 

>»• For the story of Mebuyan, see Jour. Am. Folk-lore, vol. 26, pp. 20 — 21. 1918. 


going too far to assume that the Ginum rite is in any way typical 
of the final bathing in the Black River, it is fair to say that the 
two rites are closely analogous. 

The country through which the dark river runs is said to be a 
good pl6ice to stay in, for the cocoanut trees grow in abundance 
and the areca palms are loaded with nuts; yet after the close of 
the lustration, the spirits pass on ^^^ to join the rest of the dead 
in Gimokudan proper, except the little children, who during their 
period of helplessness remain under the care of Mebuyan. 

Manner of existence in Gimokudan. No radical change in 
manner of life is conceived to be incident upon the shift of the 
soul to a new country. The spirit goes on with the same occupa- 
tions that fill the time of the Bagobo diu'ing life, and everything 
that is used on the earth may be obtained down there. Whatever 
a spirit lacks in his traveling outfit {pnong) that he brought with 
him, he can buy down there from the supplies laid in abundance 
before him. He may buy a jacket or a spear or a cock; since 
any manufactiu*ed article that wears out, or any animal that dies, 
forthwith gives up its immaterial gimokud, which then passes down 
to supply the needs of the spirits in the Great City — a mythical 
situation quite in accordance with the common primitive concepts 
touching the souls of animals and of inanimate objects. 

The same sun that shines on us by day travels around under 
the earth, and illuminates the world of the dead while we are in 
darkness, so that our day is synchronous with night in Kilut, and 
our night, with their day. It is during their period of darkness 
that all the dead are in action: the gimokud — weak, attenuated, 
shadowy, as they are conceived to be — work and dance and play 
and eat in the customary Bagobo manner; they sow and harvest 
rice; they dig camotes and cut sugar cane. The rice of Kilut is 
of immaculate whiteness, and each grain as big as a kernel of 
com; the camotes are the size of a great round pot, and every 
stick of sugar cane is as large as the trunk of a cocoanut-palm. 
All night long, even until dawn, this glad existence continues. 

At the rising of the sun, or just before sunrise, all of these 

' " I have not yet foond mention among the Bagobo of the belief held by many 
pagan peninsular Malays, that there is a bridge leading into heaven, and that all sools 
most cross this bridge, the good alone succeeding in maknig the passage. Martin derifes 
this tradition from an Iranian soarce. Cf, op. eit,, pp. 951 — 952. 


activities come to a halt. Every gimokud plucks one of the broad 
leaves of a plant called baguidn^ and twists it into a vessel sug- 
gesting the form of a boat, of a like pattern to the ceremonial 
dishes of hemp-leaf in use at Bagobo festivals, and called by the 
same name, kintidok. Each one of the gimokud seats himself upon 
his individual leaf-vessel, and there sits, waiting, until the hot rays 
of the sun cause him to dissolve, leaving the leaf-vessel full of 
water. Not until our day begins, and darkness spreads over the 
land of the dead, does the life of the ghosts swing back into action ; 
but as soon as the sun has passed up above the earth every gimo- 
kud resumes his personality, and takes up his work or his dance or 
his feasting, apparently as if no break had occurred. Then, again, 
the next morning, he makes a new leaf-vessel for himself from a 
fresh leaf (the old one having withered dry), sits down on it, and 
once more melts away under the sun's heat. This conception of a 
periodically interrupted existence would seem to imply that during 
twelve hours out of the twenty-four Eilut is empty of inhabitants, 
but it is questionable whether the Bagobo has ever made that gener- 

Fresh accretions are being added by individuals, from time to 
time, to the myths concerning the legendary home of the dead, 
though always along those lines that accepted tradition has drawn 
out. Dreams of the One Country, as well as phantasies incident 
to sickness and delirium, reveal fresh features that are deftly in- 
corporated with the old. "My uncle," said a young girl, Igula, 
**was very sick, and he went down to Gimokudan. A man there 
asked him to stay, but he did not like to stay; he wanted to come 
back to earth. They have cinnamon down there — much cinna- 
mon — and the streets are made of good boards; there is plenty 
of white stone too. My uncle told us about it when he came back." 

Topography of the one country. The subdivisions of Gimokudan 
are correlated, first, with age, and second, with the manner 
of death. The primary grouping consists in a segregation of 
young children from adults. A part of the country through 
which the Black River runs is set apart specially for nursing in- 
fants. As narrated in an ancient tale, one of Lumabat's sisters 
descended into the lower world, took the name of Mebuyan, and 
became chief of a special section of Gimokudan, which is named 
for her, Banud Mebuyan. Little children who die when they are 
still being nourished at their mothers' breasts (a long period with 


Bagobo children''^) go at once to Mebuyan, '^^ who welcomes them 
and gives milk to all; for not merely her breasts, but her arms 
and her whole body, are plentifully supplied with milk glands. 
Under her protection, the babies remain until they cease to be 
parasites and can shift for themselves, when they are sent to join 
their own families in the main banua of Gimokudan. 

A special region, called Kag-bUnoan^^^* is reserved for those 
who are slain by sword or spear, and it is said to be situated at 
some distance from the other divisions of the country of the dead. 
In Eag-bilnoan there are everywhere suggestions of blood, or of 
death by violence; for example, all the plants are of a blood-red 
color, and the spiritual bodies of the inhabitants retain the scars 
of their wounds. All occupations, however, go on just as in the 
other parts of Gimokudan. 

The Great Country, that is to say, Dakul Banud proper, forms 
the most extensive section of Gimokudan, since it is intended for 
all people, good and bad, who die from disease, or from sickness 
in any form. Hither, too, come trooping all the children who are 
old enough to leave the fostering care of Mebuyan. Pale in color, 
or pure white, are all the plants and trees here. 

^ ' ' A Bagobo mother does not wean her child, but suckles it as long as it wants to 
come to her, even when it grows old enough to run about. There comes a day when the 
child, intent on play, forgets to run to the mother's breast for food. In such case, she 
does not call her child, but by and by gives it a little rice, and thus the change is 
gently accomplished. 

^^* Mebuyan's position in the spirit world suggests the worship of the "Great Mothers" 
in northern India. See W. Crooke: The popular religion and folk-lore of northern India, 
vol. 1, pp. 111—117. 1896. Cf, "Bagobo myths." Jour. Am. Folk-lore, vol. 26, pp. 
20—21. 1918. 

» * * From bUno, "to thrust, to spear." 

The concept that different colors characterize different localities in the land of the 
dead appears in the north of the Philippines , and it is found among the pagan tribes of 
Malaysia. In the "Relation of the Filipinas Islands," 1640, supposed to have been written 
by Fr. Diego de Bobadilla, occurs the following passage, referring, apparently, to both 
Tagal and Visayan groups: "They believed that when the soul left the body, it went to 
an island, where the trees, birds, waters, and all other things were black; that it passed 
thence to another island, where all things were of different colors; and that finally it 
arrived at one where everything was white." Blaib and Robertson, vol. 29, p. 288. 1905. 
Of the Mintera, Professor Martin writes as follows, quoting from Logan: "Als Gegensatz 
zum Himmel treffen wir bei den Mintera auf die Vorstellung einer 'Roten Erde' (Tanah 
Merah), d.h. auf ein verlsssenes und elendes Iimd, in das die Seelen derjenigen Menschen 
eingehen, die eines blntigen Todes gestorben sind." Op. eii., p. 958 (taken from J. R. Logan : 
"The Superstitions of the Miutira." Journal of the Indian Archipelago and Eastern Asia, 
vol. 1, p. 826. 1847). 


Idea of retribution. As a factor in the manner of life after 
death, the concept of retribution for behavior on earth is practi- 
cally non-existent."* Only one myth has come under my obser- 
vation that hints at the possibility of a painful aftermath being the 
punishment for an evil life. This was an episode in the story of 
Lumabat and Wari where the foreign flavor was distinctly apparent. ' *^ 
My question as to whether a bad Bagobo would be punished in 
Oimokudan brought the prompt answer, **No;" but when I asked 
whether a certain boy who had a reputation for small thievery 
would be allowed to live with the other Bagobo, they told me that 
there were many different towns in Gimokudan. Perhaps we may 
infer that the spirits may group themselves according to inclination. 

Left'hafid Soul or Giniokud Tehang 

Diametrically opposed to the takawanan, as regards its character 
and its final fate, is that other soul of man, the Gimokud Tebang, 
which shows itself as a shadow on the left side of one's path, and 
appears also as the reflection in the water. This left-hand soul 
is hurtful to the body it inhabits, and is the direct cause of many 
a pain and sickness. 

When a Bagobo catches sight of his reflection"' in a clear 
stream, he must look at it soberly ; he must not betray any feeling 
of pleasure or of amusement. If he laughs at his image in the 
water, he will die (presumably because he has mocked his left- 
hand soul). 

Dream exploits. It is the left-hand soul which leaves the 
body at night and goes flying about the world, where it encounters 

* * ' According to Mr. Cole, there is among the Bagobo of Sibalan a belief in retriba- 
tion. He says: "The giraokod of evil men are punished by being crowded into poor 
hoases." Op, cit, p. 105. 

''• Cf, Jour. Am. Folk-lore. vol. 26, p. 22. 1918. 

> > ^ Reflections in the water are held by certain other tribes in the Philippines to be 
of great import, being sometimes used as means of divination. The Recollect Fathers 
wrote, in 1624, of the inhabitants of the Calamianes and Cuyo groups: "Their priests 
were highly revered . . . The devil showed them what they asked from him, in water, 
with certain shadows or figures.'* Blair and Robertson, vol. 21, p. 228. 1905. As yet, 
I have not seen that anybody has recorded, of other tribes, a tabu against laughing at 
one's reflection, or has stated that this image is, specifically, the evil soul of man. 
Specialized observances, however, and local variations in belief might easily develop from 
the suggestion of mystery and of wonder associated with a reflection in the water. 


yarious dangers. All these adventures, with their accompanying 
sensations, are experienced by the Bagobo in his dreams. As a 
Bagobo youth explained to me: "When I dream at night, my 
gimokud tebang is flying and the buso is catching me, or I am 
falling from a cliff. I dream that I am riding on a boat and 
fishing in the sea. Many ships I see there that the buso are 
riding. They look like men with ugly faces and coarse black hair 
all over their bodies, and some have wings. Then I try to run away." 

There is an element of real danger in these dream exploits of 
the left-hand soul, for it is stated that if the tebang should be 
caught and eaten by a buso, the human body to which it belongs 
must die, for the buso, having swallowed the soul, instantly goes 
in search of the body itself. 

One startling exploit of the left-hand soul, that has become known 
to the Bagobo in dreams, is an attempt to reach the Great City 
and there join the good spirits in their pleasant home. The 
tebang gets as far as the City of the Black River, but there is 
stopped by Mebuyan, who asks, ^'Are you alive?" The tebang 
replies, "Yes, Lady," and then Mebuyan dismisses him with the 
words: "Go back to where you came from." Now, if the left-hand 
soul still persists in forcing an entrance, and tries to bathe his 
joints in the dark river, like the more fortunate right-hand soul, 
he gets wet feet and becomes very sick, and is obliged to return 
to earth. 

Closely connected with dreams, are the delusions experienced in 
trance by diseased or neurotic individuals, who, on waking, describe 
frightful visions in graphic detail. I quote from a story given by 
the boy, Islao. 

"There are two kinds of dreams: the tagenup and the orup. In the orup, 
you see nothing; you hear nothing. You will die. The Buso will kill you, 
if you have no companion to waken you. The orup is making noise without 
words. A man who wakens from orup tells about it: he says his body is 
heavy; all the time he hears a sound like the leaves moving in the wind, 
or tike the noise in your ears when you swim. He sees a big man with 
one eye holding him ; the eye looks like a great bowl in the middle of his 
forehead. Many men who wake up from orup say this. The big man is a 
buso who wants to carry him off and eat him." 

Thus we have the ordinary adventure dream, called tcigenup] and 
the trance or the delirium accompanying a pathological condition, 
called orup. In both cases, the left-hand soul is supposed to ab- 


sent itself from the body, and to become an actor in situations that 
imperil the body, and that are remembered on waking. 

Yet not alone in nightmare and in delusions, is a malign influence 
exerted over the body when this evil soul escapes from it; for 
other forms of suffering are connected, sympathetically, with the 
varied exploits of Gimokud Tebang. He swims in [the deep sea 
and sends shivers through the person to whom he belongs; he 
strikes his foot on a sharp stone and drives pains through the 
material foot; he drinks poison, thus causing agony in the stomach; 
and, by various other sorts of behavior, he brings about a corres- 
ponding condition in the body which he dominates. 

Fate at death. At the moment of death, the tebang leaves the 
body for the last time, now to become a buso-ghost, and to join 
the innumerable company of buso that haunt graves and tall trees 
and lonely places. Now he is lonely, they say, and wants a com- 
panion to prowl around with him at night, everywhere. Like the 
right-hand soul, he lingers about until the body is buried, in a 
gruesome attempt to give a summons to some living friend. Folk- 
lore tells us that the tebang wanders alone through the forests 
until he finds an old rotten tree, to which he puts the question: 
**Can you kill me?" and to this the dead tree answers, "No." 
Then the tebang bunts his head against the weak and hollow trunk, 
and instantly the old tree comes crashing to the ground. This 
means that somebody is going to die soon. Therefore, when one 
hears at night the sound of a tree cracking and breaking down, 
when there is no man near to fell it, one knows, straightway, that 
the left-head soul is thrusting his head against the trunk, for a 
signal to some companion. It is a sign of death. 

Up to the time that the body is buried, the left-hand soul still 
bears his old name of tebang, but after the funeral**® he is called 

1 ^ • The conception of a ghost haanilng the places connected with its life activities is, of 
coarse, very widespread. In Malaysia, certain inland tribes carry this idea so far that, 
according to Dr. Martin, they have a regnlar custom of forsaking their houses after » 
death has occurred in them. 

''Dagegen scbeint es moglich, die Hantu je nach ihrer Beziehung entweder zur mensch- 
lichen Psyche oder zu Erscheinungen in der Natur in zwei Gnippen einznteilen. Die 
ersteren kniipfen an die Seele des Verstorbenen an, die den Hinterbliebenen in irgend 
einer Form Schaden tun kann. Darum verlassen ja Senoi (und Semang) nach jedemTodeS' 
fall ihre Wohnstatte, auch wenn das Orab sich entfernt von der Hiitte im Jungle befindet* 
oder wenn sie selbst eine Anpflanzung damit anfgeben miissen." Op cit., p. 946. A like 
custom has found some following among the Bagobo. 


burkaUj or kainatoyan. We may speak of him as a buso-ghost, for 
convenience in designation, but there is now little distinction, if 
any, between himself and the rest of the demons. Like other buso, 
he digs up dead bodies, tears the flesh from the skeleton, and 
devours the flesh; like other buso, he stands under the house of 
the dying, or hovers over it, ready to drink the watery blood of 
the corpse, and to catch every falling drop upon a chin two spans 
in length. In short, it is those mental images most abhorrent to 
Bagobo fancy that are pressed into service for picturing the future 
of that spirit that throws a shadow on the left side of the path, 
and that looks at one strangely from the water. If this flesh- 
eating kamatoyan could be seen, the old people say, he would look 
just like a shadow. 

"There is no way by which a kamatoyan can talk with us," the 
Bagobo assert, ** because he is bad;" but he manages to make his 
presence felt, not only by such signs as the falling of old trees, 
but by other peculiar noises that are heard in darkness only. 
When one hears a sound of weird laughter at night, it is the 
kamatoyan calling for blood to drink. If the laughter sounds faint 
and far away, — tihi! — it is actually close at hand; but if it 
is loud and seems near by it is really far distant, because this evil 
spirit deceives us. One need not be too much alarmed, however, 
for, like the other buso, the kamatoyan is seeking only the dead 
for food, though he may hurt the living by making them sick. 

Getieral considerations 

Restoration of the dead to life. A few allusions in folklore, 
and one or two particular episodes in myth, give us the im- 
pression that the conception of raising a dead body to life contains 
no element of impossibility, but may come to pass under certain 
conditions, of which the following are examples. 

If anyone should die in consequence of having laughed at his 
image in the stream, the corpse must be buried directly under the 
eaves of the house. By and by, life will return to the body. No 
doubt some little ritual would accompany the performance, but my 
informant gave me only the bare fact. 

A magical restoration to life, brought about by a combination oi 
circumstances, forms one episode in a story of the Spring, **^ the 

**•(/. Jour. Am. Folk-lore, vol. 26, pp. 61—62. 1913. 


forest demon who bewilders men and carries them away. A boy 
is lured into the woods, and brought to his death by a fall into a 
ravine. A dream messenger appears to his mother and tells her 
what offerings to make for the life of her son. The S'iring listens 
to the woman's prayers, and brings the boy to life by applying 
chewed betel to the crushed bones of body and skull. When the 
devotions of the mother are satisfactorily completed, her son is 
restored to her. Here is involved, the cooperation of a friendly 
god, of a dream messenger, of the lad's mother and of the demon 
himself who caused the death. 

A peculiar form of sickness that terminates fatally is caused by 
the pig-like buso called Abuy^ but ^'a good medicine" is said to 
bring to life those struck down by this demon. 

There is a hypothetical type of resurrection that involves no 
outside agency, but supposes a spontaneous return to the body of 
a soul that fails to perform the required ceremonial bathing at 
entrance to the lower world. The story entitled "Lumabat and 
Mebuyan" **® says that, "This bathing (pamalugu) is for the pur- 
pose of making the spirits feel at home, so that they will not run 
away and go back to their own bodies. If the spirit could return 
to its body, the body would get up and be alive again." 

Cult of the dead. Prayers and gifts to the dead are made at 
set points during the celebration of Ginum, notably at the function 
called awas^ *^* when areca-nuts on betel-leaves are offered in dishes 
of hemp-leaf to all the spirits in Kilut, both ^'the old gimokud 
and the new gimokud," with an intention of including those who 
have been long dead, as well as those recently deceased. In the 
same devotion, the gimokud are urged not to think at all about 
the festival, for there is clearly a lurking fear that the dead spirits 
may return and draw the living after them. 

Propitiatory rites at this same great festival are addressed to all 
the buso who were once left-hand souls, so that they may be per- 
suaded to do no harm to the Bagobo. As old Chief Oleng explained : 
"All the tigbanua of the wood, and all the dead buso — we 
prepare betel for them, to keep us from being sick." ^^^ 

»»• Jour. Am. Folk-lore, vol. 26, p. 21. 1918. 
» • » See Part II. 

> * * The fathers of the Recollect roiMions in the group of islands called Visayas recorded, 
in 1624, an accoant of the memorial rites there celebrated for the 4fd. 

*'Each year every relative punctually celebrated the obsequies, and that iraa a very 


Ideas of death. Young people among the Bagobo, tend to 
confuse mental images of the dead body that they have seen put 
into the grave with those of the gimokud which, they are told, 
''goes into the earth" in order to reach the underworld. The 
people in the graves are blind, the children say, but they get 
along because they have plenty of rice and chickens and bananas 
and camotes to eat. Yet an intelligent adult differentiates perfectly 
the tri-partite nature which tradition has assigned to man, — there 
is a physical body that the buso will dig up and eat after it has 
been put under the soil; there is a good takawanan that goes to 
the One Country to continue its existence in a less substantial and 
more highly idealized manner than on earth, although moved by 
like interests and like emotions to those that motivate him here,, 
and, finally, there is an evil tebang that turns into a horrible, 
man-eating burkan, perpetually roaming over the earth like a prey 
animal, and preserving not a single tie or a single interest to bind 
him to the friends and activities of his mortal life. 

The point of psychological interest is, that when a Bagobo talks 
of his own personal future existence, either as demon or as happy 
spirit, his attention is wholly drawn off in the direction of the 
special gimokud which at the moment appeals to him, to an extent 
that the two conceptions may be said to be mutually exclusive^ 
Remarks like the following illustrate the point: ''I shall be a buso 
when I die." ''Everybody turns into a buso when he dies." 

festive day. They gathered a great quantity of food and beverages ; they commenced 
many joyful dances; they staffed themselves with what was prepared, taking some to- 
their houses, and reserving the greater portion to offer to the divaia, and to the de- 
ceased, in the following manner. A small bamboo boat was prepared, with much care, 
and they filled it with fowls, flesh, eggs, fish, and rice, together with the necessary dishes. 
The bayloH gave a talk or a prolix prayer, and finished by saying: 'May the dead 
receive that obseqny, by giving good fortune to the living*. Those present answered with 
great shouting and happiness. Then they loosed the little boat (sacred, as they thought), 
which no one touched, and whose contents they did not eat, even though they were perish- 
ing: for that they considered a great sin." Blaib and Robertson: op. cU., vol. 21, 
p. 209. 1905. 

In another Recollect document, 1624, a custom of the Calamianes is recorded which 
appears to show a unique attitude toward the dead: "They believed in the kumalagar sou> 

of an ancestor whom they summoned in their sicknesses by means of their 

priestesses. The priestess placed a leaf of a certain kind of palm upon the head of the 
sick man, and prayed that the soul would come to sit there, and grant him health . . . 
*rhey celebrated the obsequies of the dead during the full moon." Ibid,, vol. 21, p» 
S28. 190K. 


^'When I am dead I go to the Great City." **! shall go down into 
the earth some day/^ ^Suppose I am dead, and the shower lasts 
a week; it is because I am crying." Apparently this tendency is 
due to an emotional reaction, stimulated by the discussion of his 
own fate, so that he is unable to view the subject from all sides, 
as he would do in a case of general application. 

Souls of animals and of manufactored objects. Not only 
man, but all of the larger animals, ^^^ the domestic fowls and 
big birds, have each two souls called, like those of people, taka- 
wanan and tebang. Similarly, the right-hand soul of every horse, 
of every carabao, of every cat and so forth, goes down at death 
into the earth and thence to Gimokudan; and when a cock is 
killed in fight at the pit, its spirit passes down to the Great Country. 
As for the smaller birds, and the bees, and the centipedes, and 
insects in general, — to each of these there is assigned with cer- 
tainty one gimokud, but only doubtfully, two. Manufactured ob- 
jects, like articles of wearing apparel and weapons and tools, as 
well as different kinds of food, have each but a single soul, which 
goes down below with its owner, or after him. 

The associations formed with the left-hand shadow extend to those 
animals which are believed to have two souls. If a native falls 
from his horse toward the right side, he will not be injured, 
because the takawanan of the animal will not hurt him. On the 
contrary, if the accident occurs so that he falls from the left side 
of his horse, he is likely to get killed, not from the force of the 
fall, but through the instrumentality of the horse's tebang, which 
will try to kill him. '** 

^ * * ModigliaDi says of the natives of Nias that their belief in life after death for the 
ftouU of animaU caases them to feed and care for aged beasts, and to pay great respect 
to all animals. Among the five classes of demons recognized at Nias, the Biehu n»ro dsko 
are the subterranean souls, or the souls of animals. ''Presso molti popoli riscontrasi 
la credenza che gli animali abbiano un*anima che gira errante dopo la morte. Da tntti 
e conosciuto che i Baniani dell'India spingono il rispetto per ogni animale fino ad avere 
degli stabilimente ove curarli e nutrirli quando siano malati o vecchi. Nel Cambogit 
quando ne uccidono uno, temendo che la sua anima possa tormeotarli, gli domandano 
perdono per il male che gli hanno fatto ed offrono sacrifizi proporzionati alia forza ed 
alia mole dell' auimale..." Un viaggio a Nias, p. 625. 1890. 

All through the Malay country, we find the same attitude toward animals, bat Tarr- 
ing, from place to place, in its particular expression. 

*** For a discussion of the belief in animal, vegetable, and mineral souls among penin- 
sular tribes, cf. W. W. Skeat: Malay magic, pp. 52—53. 1900. Of the Senoi and 
Semang, Martin says: „Selbstverstdndlich hat... jedes Tier seinen Hantu, der sich onter 


A Bagobo always mounts at the right side of his horse, but to 
what extent this motor habit is associated with the above tradition 
concerning the double personality of the animal, cannot be definitely 


Bagobo tradition records that before time began to be reckoned, 
before man was made, the universe was peopled by creatures that 
arc now called monkeys *^^ (lutung)] but at that primeval period 
monkeys had the form of man and were in all respects human. 
After man appeared on the earth, the apes took on their present 
form. Although the line of separation between monkeys and human 
beings was then pretty well established, there still lingered a ten- 
dency toward metamorphosis, by which the simian groups gained 
an occasional recruit from the ranks of man. 

At the dawn of more authentic oral tradition, there were living 
in the world very aged people called mona^ *^^ whose home, some 
say, was at the center of the earth, but others think that the 
ancestors of the Bagobo, even back to the mona, have always 
occupied the mountainous sites in Mindanao where their descendants 
live to-day. The old men were called tiiglay^ and the old women, 
ti4glibung^ names originally given to the first pair of ancestors, and 
afterward applied to all the mona. The god, Pamulak Manobo, 
who created the earth and the mona, was assisted by the first 
tuglibung and tuglay in making the plants and stones and other 
objects that appeared on the earth. 

Umstanden fur das Tier an dem Menschen rachen kann." Die Inlandstamme der malay- 
ischen Halbinsel, p. 946. 1905. Mental associations not very different from these are set 
op with the Bagobo when a person falls from the left-hand side of his horse. 

'** Everywhere in Malay folklore, there are traditions associating men with monkeys, 
particularly with the gibbon of Borneo, because of its erect position in walking. For 
several references to traditional accounts, see W. W. Skxat: op. eit., p. 189. 

The Moro say that people who neglected the opportunity of going with Noah ''into 
a box were overtaken by the flood and providentially changed to forms that' had some 
chance to survive. Those who took to the hills became monkeys." C. H. Forbss*Lind- 
SiT: The Philippines under Spanish and American rules, p. 504. 1906. 

The same thought is expressed in a Mantra creation myth, which derives their people 
from two white monkeys that descended to the plains, in company with their descendants, 
where they gradually took on human form. The others, who stayed behind in the 
mountains, remained monkeys. C/. R. Maetin : op, eit., p. 979. 

*** Tales of the Mona will be found in Jour. Am. Folk-lore vol. 26, pp. 16, 21, 
24—42. 1918. 



There were no young people in those days, and no babies were 
born for a very long time. All the mona were extremely poor, for 
this was before the days of cultural inventions. They knew not 
the art of weaving hemp into garments, and were accustomed to 
clothe themselves in bunut, the soft, dry sheath that envelops the 
trunks of cocoanut palms and can be torn off in pieces of consider- 
able size. *^' 

* * "* This tradition answen, anmistakably, to actual pre-caltural conditions. Pigafetta^ 
1519 — 22, makes mention of bark garments among the Visayans of Ceba. *'Those girls ... 
were naked except for tree cloth hanging from the waist and reaching to the knees." ^'First 
voyage around the world." Blaie and Robertson: op. eU,, toI. 88, p. 151. 1906. 
The same chronicler speaks of the Cebu men as ''wearing but one piece of palm tree cloth." 
Ibid.f p. 171. The dress of the Jolo men, according to Pigafetta, was tbe same as that 
iu use at Cebu. Ihid.^ p. 109. Of the other sex, he says: ''Their women are clad in 
tree cloth from their waist down." Ibid.^ p. 181. Cf. Morga's mention of the use of 
bark cloth among the Visayans. Op, cii,, toI. 16, p. 11. J 904. 

I quote from Blair and Robertson the graphic description given by Father Navarrete» 
a Dominican, of bark clothing as used in the middle of the 17th century at Kaili, in 
western Celebes, where he stopped on his way to Macasar. "That is the kingdom where 
the men and women dress only in paper; and, since it is a material which does not last 
long, tbe women are continually working at it with great industry. The material con- 
sists of the bark of a small tree, which we saw there. They beat it out with a stone 
into curious patterns, and make it as they desire, coarse, fine, and most fine; and they 
dye it in all colors. Twenty paces away, these appear like fine camelets. Much of it is 
taken to Manila and Macao, where 1 saw excellent bed-curtains made of it; in cold 
weather they are as good as one can desire. In the rainy season, which is the great 
enemy of paper, the remedy applied by those people is to undress and put one's clothes 
under one's arm." The Philippine Islands, vol. 88, p. 67. 1906. 

The editor's footnote suggests the paper mulberry, Broueson etia pap^ifera, as the 
"small tree" referred to. Both the size of the tree, and the susceptibility of the clothing 
to moisture would suggest that it was not the sheath of the cocoanut palm that was put 
to use in Kaili. Still, it is possible that after long-continued beating the cocoanut bast 
might easily become so thin as not to resist the force of rain. According to the Sara- 
sins, many different kinds of barks are used iu central Celebes, according to|the texture 
of cloth it is desired to produce. 

"Zur Herstellung dienen die Rinden einer ganzen Reihe verschiedener Bikume, je nach- 
dem man feinere oder grobere Stoffe herzustellen wtinscht. Die grobsten nnd rohsten 
sind so dick wie die Stoffe unserer Winterkleider, die feinsten so diinn and transparent 
wie Schweinsblase." Reisen in Celebes, vol. 1, p. 259. 1905. In central Celebes, where, 
according to these distinguished writers, the art of weaving is unknown, the clothing of 
the native Toradja consisted entirely of bark, until within the last half century, when 
foreign stuffs have been brought in by trade. The bark is put through an extended process 
of beatiug and coloring, as described in detail in the above-mentioned work, vol. 1, pp. 

In the northeast, the ancient dress of the natives of Minabassa was also of the outer 
bark or of the inner sheath of trees (Baumbast- oder Rindenstoffen) but now, the Sara- 


The old people had rice and fruit to eat, but they lived under 
miserable conditions, for the low-hanging sky brooded so near the 
earth that nobody was able to stand upright; all were forced to 
keep continually a stooping posture. Worst of all, the sun blazed 
in the sky, and so close to the earth that the mona had to seek 
refuge in a deep hole from the terrible heat. ^^® Dnniig die hot- 
test part of the day, ih^ crawled into a great pit in the ground, 
jurt as those fabulous black men ^'^ that live at the door of the 
sun are said to do this very day. Stung to exasperation at last, 
an old woman, while stooping to pound her rice, chid the sky for 
impeding her work, and straightway the sky rushed up to a great 
height from the earth. 

After the sky went up, things were better. The people could 
then stand upright and walk at ease. They built houses of bamboo 
thatched with nipa palm, or with cogon grass. The air was cooler ; 
plants grew in abundance, and the mountains were covered with 
cocoanut palms and banana plants and sugar cane. The mona 
had plenty to eat, except in seasons of drought, when the sim 
wilted the rice-plants and spoiled the bananas. Yet they were still 
called poor, since they had no material wealth in fine textiles, or 
in ornaments, and they still continued to wrap themselves in pieces 
of bunut as clothing. 

By and by, the old people began to give birth to children. The 
first boy was called Malaki, and the first girl, Bia: famous names, 
retained in myth for brave heroes and for ladies of distinction. 
All the country came to be full of people, for nobody died in those 
days. The buso who now function as disease-bringers and death- 
carriers were then kindly spirits, on intimate terms with the people. 
It was at some later period that a quarrel is alleged to have 
broken out that resulted in the buso assuming a hostile attitude 
toward man. ^^^ 

One of the most renowned individuals of this early period was 

sins state, this primitive material is rarely seen, except occasionally for work in field or 
forest. Ibid., vol. 1, p. 49. 

A map showing the distribation of the bark girdle in Melanesia will be foand in 
F. Geaebker : '^Kulturkreise in Ozeania." Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie, vol. 87, p. 80. 1905. 
A map of the distribation of bark clothing in Africa is given by B. Ankermann, in the 
same volume, 1, p. 62. 

»»• Cf. Jonr. Am. Folk-lore, vol. 26, pp. 16—17. 1913. 

'*•€/. ibid., pp. 18—19. 

'*•€/. ibid., pp. 42—48. 


Lumabat, and several important episodes turn upon the achieve- 
ments of himself, and of his brothers and sisters. It was at this 
time that several people, following the lead of a brother of Luma- 
bat's, turned into monkeys, '^* just as their mythical predecessors 
had done. A quarrel between Lumabat and a famous sister of his 
fixed the destiny of man, consigning him at death, not to heaven, 
but to the country below the earth. It appears that Lumabat in- 
sisted upon his sister's accompanying him in an attempt that he 
was about to make to reach heaven; but the girl refused to go, 
and, after a fight with Lumabat, she sat down on the rice mor- 
tar *^- and caused it to sink into the earth. As she disappeared, 
while sitting on the mortar, she dropped handfuls of rice upon the 
ground, for a sign that many should go down below the earth, 
but that none should go up into heaven. This woman came to be 
known as Mebuyan, a notable character in myth, for it is she who 
guards the entrance to the One Country of the dead, and it is she 
who determines th(» age at which each individual shall die. Down 
there in Gimokudon, she shakes a lemon-tree, and the random fall 
of green or ripe fruit, like the blind-snipping shears of the Greek 
fate, Atropos, calls youth or age to the lower world. This element 
seems very suggestive of Aryan influence, since the tendency of 
pure Malay myth is to make demons and ghosts responsible for 
all sickness and death. Shortly after the disappearance of Mebuyan, 
Lumabat conducted an expedition *^^ having for its object the 
gaining of an entrance to the country above the sky. A great 
number of his relatives went with him, but all save Lumabat himself 
perished in one way or another on the road. He alone succeeded in 
jumping between the sharp edges of the horizon, as they flew apart 
and locked together in rapid succession, and he alone reached 
heaven and became a great diwata. 

The exact arrangement of the mythical chronology is somewhat 
hazy, and it is not clear whether it was before or after Lumabat's 
apotheosis that the Bagobo began to become acquainted with the 
cultural arts. The Tuglibung learned to weave hemp into textiles, 
after she had laced the warp into patterns and colored it with 
dyes obtained from the root of the sikarig tree, and from the leaves 

»»» cy. ibid., p. 24. 

» • • cy. ibid., p. 20. 

'** C/. ibid., pp. 21—22. 


and buds of the kinarum. She dyed thread in many colors and 
stitched rich embroideries, piercing the holes with a point of brass 
wire. The Tuglay began to cast small bells from moulds of bees- 
wax and to stamp fine patterns in brass and to make kamagi 
neck-bands from the most delicate of gold scales. The knowledge 
of these arts seems to have spread slowly, for Bagobo romances 
indicate that, while on one mountain-top the tuglay wore bark gar- 
ments and knew nothing of hemp-culture, on another neighboring 
mountain there were mona who had the finest of textiles and the 
richest of ornaments. *'* 

Be that as it may, a golden age was dawning for those pre- 
historic Bagobo. The tuglay and the tuglibung, the malaki and 
the bia, lived in houses of gold with pillars of ivory and doors of 
mirrored glass. On the eaves hung linked brass chains; *^* the 
rattan bindings of the floor sent out flashes of forked lightning 
that played perpetually throughout the house. Beside their homes, 
were mountain lakes whose waves were pure white. All around, 
grew fragrant plants with flowers of gold, and the leaves on the 
trees were hung with little bells. Textiles of gold covered the 
meadows like layers of dry leaves, and the blades of grass were 
points of rare embroidery (tambayang), ^^^ Cocoanuts and areca- 
nuts grew in clusters at the height of a man's waist, so that one 
had not the labor of climbing for them. In those days, many 
individuals had magic power, and of many a malaki it is sung 
that he was matolus, *^^ When the tuglay lacked anything, he 
had only to wish for it, and at once the wish was accomplished.*^^ 
If he wanted a tall behuka '^^ to grow in a certain place, it was 
there. At the summons of the bia, there came, on the instant, a 
Avealth of ivory and gold and fine garments. *^^ The invincible 

» • * (y. ibid., pp. 85—36. 

»*» CA ibid,, p. 27. 

^••See p. 74. 

»" See p. 26, footnote. 

*'*In the sagas of India, there are countless episodes where indifiduals or things 
appear magically, as soou as wished for. "He when thought of readily came to the 
minister." Somadeva: Katha Sarit Sagara; tr. hy C. H. Tawney, vol 1, p 282. 1S80. 
"And when called to mind they came." Ibid., vol. 1, p. 4'il. **The hermit came when 
thought of." Ibid.t vol. 1, p. 436. For similar Bagobo episodes, see Jour. Am. Folk- 
lore, vol. 26, pp. 82—88, 86, 86. 1918. 

* ' ' The Visayan word for several species of rattan. 

»*• Cy. Jour. Am. Folk-lore, vol. 26, p. 86. 1918. 


malaki could slay buso in countless numbers, simply by holding 
the sword first in his right hand, then in his left ; '** he was 
invulnerable to attack, since all the weapons of his foes dissolved 
at the first thrust; '^'^ he held up his spear and caused daylight 
to turn to darkness. '*' He fiew through the air, riding on his 
shield or on the swift wind. ^** There were malaki and there were 
bia from whose bodies beamed rays of light so brilliant that the 
houses which they entered needed no torch on the dark nights. '*'* 

In song and in romantic tale, even in the current talk of to-day, 
there is assumed to be a vital relation between beauty in personal 
adornment and a virtuous character. There is an ideal Bagobo, a 
true malaki, who is young and perfectly chaste, and who is clad 
in the finest of garments. In one literary passage, the high vir- 
tues of a malaki are stressed; in another, his lustrous clothing, 
but, throughout, there is ever a return to the one idea: that the 
typical malaki is pure of heart and brave of spirit, and that he is 
radiantly beautiful to look upon. One young Bagobo girl defined 
a malaki thus: ^'Very good man who wears very good clothes, — 
kerchief, jacket, trousers, all very good, — young man who has 
no wife." There is a word, kutaluan^ which is explained as mean- 
ing, **to do something bad and to cease to be malaki." While 
the characters in romantic tales (ulit) do not always live up to 
the ideal meaning of their name, malaki, yet the primary content 
of the word is everywhere recognized. 

Corresponding to the malaki, there is an ideal woman, some- 
times called bia, and sometimes daraga^ **^ the latter word being 

» * * or. **»<^.. p. 28. 

^^* Cf. ibid., ^. 34. 

» * • C/l ibid., p. 86. 

»**^. ibid., pp. 29, 32, 33. 

^«*The ansociation of radiant light with the bodies of distinguished iodividaals is very 
common in ancient Indian tales. Cf, the following passages, from Katha Sarit Sagara. 
ed. eii. 1880 — 1884. "The hermit Narada is said to diffuse a halo with the radiance of 
his body." Cf, vol. 1, p. 162. Again, *'he illuminates the whole horizon with brightness." 
vol. 1, p. 415. "There appeared a light inseparable from his head.*' Vol. 1, p. 418. 
"There, on a altar-platform illuminated by the great hermit Vijitasu ... as by a second 
fire in human form." Vol. 2, p. 146. "And he saw that maiden near him, illuminating 
the wood, though it was night." Vol. 2, p. 183. "Her beauty illuminated the lower 
world which has not the light of the sun or of the stars.*' Vol. 2, p. 199. 

^"^ LdrM is a Sanscrit word, meaning "a girl." The peninsular Malay for "yirgin" 
is (inak ddra, "child girl." See F. A. Swicttenham: Vocabulary of the English and 
Malay languages, vol. 2, p. 27. 1896. 

The Tagal word for girls of marriageable age, Morga wrote in 1609, was dtUaga. It 


employed when it is desired to emphasize the youth and the chastity 
of a girl. It is true that, in a broad sense, any unmarried woman 
is daraga, but in poetical use daraga has the connotation of a pure 
maid, a virgin. In the text of the songs, she is almost invariably 
referred to by some metaphorical word or phrase suggested by 
natural phenomena. She is called a point of very high land that 
the birds cannot fly up to, that even the winds may not reach, 
though they are crying for her; again, she is figured as the trunk 
of a sturdy tree that the north wind is not able to break; or she 
is a waterfall, dropping over steep terraces, around which the 
anakes make futile attempts to curl themselves. The bird, the 
wind, the snake — each of these represents the lover, foiled in 
i*very attempt at approach to the girl. Here is a part of the Ogan 
Daraga, or ^'Song of a Virtuous Woman." One young girl says 
to another: "Friend, friend, listen to the song of the kalisawa 
bird as it flies over the sea and is calling fifty drops of rain. It 
is well, my friend; we take shelter; the bulla leaf spread over 
our heads protects us from rain from the north and rain from the 
south." In the same manner, practically all of the little poems 
that at first sight seem to be nature songs are purely allegorical 
in character. 

In those ancient days, metamorphosis **^ was an ordinary event. 
Many persons were turned into trees and stones and rocks, some- 
times as a swift judgment upon them for presumptuous under- 
takings. Wari, a brother of Lumabat's, was transformed into a 
screech-owl for his disregard of the commands of a god. **® That 
the tree-hornbill used to be a man, is a well-known fact; and the 
proof is, that if you look at the body of a hornbill, under the 
feathers, at some point between the neck and the wing, you will 
see that its skin is like the skin of man. On the other hand, the 
kingfisher, ^*^ as we learn from a myth, once turned into a beau- 
tiful woman. Transformations of monkeys to buso, '^ of a squirrel 

has been noted that / and r are constantly interchangeable. Cf. Blair and Robertson: 
op, eit, vol. 16, p. 129. 1904. 

' ^ * Fur the episodes describing these transformations, see Joar. Am. Folk-lore, vol. 36, 
pp. 21, 51. 1918. Cf. H. 0. Beyer : op. cit. The Philippine Joar. Sci., vol. 8, pp. 
89—90. 1918. 

»*• (y. Joar. Am. Folk-lore, vol. 26, p. 28. 1918. 

'**Qr. ibid., p. 54. 
Cf. ibid., p. 47. 




to a malaki, ^^^ even the metamorphosis of a cat's head into a 
cocoanut ^*^ — all these changes are recorded by oral tradition. 
Over and over again, does the poor tuglay of the ulit become a 
great malaki; while the ill-dressed man called hdsolo turns into a 
splendidly-dressed malaki, and again returns to the state of a basolo, 
and passes through his final metamorphosis into a malaki: a series 
of transformations that is achieved inside of one day. ''*' In the 
last-named cases, it is always by a chang(» of clothes that the meta- 
morphosis is effected ; *** while the squirrel, too, takes off his little 
coat, and the kingfisher, her feather dress, when the time is ripe 
for them each to take on human form. Finallv, there are stories 
of babies that become tall in a few days by some magiciil accel- 
eration of growth. **' 

In the recitation of romantic epics and legendary songs, from 
which the above citations are mere gleanings, the emotional life of 
Bagobo men and women finds glad expression. In the picturesque 
phraseology of their richly-endowed dialect, they elaborate these 
scenes of fabulous oriental splendor with a play of fancy ^^^ that 
is the more extraordinary in view of the conditions under which 
even the better class of Bagobo actually live. In mean little huts, 
unfurnished, except for the presence of a loom, three fire-stones on 
a box of earth, and perhaps a stationary bench of bamboo, they 
sleep on the floor and eat with their fingers, making no attempt 
to add decorative touches to their homes, although they amply pos- 

* * » (y. ibid,, p. 55. 
' * « Cy. iHd., p. 66. 
•*»(?/•. ibid,, pp. 28, 86. 
'^'^Cf, ibid., p. 40. 

^*^ Cf. ibid., pp. 84, 64. There are parallel Filipino legends of miraculous growth,. 
e.g. "The new-born child ran to the church." F. Gardner, vol. 20, p. 111. 1907. 

Corresponding cases of magical development immediately after birth are recorded in 
Indian myth. "That girl the moment she was born . . . spoke distinctly and got up 
and sat down." Somadeva: op. cil., vol. 1, p. 119. 1880. 

* • • For illustrations of this point, see "Bagobo Myths," Jour. Am. Folk-lore, vol. 26, 
pp. 24 — 40. 1918. While the descriptive terms in these stories, referring to the beautiful 
objects possessed in those ancient days, are exact renderings of the Bagobo words, it is 
hard to do justice to the charm of the original. Even when a boy tells a story in broken 
English, he pours out a wealth of descriptive words and phrases in the Bagobo tongue 
for which he, of course, knows no English equivalents. In making a large collection, 
however, one soon becomes very familiar with the vocabulary that represents objects of 
wealth, for the names and the explanations of hundreds of articles, that are constantly 
coming for purchase, are given by Bagobo who know not a word of English. 


eess the artistic skill to produce such ornamentation. Only in 
the decoration of objects that are worn on the person — garments^ 
ornaments, weapons — and of tools used in the industries, doea 
their aesthetic taste find a channel for discharge. Yet as for such 
a luxurious form of living as would suggest a basis for the 
mythical romance, it is certain that no Bagobo, at least for many 
generations, has come into contact with anything of the sort. It 
should be observed, too, that the ulit, which embodies all of the 
episodes in the legendary existence of Bagobo ancestors, is essen- 
tially different from other stories in the range of native fiction, and 
it points, both in character and in literary form, to an origin other 
than Malay. No more interesting problem could arise in connec- 
tion with Bagobo culture than an attempt to trace the manner of 
dissemination of the peculiar elements that make up this mythical 
romance which has now become so intimately associated with the 
social life of the Bagobo, as well as with their artistic and poetic 
interests. In the formation of the ulit complex, it is not unlikely 
that, originally, Hindu sources were rather heavily drawn upon,, 
though we do not yet know the precise manner of contact by 
means of which this borrowing took place. The Moorish incre- 
ments must form a very recent, and perhaps a negligible, contri- 
bution. There is little doubt but that the component parts of the 
stories came to the Bagobo as a literary possession a very long 
time [ago, and have been gradually modified by Malay tradition^ 
and enriched by elements associated with recent tribal and with 
individual experiences. 

An ulit *^^ told me in Bagobo, by Tungkaling, son of Kaba, pic- 
tures the mythical surroundings of those old mona people at the 
dawn of Bagobo tradition, and I will give a part of the story here 
in a translation as close to the original as is consistent with clearness. 

Tuglay, the very wise one, lived by a white lake. He hud one hundred 
cai*abao, and horses, and seven thousand cows, and goats — all on one 
mountain. He made kamagi;*''® he patterned brass by stamping; he made 
brass finger rings. He had kept silver hidden under the j^ound since long 

' * ^ The ulit is the Bagobo mythical romance, the scene of which is laid in prehistoric 
times; and the characters that figure in the action are the ancient mona, the malaki, 
the bia and several other well-marked personages. 

'**A type of necklace highly treasured by the Bagobo. It is a fine, flexible cord 
formed of small and extremely thin discs of gold that overlap slightly, after the manner 
of fish-scales. It is said to be of Moro make. 


ago. All gold were his plants, his flowers, his sweet-smelling weeds . . . 
Textiles of gold covered the sharp blades of the fresh-growing meadow-grass, 
like a covering of dry leaves The Tuglibung decorated rattan neck- 
bands with red dye, and she used black kinarum for coloring hemp. The 
posts of the house were all of ivory; the raised walk to the kitchen was 
made of eight guns;^'* all the doors were mirrors; ^^ the wood was gold; 
the burden baskets were gold; the rattan bindings of the floor were flashes 
of lightning. 

At the rim of the sky there is a bird 1*1 with feathers all downy, with 
claws all of steel, with a beak that is a mirror, with a million scales over- 
lapping one another. This bird looked at the town of Tuglay, and went home no more [i. e. because the town was so beautiful]. 

When Tuglay wished textile to grow on the mountains, it was there. 
When he wanted rattan tr) grow, or when he wished to cut for boats the 
Jarge kind of rattan, it was all ready ... He was very rich. 

''^'A Moro guD called iinapang, 

***In another Btory, the walls are all mirrors. Cf, Joar. Am. Folk-lore, vol. 26. 
p. 27. Where the Bagobo got the visual image of a "mirrored wall" is a qaestion. To 
what eitent this mythical conception exists among other Malay people, I do not know, 
but it is to be found in Indian tales, e.g. "Its walls of precious stone were adorned 
all rcAind with living pictures, on account of the reflections in them of the lovely 
waiting women." Somadeva: op. cit., vol. 2, p. 199. 1884. 

^''Perhaps this is the Minokawa bird. Cf» Jour. Am. Folk-lore, vol. 26, p. 19. 191S. 
Set also p. 47 iupra. 

Part II. The Formal Ceremonial 


In the conduct of the more formal religious functions of the 
Bagobo, there appear a number of constant elements, which may 
be termed normal ceremonial reactions. Peculiar factors will 
necessarily combine to make up the ritual complex on occasions so 
distinct as that of a harvest festival, on the one hand, and of a 
human sacrifice on the other ; furthermore, a wide range of variation 
in the manner of performing the same identical ceremony is to be 
found in different Bagobo groups. Nevertheless, there are every- 
where to be seen certain distinct modes of response which charac- 
terize so regularly the more important of the rites that it is proper 
to group such responses under the head of typical ceremonial behavior. 

General Character of Ceremonial 

The orthodox time for the performance of a ceremony is deter- 
mined by observation of the heavenly bodies. Festivals associated 
with planting and reaping take place when certain constellations 
appear in the sky, and it is probable that there are other cere- 
monial dates which are calculated by the stars; while the time for 
the drinking festival, called Ginum, is regulated strictly by lunar 
phases. '^^ 

The Bagobo have no permanent temples that function as common 
gathering places for religious rites. In preparation for the ceremony 
of Ginum, a large, well-roofed house is built for the accommodation 
of a great number of guests or else the house of the chief is used, 
temporarily, as a ceremonial house. Rice culture ceremonies are 

'** Amoog the natives of Minahasss, in former times, aU undertakings, snch as sowing, 
reaping, making clothes, procuring salt, had to be performed at definite times, and were 
forbidden at other times. Cf. P. and F. Sarasin: Reisen in Celebes, vol. I, p. 44. 1905. 


held in the homes and in the fields of individuals; still other reli- 
gious rites, as, for instance, purification ceremonies and marriage, 
take place at the border of a river or in the bed of a shallow 
stream; while the rite of human sacrifice is ordinarily performcHl 
in a retired place in the forest, or on the sea-beach. But, whatever 
the place chosen for a ceremony, the immediate spot where the 
priest must stand or sit for the recitation of prayers and the offering 
of gifts is before an altar of recognized type — a subject which 
will be discussed in some detail in a later section. 

The religious rites of the Bagobo are typically exoteric in char- 
acter, for the ceremonial and the doctrine are thv common property 
of the people. Not only are the young and the old of both sexes 
present in large numbers at practically all of the ceremonies, but 
set parts in any performance belong regularly to different social 
classes as determined by sex, by age, or by position in the family 
of the person giving the festival. 

The distribution of the leading ritual parts is briefly as follows- 
Old men offer the sacred food and drink to the gods at the main 
altar and perform accompanying rites; they cut the ceremonial 
bamboo poles, and afterward, while holding the poles, recount their 
exploits ; they make arrangements for a human sacrifice ; they 
perform those magical rites which are associated with the carving 
of wooden figures and the planting of medicinal branches for the 
exorcism of evil spirits; they control the entire ceremonial. 

The old women perform the altar rites at harvest, and make 
devotional recitations at certain other times; they make offerings 
of betel at wayside shrines to the buso and to spirits of the 
dead and repeat the accompanying prayers; they summon the anito 
and most frequently act as mediums; they direct many ceremonial 
details, and are often called into consultation with the old men; 
they exercise a general supervision over the religious behavior of 
the young people. Such priestly acts as the pouring of water over 
candidates at the bathing ceremony, the performing of a marriage 
rite, and the dedication to the gods of manufactured articles brought 
by the people, may be done by an old person of either sex who 
is a recognized official. 

It is the duty of young men to cut and shape bamboo for cere- 
monial vessels; to mix the ingredients of the sacred food and cook 
it in bamboo joints; to assist the old men at the altar in such 
matt(*rs as handing utensils, clearing away dishes, and elevating the 


sacrificial food and drink to a high altar-shelf; to chant antiphonal 
recitations called gindaya; to sing other songs; to carry the burden 
of the agong playing; to perform certain dances; to help the girls 
in preparing and in serving the general feast, and in passing 
around sugar cane liquor. 

To the younger women and girls fall such duties as assisting the 
old women at the out-of-door shrines and at the harvest altar by 
handing them areca-nuts and leaf-dishes as needed, and in other 
offices of a like nature; of singing many songs other than gindaya; 
of giving some assistance on the drums and agongs; of performing 
a great number of dances; of cooking, dishing and serving the 
banquet; finally, of stuffing rice by the handful into the mouths 
of the guests, with special attention to youths of the other sex. 

Young people of both sexes go out together on the first day to 
gather leaves for the ceremonial leaf-dishes; together they make 
leaf-dishes; and they prepare jointly the torches of biaii nuts — the 
boys splitting and sharpening long strips of rattan, on which the 
girls string the nuts. At rice-planting, all the men and boys make 
holes with digging-sticks, while all the women and girls drop the 

Even small children have some parts assigned to them. During 
the preparatory days, they learn little dance-steps to the music of 
agongs, and one small agong is always played by a child; they 
have their special festival costumes of tiny trousers or skirts; on 
the last night, a small girl is sometimes deputed to remove the 
sprig of bulla from the waists of the women at a definite point in 
the ceremony; after a human sacrifice, the hands and feet of the 
victim are given to little boys, who must cut them into bits and 
bury the pieces. 

Yet, however exact the assignment of parts, and however careful 
the preparation for a ceremony, the continuity of the proceedings 
is frequently interrupted by consultation among the old people 
about the manner of performance, and by anxious questioning as to 
whether some tabu is being inadvertently broken. They discuss; 
they gesticulate ; they prompt the official who is reciting the prayers ; 
one calls attention to some small blunder made in handling the 
sacred paraphernalia; another quotes a forgotten line. By no means 
may it be taken for granted that even to an aged and experienced 
Bagobo every detail of a ritual is automatically familiar. The cere- 
monial functionary is watched intently by several old people who 


sit close to the right and to the left of him, each one ready to 
help, to advise, to correct, because it is well understood that even 
a minor omission, or a slight misstep, might result in weary months 
of illness, or tempt the attack of a mortal disease. For this reason, 
those responsible for the ceremony hold their attention at strain to 
secure a perfect ritual. 

The dominant motive in all ceremonial is to drive sickness from 
the body and to prevent the approach of disease and death. This 
underlying intention is ever present, whatever the rite, and it is 
this which gives unity and coherence to many a series of ritual 
acts that, at first glance, appear to be strangely ill-4ssorted. 

Fundamental Elements of Ceremonial 

The type of behavior that characterizes Bagobo ceremonial is 
made up of a .number of ritual elements, many of which are common 
to several of the ceremonies, and a few of which appear in practi- 
cally all of them. It is only at the ceremony of Ginum that every 
one of these ritual elements may be observed. 

Human Sacrifice. The ceremonial putting to death of a human 
victim is called paghuaga^ and is demanded by Bagobo custom on 
specific occasions, chief among which are the following: 

At the festival of Ginum, the offering of a human sacrifice was 
anciently an integral part of the ceremony, though at present it is 
possible to substitute a fowl as the victim. 

After the death of a chieftain or other notable individual of the 
tribe, slaves are killed to provide attendants for the deceased in the 
country of the dead. The husband sacrifices for a dead wife, a 
wife for her husband. For a chief, many victims may be offered 
but sometimes the number is small. Two slaves were killed for 
Datu Ayo at his death several years ago, as related by an eye- 
witness of my acquaintance. 

A paghuaga forms an important feature at the installation of a 
datu, and is occasionally an element of the marriage ceremony. 

At special crises — during an epidemic, when crops fail, when 
drought lasts for a long period, or when other misfortune overtakes 
the tribe — it is thought proper to find a suitable sacrifice to appease 
the anger of the gods, and there is some evidence to show that 
petitions to the datu to arrange for paghuaga may be proffered by 
any individual on the plea that his life activities are being inter- 


fered with by the ghosts of relatives that will not be quieted^ 

In any one of the above cases, the victim is regularly a slave 
that has been secured by purchase or by capture; preferably, a 
poor, wretched slave is chosen, who, on account of some physical 
defect, is of little use for work. 

Although this sacrificial rite is often a constituent element of Ginum,. 
of funeral services, and so forth, yet, from another point of view^ 
it may be regarded as a ceremonial unit by itself, and as characterized 
by the types of chanting, the form of altar, the ritual recitations^ 
and several other elements that will be mentioned as common to* 
many ceremonies. Furthermore, the special crises that may neces- 
sitate such a sacrifice do not necessarily coincide with the date of 
a festival, so that paghuaga may become an isolated ceremony. 

Ceremonial Food. There is set before the gods for their enjoyment 
certain foods having a ceremonial value, chief among which are 
chicken meat and a rice ritually called omok, which looks red in 
the raw grain, but becomes dark-colored, almost black, after boiling. 
Grated cocoanut is mixed with the chicken and with the rice. 
The sacred food may never be cooked in clay jars, but invariably 
in vessels of bamboo. At a certain point in the ceremony, after a 
period during which the unseen beings are supposed to have extracted 
the spiritual essence *^^ of the food, the material part (the "acci- 
dents," if one may borrow a theological term) is eaten by men 
and adolescent boys. They told me that it made them "good in 
the body," so that they "could not be sick." This is one of the 
very few privileges not enjoyed by women, who, however, eat at 
harvest the sacred omok, at which festival no sacrificial meat ia 
mixed with the rice. 

Ceremonial Liquor, A sacred drink, called balabha^ which i» 
never used outside of ceremonial occasions, is offered to the super- 
natural beings with an appropriate ritual, and afterward passed 
about to be partaken of freely by everybody present at the festivaL 
I did not have an opportunity to observe the manufacture of balabba,^ 
but the process, as briefly described to me, consists of boiling sugar 
cane and treating the syrup thus obtained with the bark of a 
tree called bogis^ the liquor being then allowed to ferment in jars 
for a very long time before use. It is of rather thick consistency,. 

* * ' The Bagobo term for the essence of the food and drink that the gods enjoy is- 


brownish in color, and extremely rich and sweet, having a flavor 
suggestive of molasses mingled with old rum. It is a pleasant 
tasting and refreshing beverage, and its intoxicating properties are 
not excessive. At the moment of oflFering to the spirits this sacred 
drink, the priest stirs it with a spray of fragrant manangid, and 
with a spoon made by twisting to the proper shape a fragment of 
bulla leaf. A liquor very similar to balabba, if not identical with 
it, functioned as the ceremonial drink of the Tagal people, in their 
pagan days. Bishop Aduarte makes interesting references to this use. ^^* 

Betel Ritual. No ceremony is complete without an oflfering of 
betel to one, or to all, of the three classes of supernatural beings — 
the gods, the buso and the spirits of the dead. When the occasion 
is one of a high ceremony, performed before a main altar, the 
areca-nuts *^^ are sliced into lengthwise sections, just as in the 
customary manner for chewing, and each section is laid on a betel- 
leaf {buj/o) ^^^ placed in a set position. A ceremonial sifting over 
the nuts and leaves of lime from a bamboo tube follows, the lime 
having been made by the usual process of calcining certain shells 
to a fine powder. The areca, betel and lime are afterward chewed 
by old people at the altar. 

Another common form of making a betel offering is that in use 
at a hut-shrine, when a certain number of entire (that is, unsliced) 
areca-nuts are placed within the shrine with an appropriate ritual, 
but are never afterward taken away for chewing. There are other 
ceremonies when entire nuts are placed in leaf-dishes (kiniUlok) 

' * * While working in the province of Pangasinan, in west-central Luzon, he wrote, in 
1640, that ''there were given up an infinite number of pieces of earthenware and a great 
deal of very old wine — for this is regarded as the thing consecrated to the devil; and 
no one dares touch or go near it except at the time of the sacrifice, and then only the 
minister who performs it..." Aduarte: ''Historia." Blais and Robertson: op. eii., 
vol. 30, p. 186, 1905. A few pages further on, the kind of wine is specified: "These 
chiefs were the very first to cause to be brought the vessels of Qui la (this is a wine 
which they make of sugar cane, and when it has aged for some years it has the color 
of our amber wine). This they esteem very highly and keep with great care, using it at 
their feasts in honor of their idols." Ibid., vol. 30, p. 243. 

^ ' ^ Areca catechu — known among foreigners as the betel-nut palm. The nuts, shaped 
much like olives, grow in clusters just below the leaves at the top of bare, light-oolored 
trunks that reach a height of 40 or 50 feet. The Bagobo call the tree mdwuUM and s 
single nut, mama, 

' * * Buyo — the Visayan name for the climbing plant, Fiper betel, the leaves of which 
«re used everywhere in the Islands for chewing with areca-nuts. The Bagobo call it 
monika. The plant is trained on sticks and grows to a height of several feet 


of hemp, since the use of hemp (abaca) leaves, rather than of banana, 
prevails for ceremonial dishes. The shape of this little vessel has 
some resemblance to the keel of a boat, yet I cannot affirm that 
this effect is consciously produced. Before I had seen the ceremony, 
the Bagobo who told me about the kintidok remarked that they 
looked like boats. The word kintidok, so far as I know, is not 
etymologically related to any of the terms for native craft. 

Offerings of Mannfactared Prodacts. In addition to ceremonial 
gifts of food, drink and betel, the gods are honored by offerings 
of more intrinsic value: garments, weapons, ornaments, — new and 
beautiful, — all of which objects are brought in great quantities 
by the people, to be laid upon an altar or hung beside it, for a 
longer or a shorter period according to the type of altar, the 
occasion, and the nature of the gift. This subject will be discussed 
in connection with the remarks on altars in the following section. 
I will here simply call attention to the salient points of interest 
at this ceremony of laying manufactured objects before unseen 
beings. First, the spirit or essence of the articles is enjoyed by 
the gods, and, possibly, becomes their permanent property; second, 
the material part of the objects thus dedicated becomes hallowed 
to such an extent that they may never be sold, or even given 
away, but must always remain in the possession of the individual 
owners who placed them on the shrines, — unless, indeed, they are 
left as permanent oflFerings, — severe sickness being the penalty 
for transgression of this rule; third, there is an expectation of large 
returns from the slight sacrifice made, since the deities who enjoy 
the gifts are urged, at the same time, to help the worshippers to 
gain riches or, as they say, "to get things." 

Fariflcation. The ceremonial lavation bearing the name oY 
pamalugu is distinguished by several elements from bathing for 
purposes of pleasure or for cleanliness, either one of which washings 
is called padigiis. It is on fixed occasions that pamalugu is per- 
formed, — notably at Ginum and at marriage, — at which times 
men and women are effused by the priest in a prescribed manner, 
the water being applied by means of a bunch of green leaves and 
twigs having a medicinal value. Orientations according to a set 
form are made by the candidates upon whom the water is poured. 
While the dominant intention of the rite is unquestionably that of 
purification, in the sense of expelling disease, the Bagobo recognize 
other advantages to be gained from the water and the magic greens. 



They say that they make use of pamalugu to keep off sickness and 
to cure sickness; to drive anger from the heart; to get things and 
to grow rich. In other words, while every single rite has its own 
specific motive, yet there is a feeling, not too nicely defined, that 
any ceremony, properly performed, promotes in several directions 
the general well-being of the Bagobo. 

Becitation of Bitual Words. At each of the rites thus far men- 
tioned (that is to say, at the formal presentation before the supernatural 
beings of human blood, of sacred food, of ceremonial liquor, of 
fresh betel, of artificial products, and also during the lavations) set 
forms of words are uttered by the official functionary, some of 
which are short ritual formul® and others are prolonged liturgical 
recitations. The unseen personalities are apostrophised by name; 
the objects offered are mentioned, or even listed, cl«ws by class; 
and definite petitions arc put up, the burden of which is that the 
approach of disease may be checked, that all buso may be banished 
from the ceremonial, and that the protecting gods may be present 
to help the Bagobo. 

Ceremonial Chant. An impressive element of the ceremonial 
is a peculiar form of chant ea,lled gindaya^ which, in its manner 
of presentation, is distinctly marked oflf from other musical perform- 
ances. I will give, first, a definition of gindaya offered by the 
Bagobo themselves, and add to that such observations as I made 
on different occasions. The Bagobo explain that gindaya is sung 
in a loud voice (in contradistinction to the ogan^ a low-voiced song 
accompanied by the guitar) ; that an even number of voices — two 
or four or six or eight — sing against the same number; that 
gindaya is sung at Ginum, but only on those nights when balabba 
ib drunk; that no young men can sing in the gindaya unless they 
take hold of the bamboo posts, or of the spears tied to the bamboo ; 
that they lay hold of the bamboo in order to make their voices 
sweet- toned. 

My own records verify the above statement, except that sometimes 
a chant of one voice is answered back by one voice, and I have 
not heard more than two at a time sing against another two. 
Often, again, the chants are given with slight volume of sound, 
not always in a loud voice; yet as compared to the soft singing 
of an ogan, which is much like humming, gindaya may be called 
loud, for the tones are pure and clear. In regard to the occasion, 
it should be noted that whenever a Bagobo wants to say that 


something is peculiar to ceremonial, he always says it is done ^at 
Ginum," that being the most important festival. Gindaya is, however, 
a feature of marriage and of human sacrifice, and it may be of 
some other ceremonies. 

On the three nights that I heard the gindaya, at two celebrations 
of Ginum on different mountains, it was always chanted by very 
young men, and preferably by the sons and by the brothers' sons 
of the datu giving the festival. The youths who take part in 
gindaya sing with an arm uplifted and hand clasping a bamboo 
post or one of the cross-timbers. This position is mandatory and must 
be held until the singer is relieved by another, however long the 
chant. While one hand is thus raised above the head, the other 
holds lightly over the lips a corner of the singer's head kerchief, 
or an end of one of the tankulu that hangs draped from the rafters 
above. The obligation to keep the lips covered, however, is some- 
times complied with in a somewhat perfunctory manner by merely 
holding the tankulu near the mouth. 

The subject matter of the gindaya is in part narrative, in part 
descriptive, in part devotional, with many mythical allusions 
throughout the song or story. Of the three or four texts that I 
secured, the subjects include the celebration of Ginum with special 
reference to the activities attending the preparation, and a dialogue 
between two men who have met at the feast, which possibly pre- 
serves some tradition of mythical ancestors. Just as is the case 
with other songs of the Bagobo, and with their long romances, the 
impression conveyed in gindaya is of a metrical form — an effect 
due perhaps to the quantity observed, as well as to the slight pauses 
made between groups of words, and to a fairly uniform accent 
on the penultimate syllable. There is a tendency, also, to insert 
extra prefixes and suffixes, and to duplicate entire, words as if to 
fill out the measure of the lines. In the chanting of gindaya, only 
a very few intervals are used (the second and the fifth predomin- 
ating) and the notes are long sustained. One is reminded of the 
intoning of convent offices, or the singing of psalms in Gregorian 
tones. There is no instrumental accompaniment to gindaya. 

Agong Masic. Ceremonial music is furnished by the beating of 
the agong — a large percussion instrument of bronze, *^' resembling 

'*' ProfeiBor William Campbell, of the Department of Metallurgy of Colambia Univer- 
sity, was good enough to look at one of the little bells that are cast by the Bagobo 


roughly a deep inverted pan with a bottom curving slightly to the 
convex and having a big knob-like protuberance at the central point. 
Agongs are of Chinese manufacture and are imported into the 
islands from Singapore in considerable numbers. The wild tribes 
gladly barter away their possessions for these instruments, one of 
which is worth, according to size, from twenty to thirty pesos. 
A datu or a Bagobo of wealth may own as many as twelve, 
twenty, or even a larger number of agongs; if he is to hold a 
festival, and owns only two or three instruments, he borrows as 
many as he needs for the occasion. The agong is the standard 
unit of barter in trading valuable objects, and in calculating large 
debts and marriage dowries. 

The tool for striking is the tap-ta])^ a short wooden stick, of 
which the head end is coated with rubber to give the proper 
rebound, and covered with cloth, while the handle of many a fine 
tap-tap is often richly carved. Unlike the Moro, who keeps his 
agongs in a long frame with an individual socket for each instru- 
ment, at which frame he sits down to play, the Bagobo hangs his 
agongs by loops of rattan from a rod of bamboo and stands facing 
the convex sides of the instruments during his performance. "With 
left thumb and index finger, he lightly grasps the central knob of 
the agong, or holds with his left hand the suspending strings of 
rattan, while his right hand wields the tap-tap. At a ceremony, 
some expert musician carries the melody and handles in his per- 
formance all but a few of the instruments, while his assistants on 
the remaining agongs have but to accompany their leader by making 
their strokes exactly with his, at set intervals. For example, if 
there are eleven agongs, the head performer plays on eight of 
them, and perhaps three persons — a man, a woman and a 
child — assist him. The leader must be a skilled artist whose 
training is begun in early boyhood, for they all say that years of 
practice are required to make a good agong player. But a man 
who has a feeling for music and has received the necessary edu- 

from metal obtained by melting down old agongs. He informed me that the alloy wa^ 
of copper and tin, with a high percentage of tin, and with the addition, possibly, of » 
little lead. 

In Pigafetta's First Voyage around the World, 1519 — 22, agongs are mentioned, '^he^o 
gongs are made of metal and are manufactured in . . . China. They are used in tho»^ 
regions as we use bells and are called aghon" 

Mr. Cole states that the agongs he saw at Sibulan were gongs of copper. Op, ei(<-9 
p. 102. 1913. 


cation plays with wonderful ease, while at the same time he leaps 
from one agong to another and often executes the steps of some 
graceful dance in rhythm with his beat. Again, he will dance 
away from the agongs, tap-tap in hand, perform fancy steps, 
then dance back to his place and resume the strokes without the 
slightest break in the measure of the music, and without a check 
to the even swing of his dance. 

When drums are present, a drum call opens each set perform- 
ance, and the beating of the drums continues for a short space 
after the agongs cease playing. 

At every ceremony where there is general dancing, agongs fur- 
nish the music, but there are times when fagonggo is given without 
dancing, imless it be the dance of the player; such occasions, to 
cite an instance, as the auspicious moment of bringing in the cere- 
monial bamboos, when the agong performance that immediately 
follows is manifestly a sacred rite. 

Dancing and Costnmes. The dances (suinayo) at ceremonies do 
not appear to differ from those performed on ordinary social occa- 
sions. In my own house, at an evening gathering, with an audience 
of perhaps twenty Bagobo, dances have been performed by the 
youth Saliman quite as elaborate and varied as any to be observed 
at ceremonies. Nor are the motives different, if one may draw an 
inference from the names of dances, and from the steps and the 
series of postures of the performers. Of course, at ceremonies, 
there is a more definite order observed in the sequence of dances, 
and in the appearing of individuals one by one. The girls ordi- 
narily take the initiative, and for some time hold the floor; again, 
the initial dance is given by men alone, wearing the tankulu. 
Soon, both women and men are dancing, each one individually, 
never in couples, every dancer with eyes bent downward, intent on 
his or her own steps and attitudes, yet a collision rarely occurring 
between two performers, although the space reserved is always 
extremely small in proportion to the number of dancers — a floor 
of ten by twelve feet being ample space for a score or more men 
and women. Many motives are drawn from nature; others from 
human interests, such as war and love; others have a devotional 
significance. Here are a few characteristic titles of dances that I 
have seen at different times, the explanations of which were eagerly 
offered, without question on my part, by Bagobo young men and 
girls at my side. 


''Baliti," representing the quivering of the leaves of the baliti tree ; 

"Karamag to kawayan," the leaves of a bamboo swaying in the v^ind 
(danced by a man); 

"Bukason/' a snake dance; 

"Tibarun," and "Manok/' bird dances (performed by two women); 

^^Bulayan," a descriptive dance to express fear of the Atas (performed by 
two girls); 

^^Kulagsoy penek ka kayo/* a squirrel running up the trunk of a tree 
(danced by one man); 

"Ug-tubS," the god-brother in the sky (a girls* dance in honor of the 

^^Salangayd," a dance for the god of that name (performed by a man). 

The dancers, both men and women, wear their usual full dress 
costumes made from hemp and from cotton textiles, elaborately 
embroidered and beaded. The "magani" wear tankulu twisted 
about their heads, while youths who have not yet killed anybody 
have cotton kerchiefs woven in bright stripes and decorated with 
beaded and tasseled edges. Leglets and armlets of brass and of 
vegetable fibre are generally worn by the men, and those of the 
w^ealthier class are gorgeous in their wide, richly-beaded belts and 
enormous ear-plugs made of discs of pure white ivory. 

Certain hair ornaments are regularly worn by women dancers, 
and to appear without these ornaments would be extremely bad 
form. One is a wooden comb in the shape of a half-moon, deco- 
rated in carved designs, with beads stuck in wax, and with 
heavily-beaded tassels. Another is a long brass pin called loling^ 
that is run vertically into the back coil of hair. It is decorated 
w4th tufts of dyed goat's hair tipped with brilliant down from 
birds' plumage and tied to the pin with fine brass wire. The 
clusters of bright-colored goat's hair and feathers bob and wave in 
time with the steps of the dancer in a very effective manner. 
There is one essential accessory to the costume of a woman per- 
forming a ceremonial dance, and that is the wide closed scarf 
called salughoy. This scarf, worn diagonally across the right 
shoulder and under the left arm-pit, has the daily utility function 
of supporting the baby or of holding needlework and parcels ; but at 
a festival this scarf becomes an aesthetic element that figures prom- 
inently in the dance. As she dances, the girl clasps the salugboy 
with both hands and holds it out loosely from her body, or she 
removes it entirely and lets it drape freely from her hands. It is 
a pretty sight to see her swaying her body from side to side in 


rhythm with her steps, while swinging the scarf in soft waves of 
motion that follow the curves of her form as she turns and bends, 
in a series of balanced movements, to the right hand and to 
the left. 

The Feast. Near the close of every Bagobo ceremony, or imme- 
diately following it, there is served a generous meal, which, in 
view of the abstemiousness of every-day fare, might properly be 
called a banquet. The regular festival foods, differing somewhat 
according to the ceremonial occasion, include roast venison, pig-fat, 
boiled fish, grated cocoanut and boiled white rice. At Ginum, the 
fish is slivered, mixed with grated cocoanut and pressed into moulds 
between leaves held in the palms of the hands ; and at this festival 
the dishes are made of pieces of hemp-leaf, curved at one end and 
fastened by a bit of pointed rattan. The guests are served seated 
on the floor, and a separate dish is given to each. During the 
preparation of the food, nobody tastes a morsel, for the fast since 
the preceding meal, however long, must not be broken until the 
moment that all the company begin simultaneously to enjoy 
the feast. 

Manganlto* During the nights immediately preceding a great 
ceremony, and in some cases, as at harvest, on the night following 
the main ceremonial, it is customary to consult the gods through 
the instrumentality of a priestess, or of some other person who 
acts as medium. '^® 

Various Types of Altar 

The Bagobo recognize several types of altar, fairly distinct in 
function, chief among which are the following : Tambara, Tigyama, 
Balekdt, Sonaran, Buis, Parabunnidn. Roughly grouped from the 
structural aspect, the above-named types include four classes of 
altar, which may be distinguished as: (a) Bamboo prayer-stands 
{tambara)', (b) Hanging altars (tigyarna and balekdf)\ (c) Agong 
altars {sonaran); (d) Hut-shrines {huis and parabunnidn). 

Bamboo prayer-stands called tambara. This is a form of altar 
to be seen everywhere, since it functions as a family altar, as an 
out-of-door shrine, and in various associations with ceremonial wor- 
ship of a more formal type. The tambara consists of a small 

* • • See Part ID. "Evcry-day forms of religious response/' 


bowl of heavy white crockery, supported by an upright rod of light 
bamboo {balekayo) from three and one-half to four feet in height, 
the rod being split down several inches from the top into four 
forks which are spread out and bound with rattan at the center 
of parting so as to form a rest for the bowl. Tied to these branching 
splints of the standard, one often sees slender leaves from plants 
that possess a magical virtue, especially those that are fragrant, 
and also flowering sprays called hagehe from the areca palm. Bands 
of rattan fasten the upright standard to one of the timbers of the 
wall, in the case of the house altar, while a tambara in use out- 
of-doors has its bamboo rod fixed in the ground. That the bowl 
is the essential part of this altar, and that it is the tambara proper 
should be noted, the technical name for the standard being budiibL 
When a tambara is set up in any home, the men cut the bamboo 
for the budtibi and the women place the bowl. In some houses 
there are two bowls, each in its own standard, and occasionally 
there are three, side by side against the wall. To this little family 
shrine recourse is had in case of sickness, when areca-nuts, betel- 
leaf and old ornaments are placed in the bowls with a prayer to 
one or another of the diwata; for a bamboo prayer-stand may be 
dedicated to a diwata of the house, a diwata of the hearth, the 
personal gods of the family, or to some other protecting spirit. 

This same type of altar ^^^ functions at several ceremonies, notably 
at the feast of Ginum, on which occasion tambara are erected at 
the edge of the river, or in the bed of a stream, for the devotions 
in connection with lustration. Other tambara are set up by the 

^ * * The tambara probably represents one of the most primitive altars of the Bagobo, 
since it functions in such a number of distinct ceremonies. We find this type of altar 
mentioned in the old mythical romance recited by mountain people, as well as in stories 
that may be of more modem composition. Cf. op. cit., Jour. Am. Folk-lore, vol. 26, 
pp. 28, 52. Jan.— March, 1918. 

An altar somewhat similar in form is used by Peninsular Malays, among whom Skeat 
found, along the wayside, shrines where incense was burned in little stands made of 
bamboo rods, one end of the rod being "stuck in the ground and the other split into 
four or five, and then opened out and plaited with basket work so as to hold a little 
earth." Cf. W. W. Skeat : op. cit., p. 67. In one case, I have seen the half shell of a 
cocoanut used in place of crockery, and this may have been the ancient receptacle. The 
tambara is referred to by Father Gilbert in the following words: ''When they are sick» 
they perform the diuata in their tambaro. That consists in a dish on top of a bamboo 
which is fixed in the ground, on which they place buyo, bonga [areca], lime, and tobacco* 
while they say to their god: 'We offer thee this. Give us health.'" Blair and Robebtson: 
op. cU., vol. 48, p. 287. 1906. 


wayside; and still others in the Long House to receive oflFerings 
that have been on the agongs, and to serve as centers for ritual 
recitations. Tambara thus used tend to be placed singly in dif- 
ferent spots, rather than in pairs. When a human victim is to be 
sacrificially slain, it is customary to set up near the place of sacri- 
fice a tambara, where betel may be offered and prayers repeated. 

It is not unlikely that in former tim^s these bamboo stands were 
regularly placed at centers of special industries to insure the success 
of the process and the protection of the spirits. I have seen in 
Talun two of these bowls in their rods of bamboo standing at the 
foot of the bellows of a blacksmith's forge, with two old and 
blackened brass bracelets in the bowls, while on the left-hand side 
of the bellows hung a small parcel of charcoal wrapped in a bit 
of petati which the blacksmith called medicine (baun) for the forge. 

Regarding the final disposition of objects placed on the tambara, 
one hears statements that seem contradictory, for the same Bagobo 
will at one time tell you that gifts put in the bowls for the diwata 
must be left there always, while the next day he assures you that 
the offerings may be taken away after one night, but must never 
be sold. My own observations on Bagobo behavior wherever gifts 
to the gods are concerned, correlated with information given me 
by individuals, suggest the following explanation. Offerings made 
on these bamboo prayer-stands are of three classes. 

a) Agricultural products, particularly areca-nuts, betel-leaf and 
tobacco which, once placed on the shrine, may never be removed, 
but are left to dry up, to decay, or to be blown away. 

b) Old objects believed to have become automatically sacred on 
account of age, and hence are called ikut, — such as brass armlets, 
fibre leglets, little belle, small trinkets in general that may be laid 
in the bowls, and old spears and war-shields that are fastened to 
the wall or stood up near the shrine. Such objects, once offered 
on a tambara, belong permanently to the gods and must remain there. 
It would appear that such gifts are not frequently made, for the 
accumulation of them at any one tambara is small. Indeed, there are 
few Bagobo wealthy enough to be able to make pious disposition of 
manufactured articles that are still of material value. What I have 
been told of the essence or soul (gimokud) of manufactured objects 
leads me to the conclusion that when the material part has become 
old and useless to the owner, the spiritual part is in no whit injured, 
but may confidently be offered to the spirits for their enjoyment. 


c) Articles of real value, which are habitually laid before the 
unseen beings on ceremonial occasions — newly-woven textiles, 
beaded garments, embroidery, fine weapons, **® rich ornaments. 
Such offerings are hung over a tambara or beside it (the smaller orna- 
ments being laid in the bowls) for one night only, and on the following 
morning returned to their respective owners. Thus hallowed, they 
must remain in the possession of the owner during his lifetime. *^' 

Hanging Altars* Tigyama. In some houses there is no tam- 
bara, but in place of it there is said to be a hanging structure 
called tigyama that functions as the family shrine. This form of 
shrine 1 have not seen. According to the description given me, it 
consists of a white plate or large saucer, called pingan^ suspended 
by rattan from some point just above the line where the wall 
meets the slope of the roof. ^^-^ This altar belongs to Tigyama, 
the spiritual protector of the family. When any member of the 
household is sick, they put into the dish one areca-nut and one 
betel-leaf, and say: ** Where are you, Tigyama? I am preparing 
this areca-nut for you." Offerings placed in the dish for Tigyama 
may never be taken away. 

Balekdt, Another type of hanging altar in use in Bagobo house- 
holds is the balekdt. This consists of one or more piles of cups 
and saucers,^" of uniform size, suspended from the timbers of the 
roof by strong bands of rattan which, meeting under the lowest 
dish, form a hammock-like brace for the entire set of sacred vessels. 
From the structural aspect, the balekdt might appear like an en- 
larged and slightly modified tigyama, but functionally the balekat 
occupies a unique place in the religious life of the group, for it 
is not only a family shrine, but a ceremonial altar of high ritual 

^^0 There seems to be invoWed here an animistic principle exactly opposite to that 
held by the Toradja of central Celebes, who, according to Sarasin, offer to the spiriti 
spear-points, smith's tools, etc., modeled from white wood, fearing that if the unseen 
beings should make use of the iron implements, they would take away the soul of the 
metal and render it weak and worthless." Cf. Reisen in Celebes, vol. 1, p. 280. 

1 "* 1 Unfortunately, I failed to ascertain what disposition was made of such articlei 
after the death of the original owner. It would be an interesting point for investigation. 

^ ^ * The place for the tigyama plates is said to be "under the ffoso," that is to say, 
below the strips of light bamboo that run crosswise of the roof and form its lighter 

^ * ' It is probable that the dishes used in each of these types of altar are of Chinese 
importation. The Chinese have been the chief traders in the islands for a very long 
period, and the dishes used at shrines in the ceremonial rites of the northern islands of 
the archipelago, from early times, are referable to the Chinese. 


significance. It is put up in honor of the all-knowing god whose 
name is Tolus ka Balekdt, and it is before this altar, not before 
the tambara or tigyama, that the culminating act of the Ginum is 
performed. At this time an accessory element is added which 
heightens the ceremonial value of this altar, and temporarily extends 
its capacity as a receptacle for offerings. On the last day of the 
festival, a broad shelf of wood is swung from an elevated part of 
the roof by rattan hangers, in a position directly in front of the 
balekat. This shelf bears the name of tagudn ka balekdt^ its 
function being to hold, for a short period, the sacrificial food and 
the sugar c^ne liquor that are offered to divine beings. This 
temporary retable is so closely associated with the main altar that 
it is not unusual to hear it called simply balekat, and whatever is 
placed there is said to be put on the balekdt itself. 

In the matter of offerings, the situation is much the same as 
with the tambara. One class of gifts consists of very old ornaments 
and weapons that are rarely offered, but, once dedicated, can never 
be taken back; the other class includes objects of intrinsic value 
and newly-made articles that are hung around the balekat for one 
night, particularly on ceremonial occasions, and then retained always 
in the possession of those who offered them. It is said that if a 
man should sell a tankulu that has hung on the balekdt, ^he would 
be dead," and the case is the same with other such gifts. An 
interesting problem is suggested as to whether the balekdt was the 
primitive shrine of the home, and was later utilized for group festivals ; 
or whether we should take it to be primarily a ceremonial altar 
and secondarily a family shrine. 

Agong-altars, called Sonaran. At Ginum and at the harvest 
festival, a temporary altar bearing the name of sonaran plays an 
important part. It is formed by one large agong, or by several of 
tht^se instruments placed together on the floor, on which is piled 
the rich collection of objects that are brought at the rite of Sonar, 
as offerings to Mandarangan and to the anito. At this function, 
the sugar cane liquor is ceremonially drunk, and an interview with 
the gods through a priestess takes place. On one occasion, however, 
I have seen an agong in use as the altar for the sacrificial rites 
that occur on the last night of the festival. All fine textiles, 
swords, knives and ornaments, which are heaped in ample quantities 
on the agong-altar, are returned, at the conclusion of a ceremony, 
to the individuals who brought them, to be kept always in their 


possession; or, again, objects taken from the agongs may be hung 
for one night upon the tambara ^^* and then returned to the owners. '" 
They may never be sold, **because they have been on the agongs." 

Hnt-shrines, These include buis, ^^^ which I shall call "buso- 
houses;" and parabunnidn^ or "rice-altars." 

Buis or Buso-houses. Little huts, three or four feet in height, 
of a pattern similar to Bagobo living-houses, are erected at the 
opening of a Ginum festival on the grounds in the immediate 
vicinity of the Long House. They are often placed in natural or 
artificial thickets, at points that command the approaches from the 
river and at turns of the paths leading to mountains trails — ob- 
viously strategic positions with reference to unseen foes. The buis 
has a roof, and a floor that is raised on little posts; there may be 
three walls, but the front is always left open. On the floor, or on 
the ground below, the Bagobo put areca-nuts and betel-leaf for the 
Tigbanud and for the rest of the buso, and, on a particular even- 
ing, formal rites are paid to these evil beings, with the distinct 
intention of preventing them from breaking into the festival house 
and thus vitiating the good effects of the ceremony. 

I am told that some Bagobo families keep little houses of this 
type standing continually near their homes and that they call them 
by the same name — buis — but I have seen them only at Ginum. 

Parabunnidn or Bice-somng Altars. A hut-shrine is set up in 
one corner of a field on the occasion of the annual rice-sowing, for 
the purpose of securing a good crop through the favor of Tarabum^, 

'** Possibly the intention is to give the spirits a more prolonged period of enjoyment 
of the offerings ; and there may be also a feeling that the object becomes doably haUowed 
by its association with the two altars. Most of the objects, however, are retnrned 
directly from the agongs to the owners. 

^^* It is elsewhere noted that gifts dropped into the agong containing water are not 
retomed, bat become the property of the priestess who utters an oracle at the ceremony 
before an agong-altar. C/. pp. 127 — 12S. 

' * * In its broadest sense, the term buis includes all these little ceremonial huts in 
which offerings for unseen beings are placed; the house structure of the parabunnian 
being sometimes called buis in distinguishing this element from the magic plants, the 
wickets, the bowls, etc. But it is buso-houses that are regularly designated as bais, 
and it is in this stricter sense that I am here employing the term. For an account of 
the devotional offices performed before the buis, see p. 108. Hut-shrines of a similar 
type seem to have been in use among the early Filipino. Chirino writes that the Visayan 
had, as shrines, little houses with only roof and ground floor at the entrance to their 
villages. Blaik and Robibtson: op. cil,, vol. 12, p. 268. 1904. 


the god of growing rice. The parabunnidn *" is about the size 
of the buis, or smaller, and often without any floor, ^'^ the oflTerings 
of betel and brass ornaments being then laid on the ground or in 
a little bowl. Magic plants or branches are stuck in the earth 
close to the house, each of which has an influence upon the growth 
of rice plants. Every rice-field has its own parabunnian. The 
areca-nuts, the betel-leaf, and the metal ornaments are left in the 
bowl until harvest, after which festival the bowl and metal objects 
are carried into the house and kept until the next rice-sowing, 
when the same bowl and the same ornaments are taken out to a 
new parabunnian. At harvest, there is put into a hut-shrine known 
as roro a small portion of rice representing the first fruits, together 
with areca-nuts and betel-leaf, as a thank-offering to the diwata 
and to certain clusters of stars ; but I am not able to state definitely, 
from observation, whether this is a shrine distinct from the parabun- 
nidn, or whether there are two functional names for the same 
little house. 

In addition to the devotions at the above-mentioned altars of 
fixed types, it is customary to make temporary shrines on the 
ground — close to the wayside, or under some great tree — by 
merely laying down areca-nuts in leaf-dishes which are arranged 
in a somewhat definite order. Such gifts are meant for gods, or 
for buso, or for the spirits of the dead, and are offered with a 
simple intention of preventing disease or of curing it; the unseen 
being for whom the gift is designed being invariably stated by the 
person who lays down the offering. 


Festival of Drinking called Giniim 

Introd actor y Remarks* The word ginum (inum) means "a 
drinking," but whether the primary association was with the drinking 
by the gods of the blood of the sacrifice, or the drinking by the 
people of the ceremonial sugar cane liquor, is not evident. Both 
elements now stand out clearly in consciousness. The sacrifice of 
a slave, a fact at present concealed in deference to the attitude of 

»''»The root, ^t2ii«», means "to plant.'* 

*■ ^ * Some Bagobo use the Bila-an type of rice-altar, which has a floor. 


the new government, has been one of the essential rites of the fes- 
tival from remote times. 

It is for the satisfaction of three of four deities, and not, as is 
commonly reported, for Mandarangan alone that a human victim 
is oifered at Ginum. The worshipful meetings called matiganito 
bring out the fact that the Bagobo consider both the god known 
as Tolus ka Balekdt and the Malaki t'Olu k'Waig to be interested 
in the sacrifice of a man at this time. This point is mentioned 
in anticipation of the description of human sacrifices, because such 
an offering is the central act of Ginum, which gives color to 
the minor rites. In one sense, the ceremonies of the first three 
days may be regarded as leading up to the fourth day and as 
protective of those final ceremonies, since one of the salient objects 
of the preliminary rites is the warning off of demons from the 
Long House, lest they disturb the celebration on the last day. 
Prom another standpoint, however, it may be noted that a rite like 
Pamalugu (lavation) is a unit in itself, and so is the agong cere- 
monial. These rites are performed with motives distinct from those 
which permeate the peculiarly sacrificial acts of the main day. One 
hears the ceremonial discussed from different points of view by 
different Bagobo. It is stated by one that the Ginum is celebrated 
for the Tolus ka Balekdt. This is true, particularly, of the central 
rites of the fourth day, where the fundamental idea is that of 
the bloody and the bloodless sacrifice. When Datu Oleng, however, 
viewed the ceremonies of the entire four days as a unit, he said: 
^'We now have a festival because we make offerings (t<iirer) '*'•* 
to the gods; this year we make the Ginum to be kept from 
sickness and from other bad things." 

Definite values are associated with the religious acts of Ginum: 
the gods are honored; the demons are appeased; diseases are cured; 
threatened sickness is averted; prosperity and increase of wealth 
are assured to the family giving the festival, and to all participants 
who share in the rites and who make gifts to the gods in the pre- 
scribed manner. *^^ 

The time for the ceremony of Ginum is variable. Datu Imbal 
told me that it was often given soon after the sprouting of the 

^^* Tawer is a Malay word signifying, "to offer the price/' ''to make a bargain." 
^ * ^ In Minaliassa, sacrificial feasts are held to ward off sickness, and to pre?ent failore 

of crops, as well as to secure abundant harvests, long life, courage and other good things. 

Cf. P. and F. Sarasin : Reisen in Celebes, vol. 1, p. 44. 1905. 


rice, though his own, in 1907, was held three days before the 
expected sprouting. I myself attended one Ginum in May (Imbal's 
Ginum), another in August, and I knew of another, at Bansalan, 
that was given in September. As a matter of fact, any one of the 
following times is permissible for the celebration: in January, '®* 
about the time of the clearing of the fields, or soon after ; one month 
after the sowing; a few days before the sprouting; soon after the 
sprouting, or when the rice plants have grown to some height. 

The above dates indicate a range of months from January to 
September, inclusive, and possibly even through October, when this 
festival may properly be held. The rice is ordinarily sown in the 
months April, May and June, and harvested in November or 
December according to the date of planting. The Ginum must be 
held during the bright fortnight of the moon, preferably when 
she is new in the west, or full in the east, or at the close of her 
first quarter. 

While any man of wealth who is able to give the ceremonial 
and to provide entertainment for the guests is at liberty to do so , 
yet the Ginum is most often conducted in the home village of a 
head datu who presides over a group of rancherias. A Ginum 
would not occur in the same village oftener than once a year, or 
biennially; but at one or another place in the Bagobo territory 
there is likely to be a Ginum every few months. If the chieftain 
has a large house, '®^ the festival would probably be given there; 
but on this point I have not definite information. This was the 
ancient Filipino usage. The regular Bagobo custom is to build a 

'** I was told that the Ginum was often held in Janaary, and this answers, exactly, 
to the time mentioned by Datu Tonkaling to Mr. Cole — - "when there is plenty of 
rice in the granaries." Op. eit,, p. 111. For the ceremonial at the season of clearing 
the fields, see account by the same writer, pp. 85 — 86. See also Migukl de Loarca: 
^'Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas." Blaib and Robbbtson: op, eil,, vol. 5, p. 165. 1903. 
This author so characterizes a Visayan ceremonial that it appears to correspond to that 
of the Bagobo at clearing time. The Visayans, he says, ''set apart seven days when 
they begin to till their fields, at which time they neither grind any rice for their food, 
nor do they allow any stranger, during all that time, t^ enter their villages, for they 
say that that is the time when they pray to their gods to grant them an abundant 
harrest." When the Ginum is held in January, the clearing rites would apparently 
precede it by a brief interval. 

' * * For the great four days of the Tagal festival, they nsed the largo house of their 
chief, dividing it into three compartments; and dnriog those four days the house was 
called a iimiahan (temple). Cf, Juan de Plasincia, O.H.F.: "Customs of the Tagalogs, 
1589." Blaib and Robbbtson*. op. cit., vol. 7, pp. 185—186. 1908. 


special house, called dakul balU (big house), which is long in 
proportion to its width. It is also called "house with a good roof,'' 
as special care is taken to make the roof tight and secure. The 
whole house is strongly built, having walls of balekayo firmly bound 
with rattan, and a double floor of split bamboo. The roof is 
closely thatched with meadow-grass or with nipa. No private house 
is built with like care, and it would be in harmony with the 
character of the rites to assume that the festival house is made 
secure primarily to keep out those evil beings whose presence at 
the ceremonial is feared. The ceremonial house, which I shall call 
the Long House, is placed at the edge of the village, near the 
opening of the trail leading down the mountain. At the time of the 
great festival, the Long House serves also as a guest house, for the 
entertainment of a great number of visitors. *^^ 

The Ginum here described was given by Datu Oleng, the distin- 
guished chief of the native district of Talun, at his home village 
called Mati, situated on the summit of Mount Merar. Oleng died 
at an advanced age, several months after this (his last) Ginum. 

Chronology of the Preparation^ and of the Four Main Days 
of the Festival. On account of ill health, and the added infirmities 
of old age, Datu Oleng had retired from the exercise of the ac- 
tive duties of chieftainship, and his eldest son, Ido, was holding 
the position of executive datu. Temperamentally, he was not as 
well fitted as his father to plan and to organize large affairs, and 
somehow he failed to lay in the necessary supplies in time for 
the festival. This was one reason for the long delays that occurred 
during the preparation, and even after the formal opening. Possi- 
bly, too, there may have been another cause. Some weeks before 
this Ginum, I heard that the boy had been picked out for the 
sacrifice. Whether or not he was offered up at that time, I do 
not know. My arrival might easily have upset the original plan, 
to the extent of requiring secrecy in making the sacrifice, with 

^ * ' In central Celebes, the ceremonial hoase, called LobOt has a variety of fanctions, 
as enamerated by the Sarasins. "Diese Lobo's dienen verschiedenen Zwecken ngleich. 
Einmal sind sie der angenommene Wohnsitz der Dorfschatzgeister, Anita, and in dieMt 
Eigenschaft konnen sie als Tempel oder Geisterhaaser bezeichnet werden; dann aber 
werden in ihnen alle wichtigen Beratangen, Versammlangen and Festlichkeiten der Dorf- 
bewohner abgehalten, sie dienen aach als Ratshaaser; drittens finden darin Paaaanten eine 
Unterkunft and einen Herd zam Abkochen, and damit erfiiUt der Lobo auch den Dienst 
einer Herberge." P. and F. Sabasin: op, eit, vol. 1, pp. 816—217. 1906. 


the necessary change of time, place, and so forth. Such change 
would have entailed the long conferences and discussions always 
required among Malay people when anything out of the ordinary 
occiurs; or, if the human victim were not slain, a number of inter- 
Tiews with the gods must have taken place, to persuade them to 
accept the substitution of a cock. The utterances of the medium 
at the seances that I attended showed that an undercurrent of 
intense anxiety was accompanying the strong efforts then being made 
by the Bagobo to please the new American Government, and at 
the same time properly to pacify the ancient gods. The entire 
well-being of the group hung upon the punctilious performance of 
every rite of the Ginum, and particularly in the matter of the 
sacrifice. On the other hand, there would be the utmost danger if 
the sacrifice were discovered by us foreigners, with our inability to 
realize the traditional necessity for the rite. In December of the 
same year, when a human sacrifice was certainly ofiTered in Talun, 
at which time the event was betrayed by some native anxious to 
put himself in good standing with the local authorities, the excite- 
ment and the strict governmental investigation that followed fully 
justified the earlier fears apparent in the Talun group. The Bagobo 
were at this time meeting a severe crisis in their tribal history. 

Thus Ido's failure to secure cocoanuts and fish may not have 
operated as the sole cause for the delays and the apparent tendency 
toward procrastination in getting ready for the Ginum. The last 
change of date for the main ceremony, that is, from the 18th to 
the 19th of August, was due to religious scruples attendant upon 
the occurrence of an earthquake shock on the third day of the 

So, for one and another reason, it came about that the Ginum 
which was formally opened on the evening of August 14th^ and 
normally would have closed after sunrise on the 18th^ was pro- 
longed until after the sunrise of the 20th. Yet the relative sequence 
of the rites was exactly preserved. There was simply an inter- 
polation of one day, and a part of another, on which there were 
no ceremonies — the first interpolation being that of the twenty- 
four hours following the evening of the 15th; the second, of a 
period from sunset on the 17th until the afternoon of the IStb. 
These remarks are made in this introductory section in order to 
:make clear the chronology which immediately follows. 

At Talun, there were four days set apart for the Ginum cere- 



monies, and each was characterized by definite ritual performanct»8. 
It may possibly be that some rites are interchangeable as to days, 
on diflFerent years. As to that, I heard no statement; but Oleng 
listed the following acts as belonging to the first three days. 

On the First Day, the men and women go out for abaca leaves 
and for areca-nuts. The First Night, called Tig-kanayan (the be- 
ginning), is the regular opening of the Ginum, when a very little 
balabba (sugar cane wine) is drunk, when t'agong-go (beating of 
agongs) and sumayo (dancing) begin , and when the leaf-dishes are 

On the Second Day, the men bring back arecA-nuts, and the 
bamboo is cut for the sekkadu (water-flasks). The Second Night 
is called tu Dim Dukilum^ at this time the preliminary Awas 
is performed, and there is t'agong-go and sumayo (agong-bi»ating 
and dancing). On this night, no balabba is drunk; no gindava is 

On the Third Day, no man may work. The people wash in the 
river at the Pamalugu rite ; the main Awas is said, and the Tanung 
branches are put "in the way," to keep the buso that makes men 
fight from coming to the Ginum. 

With this preliminary explanation, I will now give the main 
events on the actual dates as they took place, from th(» day of 
my arrival at Talun until the close of the Ginum. 

July 25. The date first set for Ginum; the moon is full, but 
supplies are not laid in. 

July 26. Ido intends to start for the coast to get dried fish, 
eocoanuts and other supplies, but is detained on one and 
anoth(T pretext, and finally puts off the (expedition until to- 

July 27. Ido saddles his horse, and with several men sets otl* 
late in the forenoon, but on the way down the mountain trail 
an accident of unlucky port(»nt checks advance*. Abok, Ido's 
little son, happens to give a hard knock to a chicken belonging 
to a Bagobo at whose house the party are stopping for refresh- 
ment, and the fowl dies as a result of the blow. Following 
the indication furnished by this ill omen, the entire expe- 
dition returns home. 

July 28. Ido and his men make a fresh shirt, with a promise 
that they will be back three days hence. 


July 29 ef serj. The women are finishing the weaving of choice 
textiles, some of which are to be ceremonially displayed at 
the Ginum, and others are to be made into skirts, trousers 
and jackets that will be worn at the dance on the last night. 

August 1. Men are completing work on the Long House; they 
are closing in great open spaces in the walls to the east and 
to the west, by binding together sections of balekayo (a light 
bamboo) with rattan, and tying them to the house timbers. 
They work always in the direction prescribed for the Bagobo, 
that is, from north to south, when adding section to section. 
Datu Oleng, anxious for Ido's return, goes down the trail, with 
several other men, in the hope of meeting him. 

A^ugust 2. Oleng and his party return, after a futile wait at 
Bungoyan's house, half-way down the trail. 

A^ugust 3. The moon is in her last quarter, and hence the festival 
must now be deferred until the new moon, or even, perhaps, 
until the close of the first quarter, when the moon will be 
"big-horned." The girls finish their textiles and remove them 
from the looms. 

In the evening, a supply of powdered lime called aj)Ofj, for 
chewing with betel, is prepared. A fire is kindled under Ido's 
house; certain kinds of small shells are calcined and the hot 
shell ashes dropped into a little water. 

August 4. Ido returns with supplies; he had stayed at the coast 
in order to be present at the great fiesta given by the Visayan 
premdente, in memory of his wife, on the first anniversary uf 
her death. Old Miyanda, Oleng's sister, is making fresh clay 
pots for the Ginum. The textiles are put through a process 
of softening and polishing. They are then laid in clay pots 
to remain for thirty-six hours. 

August 5 — 6. The work of molding the pottery continues. Un- 
der the direction of Miyanda, the textiles are washed by young 
girls, and hung up to dry. 

August 6. At night, the God of the Bamboo (Tolus ka Kawayan) 
and the God of the Altar (Tolus ka Balekdt) speak at an anito 
seance, and urge th(^ speedy celebration of Ginum. They 
threaten a visitation of sickness if there be further delay. 
Oleng assures the gods that the Ginum shall be held when 
the moon is in the west. The Tolus ka Kawayan blames Oleng 
for not bringing a human sacrifice. 


August 7. Gl^uests are beginning to arrive for the festival in the 
hope that it will be held at new moon; but there is not suffi- 
cient dried fish, and other provisions are lacking. 

August 7 et seq. Textiles are polished with a shell. 

August 8. The guests from Digas go home, saying that they will 
return in five nights. The Ginum is put off until the moon 
reaches her half. At night there is an interview with anito. 
Embroidery of festival garments is going on, and this work 
continues until the very last day. 

August 9. At an anito interview, the Malaki t'Olu k'Waig speaks, 
saying that the women are to pound rice continuously until 
the Ginum. Maying, Oleng's daughter, gently awakens the 
other women, and they pound rice all night long. 

August 10. The sound of the pestle in the big mortar never 
ceases all day, and we hear it all through the night. 

August 11. The women finish pounding the rice. In an interview 
with the anito, Oleng is told that he has the korokung'^ 
sickness, brought by the old woman at the mouth of the river. 
Oleng begs the anito to carry his sickness to the Malaki t'Olu 
k'Waig, who will strangle the sickness. 

August 12. Biiii nuts '^* for festival torches are strung on long 
sections of nap-nap (a fine rattan). A shelf, called tagudn ka 
sekkadii^ for the water-flasks, is put up on the porch. The 
roof of the Long House is being finished by the young men, 
who bring great bundles of meadow-grass, five or six feet in 
length. With much laughter and merriment, they toss the 
bundles to other men on the roof, who, in turn, lay them 
crosswise on the timbers, and make the thatch secure with long 
strips of laya^®^ wood, which they place on the grass-bundles 
and bind down with rattan. Guests continue to arrive. 

August 13. Malik, son-in-law to Oleng, makes a capacious bed of 
split bamboo for the use of guests. It is like a wide shelf 
fastened to the east wall, at a height of three and three-fourths 
feet from the floor. 

' * * Karokung is an illDess characterized by cough, chilU and fever. 

^ * * A small roand nut, rich in oil. Bidu nuts are reserved for ceremonial illamination, 

the house on ordinary occasions being lighted by the /»it^, a torch of resin, wrapped 

in leaves. 

. **'^* A variety of bamboo. 


The women bring in quantities of green corn, which they 
carry in burden baskets on their backs. 

August 14. First day of the Ginum, Men and women go out with 
burden baskets for hemp leaves, to make leaf-dishes. Ido starts for 
the house of Kaba, a long distance down the trail, whither he 
has to go for more cocoanuts. Loda goes to the same place for 
areca-nuts. The girls cut one another's hair in the style called 
lalampa ; that is, a fringe of bangs cut into a number of sharp 
points, and stuck with vegetable glue to forehead and cheeks. 

First nighty called Tig-kanayan (The Beginning). The Gin- 
daya, or ceremonial chant, is formally opened by three young 
men : Ayang (a nephew of Oleng's), Bagyu the leper (Ayang's 
brother), and Saman (a step-son of Oleng's). The beating 
of agongs and the dancing begin. The sugar cane liquor 
is brought in, but on this opening night only a small amount 
is served. Everybody may taste it, but we are permitted 
to drink only sparingly. We make leaf-dishes, called kintidok^ 
in large numbers, for in them the food is to be served 
on the last night. The young men sharpen slender sticks 
of nap-nap, and with these the girls pin up the dishes. They 
heat slightly over flame or coals each leaf-section, deftly curl 
the two corners of an end, one over the other, turn up the 
same edge, and run it through with the pointed thong of nap- 
nap — a process called tauduk ka ddun (preparing the leaves). 
T'agong-go and dancing continue through the night, until near 
dawn. Datu Oleng says that there shall be no sleep for four 

August 15. Second day. About three hours after sunrise, nine 
young men go out to hew down young bamboos, and on 
returning they cut seventy internodal joints for the sek- 
kadil^ or water-flafiks, that are to be filled on the last great 
day. Clusters of areca-nuts are brought in for the ceremonial 
offices, and for the guests to chew. Miyanda fires the pots. 
A frame of laya wood is put up; from this the agongs are to 
be suspended, and on it the textiles and the tankulu are to 
be displayed. It consists of five smooth white rods, two of which 
run lengthwise of the house, and three transversely; they are 
tied to the large upright timbers, about six feet from the 
floor. Competitive racing of horses by young men takes plact; 
— possibly a mere diversion. 


Second nigJit^ called Ta Dua Dukilum. The preliminary 
Awas is performed: areca-nuts are placed by the wayside, with 
ritual words, the ceremony being conducted by old women, 
who make the leaf-dishes and repeat the religious formula** 
The first Tanung is performed, a ceremony at which branches 
of magic virtue are planted in two places by the path, in 
order to frustrate the evil plans of Buso. No drinking of 
balabba is permitted on the second night, and hence no chant- 
ing of gindaya, for gindaya is chanted only on the nights 
when the sugar cane wine is drunk. The beating of agongs 
and the dancing that were scheduled for this night are omitted, 
for it becomes evident that Ido will not bring back the cocoa- 
nuts in time for the banquet that was to be on the 17th. 
Therefore, since the celebration of the Fourth Day cannot tak<; 
place on the 17tb^ the celebration of the Second Night is 
stopped, while the t'agong-go and sumayo that belong to this 
evening are put ofiF until twenty-four hours later. Olcng says 
that we may sleep to-night. 

August 16. The order of the celebration is now interrupted on 
account of the lack of cocoanuts. Many guests have left Mati, 
and, weary of the delay, have gone to their homes. Malik is 
putting up the dega-dega^ a high ceremonial seat fastened to 
the west wall, where Oleng is to sit while observing the cere- 
monies that are to take place in the Long House. The young 
men are cutting off brushwood and clearing a path through 
the jungle, so that guests may find an entrance. In the after- 
noon, Ido returns with the cocoanuts. The celebration is taken 
up at the point where it was left off last night. All the 
evening there is agong music and dancing. At night occurs 
a brief interview with the anito. 

August 17. Third day, Oleng says that on this day nobody may 
work. The events of the morning occur in the following order : 
Pamalugu, or lavations in the river; Lulub, or washing the 
new water-flasks; Sonar, or ceremonies at an agong-altar, of 
which the distinctive acts are the offering of clothing, weapons 
and ornaments to the gods, the medicinal washing of faces, 
an interview with the anito, ritual recitations, the ceremonial 
with balabba. Two new tambara (bamboo prayer-stands) are 
put up in the usual manner, and many articles taken from 
the agongs are hung beside the tambara for one night. Masses 


of fragrant green kummi are brought in by young girls; this 
is to be worn at the waists of the women on the fourth night. 
Beating of agongs and dancing take place at intervals throughout 
the day. Two large wooden figures of men are carved, and 
the magic branches called taming are cut and brought in for 
the evening ceremony. Little human figures (tingoto) are 
shaped, and leaf-dishes made, for the Awas. The ceremonies 
distinctive of this Third Day proceed in order until near sunset, 
when a halt is called because of the earthquake. The cere- 
monies of Awas and Tanung therefore are put off until to- 
morrow. At night, the anito are consulted about the earthquake. 

August 18, No ceremonies may now be performed until twenty- 
four hours shall have elapsed after the earthquake. Young girls 
boil the green kiimmi, a process which draws out the sweet 
fragrance of the plant, and then they hang bunches of it from 
the rafters, and stick sprays in their girdles and in their skirts. 
More areca-nuts are brought in for the Awas. 

Third night The second Awas is celebrated late in the 
afternoon. At sunset, the main Tanung is performed, at which 
rite the wooden figures are stationed by the path and the 
magic branches are set out, to frighten off the demons who 
may try to bring sickness to the bodies, or anger to the hearts, 
of those present at the feast. The preliminary Awas is repeated, 
only because the areca-nuts and the betel-leaf that were placed 
by the wayside on the second night have withered during the 
delay. T'agong-go and sumayo proceed. 

August 19. Fourth and main day. Agongs sound at dawn. The 
halanan^ or large vessels of laya bamboo in which sugar cane 
wine is to be poured are made. Men cut mouths in the 
seventy water-flasks, and women take them to the river to fill 
with water. The ceremonial bamboo poles (kawayan) are 
cut, brought into the Long House, decorated and set up. The 
war-cry is raised. Agongs are beaten without dancing. Spears 
are attached upright to the two poles of bamboo. A display 
of textiles on the laya and the balekayo frames is made. The 
sugar cane liquor is brought in. A cock is shot as a sacri- 
ficial victim. The shelf of the hanging altar {tagtian ki$ 
hahkdt) is put up. The sacred food — chicken, red rice 
and cocoanut — is prepared, and cooked in bamboo vessels. 
Fourth and last night. Torches of bidu nuts are lighted 


and the war-cry is raised. Sacrificial offices over the chicken 
and omok, rites over two bowls of balabba, and rites with 
betel are performed at the altar called haUkat. Betel is ceremo- 
nially chewed. The sacred food is deposited in two bamboo 
vessels, called garong^ and elevated to the shelf of the balekdt. 
A supplementary Awas is performed by the old women. Chanting 
of Gindaya is resumed. Festival dances are performed, accom- 
panied by the beating of agongs. There ensues a general drink- 
ing of balabba by the entire company. Three successive periods 
of chanting gindaya, of dancing, and of gindaya procet^d. The 
feast is served and eaten. There follows a recitation of exploits 
by the old men as they grasp the bamboos. Men and adoles- 
cent boys eat the sacred food at the altar. Drinking of sugar 
cane liquor and informal speeches tak(» place. Gindaya is sung 
through the night and until one hour after sunrise. 

Ceremony of Awas, or offerings of areca-nuts to spirits. 

Among the many ritual acts which have been listed in chronological 
order, are several important ceremonies that have their place on 
the second and third nights, and on the third day of the Ginum : 
the Awas, the Tanung, the Pamalugu, the Sonor. A somewhat 
detailed account of these several functions will now be given, and 
this will be followed by a narrative of the events on the fourth 
and main day of the festival. 

The word awas means, ^'sometliing given to a god," ''a gift to 
a spirit," and there are two or three ceremonies that take their 
name from the idea of the gift itself. The first or preliminary 
Awas, called k'arag k'nica^^ is performed on the second night, and 
consists in the offering of betel to certain gods, to the buso, and 
to dead gimokud. This ceremony seems like a private one, for 
few attend it besides the old women who conduct the rite, and 
the chief datu, who assists toward the end. 

The second or main Awas occurs on the afternoon of the third 
day, in the Long House, in the presence of many people. This 
second Awas is essentially one of substitution, in which little images 
are laid down to receive and to hold the diseases of the Bagobo. 
The religious formulae are said by the datu. Both the first and 
the second Awas are characterized by the use of very small leaf- 
<lishes, which have the name of kiniidok and, as aforesaid, bear 
some resemblance to little boats. 


Finally, there is a short awas performed over a great number 
of extremely small leaf-dishes, with an intention not materially 
differing from that of the two preceding Awas. This last I shall call 
simply a supplementary awas. It forms an element of the ritual 
on the last night of Ginum. 

Preliminary Awas. The preliminary Awas, though attended by 
few, is an extremely important ceremony, at which the offerings 
of areca-nuts and the accompanying devotions are directed toward 
the following spirits: Pamulak Manobo (creator of the world), the 
various buso, and the gimokud or ghosts, both those that have been 
long dead and those recently departed from this earth. 

^'We celebrate the Awas," old Datu Oleng said to me as we 
conversed about the Ginum, ** because the earth and the sky could 
not have been made by man. Pamulak Manobo made the world, 
and made all the different kinds of men : Bagobo, American, Bila-an^ 
Moro, Ubii (Ata), Kulaman; and he made all the trees and all 
things that grow on the earth ; this is why we prepare areca-nut — 
because we pray to Pamulak Manobo. As for all the Tigbanua Kayo 
and all the dead buso, we place areca-nut for them to keep us 
from being sick." 

An element of pure worship may be recognized here, as of making 
an act of thanksgiving to Pamulak Manobo for the creation of the 
earth and of the things that grow on it. From this aspect, the 
Awas stands out rather distinctly from other Malay rites, the 
greater number of which are permeated by suggestions of bargaining 
with deity. 

Several of the old women had charge of the first Awas; they 
made the preparation and performed the ceremony, assisted at one 
point only by Datu Oleng. The women were Miyanda, sister to 
Oleng and the leading woman of the group; Singan and Ikdfe, 

Oleng's wives, and Sugg, a priest doctor. The only one of the 
younger women taking part in the rite was Sigo, the eldest of 
those of Oleng's daughters who were still virgin. This girl^ 
during the devotions at the shrines, stood near to the old women 
while she held a branch full of thick-clustering areca-nuts, which^ 
one by one, she plucked off and handed to the old women, or 
laid in a little pile ready for their use. 

Shortly before sunset on the second night of Ginum, the women 
began to place areca-nuts in a number of small dishes — twenty- 
three in all — which they had made from hemp leaves during 


that day. These leaf-dishes, or kinikhl\, were of the same form 
as those which had been made for the feast, but were only about 
one-fourth as large as the banquet dishes, for they measured not 
over five by ten inches, some being only three inches in width and 
nine in length. Like the larger kiniidok, these ceremonial dishes 
were made by curving a section of hemp-leaf so that the comers 
of one end over-lapped, and the opposite (md opened out flat. The 
cornucopia-shaped tip thus formed was then folded over on itself 
and fastened to the body of the leaf by a small stick of sharpened 
rattan. In these smaller vessels, the suggestion of little boats was 
somewhat more apparent than in the larger ones, though, as stated 
in a preceding paragraph, we havt^ at present no evidence to prove 
that this boat-shape was produced intentionally. 

In all but one or two of the leaf-dishes, the old women laid 
betel-leaves — one very small leaf in each dish — and upon the 
leaves they laid whole areca-nuts, ranging in number from one to 
nine. In one kiniidok there was a single areca-nut; two dishes 
had two nuts apiece; one held three, while the remaining nineteen 
dishes each contained from four to nine nuts. One of the women 
tore into fragments some of the betel-leaves that were left over, and 
after wrapping these fragments in small pieces of hemp-leaf, she 
tied them into a few tiny packages. The remaining hemp-leaves 
were gathered up by Singan, tied together in a bundle and left on the 
wide shelf {tagudn ka sekkadn) where the seventy water-buckets stood. 

When all was ready, the women picked up ten of the leaf- 
dishes, leaving thirteen on the stoop just outside the door, and then 
our little procession started from the house, to lay the offerings at 
four different shrines by the wayside. There were but seven of us : 
the four old women, the girl Sigo, Islao and myself. We turned 
east from the Long House, and went a short distance down the 
narrow path that led southeastward to the river. At a spot where 
great trees overhung the path, not more than three or four minutes' 
walk from the door-step, the women halted and sat down on their 
feet in the posture common to them. Crouching there on the ground, 
they set down beside them their ten kiniidok, and uttered low- 
voiced prayers. The faint sunset glow had blended with the soft 
light of a moon almost at half when they placed their offerings of 
areca-nuts and of buyo-leaf, just as their ancestors through long 
centuries had offered areca and buyo by moonlight on those mountain 


Miyanda first laid several of the leaf-dishes on the left-hand side 
of the path; then, facing north, she summoned the god who lives 
at the source of all the streams. 

^'Malaki t'Olu k'Waig, I call you now, and ask you to speak to 
the Tigbanua Balagan (Buso of the Rattan) and the Tigbanud Kayo 
(Buso of the Wood), so that they will not hurt us. Give them 
these leaf-dishes with the betel, for themselves, because we want 
no sickness to come to us while we make the Ginum; and that 
fearful sickness that is traveling round the world — do not send 
it here where the Ginum is. If the sickness comes here, do not 
let it go from this awas to where we live; but make it stay shut 
up in these kinitdok, until you, Malaki t*01u k'Waig, come to kill 
it. When all the Diseases that go roimd the world and the old 
bad Buso want to come to our house, make them stop here in the 
hemp leaves. Malaki t'Olu k'Waig, you must keep us from getting 

Then Singan, designating certain of the leaf-dishes, said: ^'Here, 
Tigbanua Balagan, these are for you;" and SugS, pointing to other 
of the leaf-dishes, added : ^'Here, Tigbanud Kayo, these are for you ; 
now do not come to our Ginum." '®^ 

Then, turning to face the east, they placed on the ground the 
remaining number of the ten leaf-dishes on the right-hand side of 
the way, and addressed their petitions to the spirits of the dead, 
in order to induce them to remain in Gimokudan and not to trouble 
the living at the festival. 

^'All of you, Gimokud, we give you these areca-nuts and these 
betel-leaves; we ask you not to think at all about our Ginum. 
<Jld Gimokud and new Gimokud, ^^^ these nine areca-nuts are for 
you, one and all. We pray to you, too, all the Tagamaling and 
all the Tagaruso, and we offer betel to all of you while we beg 
you to keep away from this our Ginum." 

^ * ^ The same mental attitude, at the moment of laying down an offering, comes out 
very nicely in the following prayer of a Toradja, recorded by the missionary Kraijt, in 
Central Celebes: — ''O Gotter, die ihr auf dem Takalekadjo wohnt, ich kenne enreAnzahl 
nicht, aber bier ist ein Sirihpriemchen (quid of betel) und ein Stuck Fuja, die ich ench 
gebe; denn ihr seid gross, und wir sind geringe Leute. Wir reisen dort diiiben bin; 
macht unseren Weg gerade, gebt nns Sonnenschein, denn bier ist ein Sirihpriemchen, das 
ich each gebe, und meine Nachkommen werden euch das auch geben." P. and F. Sabasin 
op. cU., 7ol. 1. p. 235. 1905. 

' * * Spirits of persons that have been long dead, and spirits of those recently deceased. 


The function at this first place of prayer now complete, we 
returned to the house; and while Singan and IkdS waited on the 
little porch the rest of us walked under the house, from front to 
back, and on down a very narrow footpath that ran for a few 
feet to the southeast, ending at a little thicket. Here, almost 
hidden in a natural growth of luago shrubbery, stood a buso-house 
(biiis)j and here we halted. Miyanda had brought from the house 
two more of the leaf-dishes, and one of them, which contained four 
areca-nuts, she set on the ground under the shrine, for the Buso 
of the Ground, with these words: ^'This kiniidok is for you, Tig- 
banua Tana." Then, placing the other leaf-vessel which held eight 
areca-nuts on the floor of the little house, she said: ^'To you, Tig- 
banua ka Buis, *®^ I give these areca-nuts, and I ask you to keep 
us in good health all of the time." 

Having returned to the porch by the same way we had followed 
on leaving, we stopped a moment for Miyanda to pick up two 
more of the leaf-dishes. Then, while the other women waited 
there at the house door, Miyanda, followed by myself, took her 
way to another buso-house that had been set up north of the Long 
House, at a distance from it of about twenty feet. Around the 
shrine had been placed thick-leaved branches of luago, kalimping 
and terinagum, all of which were set rather deep in the earth, 
so that they stood erect like a natural growth of bushes close 
to the little temple. On the ground below the shrine, Miyanda 
laid a leaf-vessel containing one areca-nut and one betel-leaf, and 
on the floor of the little house she put the other leaf-vessel, that 
had in it one betel-leaf and eight areca-nuts. At the same time, 
she said to the Tigbanud of this buis a few words to the same 
effect as those uttered at the preceding devotions. 

Thereupon, the other three old women — Singan, IkdS and Sug& — 
came down the short ladder from the stoop, and brought with 
them the nine leaf-dishes that remained of the original twenty-three. 
They followed Miyanda and myself along a path that opened north- 
west from the last-mentioned hut-shrine, and led toward the houses 
of the two datu, Oleng and Ido. When we had reached a point 
about 108 feet ^^'^ distant from the Long House, the women squatted 
down as before, and placed the nine leaf-dishes in order on the 

* • • Bubo of the Shrine. 

1*0 65 paces of 20 inches each. 


Fig. 1. — Leaf diahet used in the rite of preliminary Awas 

Sbowing UTUgemeDt in ordst on tha poaad >t the lut lUtign. Ths iTeo-iiQU in djth 

Ho. 8 ckDDot ba iseD, u tluj in hidden bj the cnriBd margini of dith No.T npon 

which di>h No. e liai. Drkwn b; Irwin Chriitman ^m > field iketeb hj the knthor. 


right-hand side of the way. At that moment, Datu Oleng, who 
had just finished setting out the magic tanung belonging to another 
rite, overtook us and himself repeated the formula over the last 
nine kiniidok, thus concluding the Awas. He stood erect just back 
of the women and said: 

"You, Tagaruso, and all you Tagamaling, and the Tagasoro that 
makes men dizzy, I bring this betel offering for you all; you must 
not keep coming to our house, because I am giving you areca-nuts 
to stop that. And now, Pamulak Manobo, we ask you to protect 
us from all the bad buso, when you see them coming to us. To 
you, Malaki t'Olu k'Waig, we offer prayer because you are the 
head of all the anito and must know all things." 

The kindly spirit that these conservative old people showed in 
permitting a women of another race, a new acquaintance, to take 
part in this private ceremony, was emphasized by many a little 
token of friendliness. They would take my hand as I knelt beside 
them, and ask me if it were not all ''very good;" and once Ikde 
put her arms around me and asked if people performed rites like 
this in America, and what would I do when I had learned all the 
Bagobo ceremonies and other customs. 

After the final prayer we returned to the house, the old women 
in advance, filing along in the moonlight, followed by Oleng and 
myself. No further ceremonies occured that evening. 

Three days later, the preliminary Awas was repeated as a brief 
minor ceremony, fresh leaf-dish(»8 btjing then laid down, simply 
because the first had become dry, and the areca-nuts had withered 
during the delay resulting from Ido's absence and from the ominous 
earthquake. I did not see this repeated ceremony, as at the same 
time the rite of Tanung was going on, but the words said by 
Miyanda over the leaf-dishes were reported to me as follows: 

"You, Tigbanua to the North, and Tigbanua of th(^ Rattan, and 
Tigbanua of the Wood, and Tigbanml of the Ground, I have pre- 
pared areca-nuts for you all, while praying you not to let us bo 
hurt, for we want to have good health all of the time." 

Presumably this preliminary Awas was repeated at the first station 
only, by the patli heading to the river. Here I afterward found 
fourteen leaf-dishes, and their disposition was explained to me as 
follows. Eight had been consigned to the buso, through the Malaki 
t'Olu k'Waig as intermediary, and six were for the gimokud (ghosts). 
Of the eight kiniidok offered to the buso, two contained four areca- 


nuts each ; one dish held five nuts ; two dishes, six each ; two had 
each nine nuts, and one dish contained fifteen nuts. Four of the 
leaf-dishes belonging to the gimokud held, respectively, one, two, 
seven and eight nuts, and the other two kiniidok had four nuts each. 
Main Awas, On the afternoon following the Pamalugu in the 
river, preparations were being made for the second Awas, as well 
as for the setting out of the Tanung branches, both of which 
ceremonies were scheduled for the sunset hour. Kaba had already 
whittled out two rough figures of wood, to be used in the Tanung^ 
and Ido was chiding the women because they had failed to make 
the leaf-dishes for the Awas. Then Miyanda and S^ingan hastily 
pinned together some pieces of hemp-leaf, — enough to make nine 
ceremonial vessels, — and were just stacking them into a pile 
when Datu Oleng arrived in haste at the Long House. He appeared 
to be under strong emotional stress, and instantly called, in an 
agitated voice, for Ido and then for Singan. Immediately after- 
wards came Datu Yting, bringing the startling news of an earth- 
quake shock that had occurred shortly before. It must have been 
a very slight shock, for none of us at the Long House had felt 
the tremor; but straightway all ceremonial activities were cut 
short. The three chiefs, with Buat and the two women, Miyanda 
and Singan, held an informal conference on the porch. At this 
deliberation the fact came out that if any Ginum ceremony is 
held on the same day that an earthquake shock is felt, the death 
of all the members of the family of the man who is giving the 
Ginum will certainly follow. On the other hand, the moon 
would be full in a few days, and, if the Ginum were deferred 
until after the date of full moon, it could not then be celebrated 
at all that month; because to hold the festival during the third 
or fourth lunar phases is strictly tabu. An animated discussion of 
the question, including many calculations and much pointing toward 
the moon, was summarily closed by Datu Yting, who announced 
that if they did not hold the culminating ceremonies within two or 
three nights, he, for his part, would go home without waiting for 
them. Now Yting's judgment was revered throughout the length 
and breadth of Talun, and to lose his presence at the feast was 
unthinkable; accordingly, it wiis proposed to hold the Tanung and 
the Awas rites on the next day, and to let the chief rites of the 
Ginum follow at night. The final ruling, however, placed the main 
ceremonial two days later than the earthquake; while the Tanung 


and the Awas were arranged to be held twenty-four hours later 
than the time of the shock. 

Accordingly, the next morning, in preparation for the main Awas, 
old Kaba made twenty-three little figures of men, called tingoto^ 
some of which he carved from the white wood of magabadbad, and 
others he shaped out from its green stem. The manikins were 
not over one inch or one and one-half inches long. The women 
made the leaf-dishes; and at noon Sawad came in bringing a 
cluster of fresh areca-nuts, which, he said, he had gotten for the 
Awas. The rite was performed early in the afternoon, in the 
kitchen {ahu)j '^' near the door. A large number of the Bagobo 
observed the ceremony. Oleng sat on the floor, the little images 
laid in order before him. Of the twenty-three tingoto, eleven were 
of the white wood, and twelve were of the green stem of maga- 
badbad. Ten of the white figures were placed in a row, with one 
a little apart from the rest ; while eleven of the green figures were 
laid in a row, and one green figure by itself. Oleng then said a 
short ritual over the twenty-three manikins. 

^'Now I lay you here, little tingoto, to make you just like slaves 
to us. We give you to the bad sickness and to the buso in place 
of our own bodies ;'^^ and now the buso and the diseases will not 
hurt us, because we are offering them these tingoto. Let the buso 
think about these little human figures and not hurt us. Now all 
of you, little tingoto, you must keep us from being sick." 

At the close of this recitation, Miyanda placed six areca-nuts at 
the feet of the ten white figures, and said: 

^'I pray to you, Buso, and to you. Sickness; and I lay down 
these little men to make you kind to us. We give you these ten 
figures so that our own bodies will not be hurt by disease, and 
we give you these areca-nuts so that you will not do harm to us." 

At a later hour, the tingoto were taken out to a retired place 
under the trees to the northeast of the Long House and laid 
beside the narrow trail, and with the figures were placed six leaf- 
dishes containing areca-nuts. Near the ten white figures were 

*** The word a^ has two meaningB: (1) kitchen, the room that contains the three fire- 
stones and the native hearth. In the Long House at Mati, it was the first room that 
one entered from the north door; (2) In a ceremonial sense, the aba includes the two 
rooms farthest north. The rites on the first and second nights of the Ginom are held 
in the abu; on the third and fourth nights, in the sonor (the whole house). 

' * * See Charms and Magical Kites, Part III. 


laid ten areca-nuts, and near the eleven green figures, nine areca- 
nuts; while the odd white figure had eleven nuts beside it, and 
the odd green one had nine. My notes do not state the precise 
arrangement of the tingoto and of the leaf-dishes on the ground; 
but my impression is that the ten white figures and the eleven 
green ones lay either inside of the leaf-dishes or close to them, 
while the odd white figure and the odd green one lay apart at a 
little distance. Close beside three of the leaf-dishes, three sprays 
of magabadbad were planted, or stuck in the ground. 

After the ceremony, Oleng spoke to me of the symbolism. There 
are ten, with one more, of the white figures and eleven, with one 
more, of the green figures only because it has always been the 
custom of the Bagobo to use that number at Ginum, for the celebra- 
tion of Awas. He explained that the ten white figures are intended 
to hold the sickness and keep it away from us, while the eleven 
green figures are put there on account of the earthquake — to save 
us from harm. The white and the green tingoto that are kept 
apart from the rest represent the two horns of that great Buso 
deer called Ndat who has one good horn and one bad horn. The 
white tingoto is the right antler, all of whose branches point upward 
and are good; but the green tingoto is the left antler, the bad 
one, that has one branch growing downward. Then Oleng seized 
my pen and made a diagrammatic sketch with a firm eager stroke, 
for he clearly considered this detail a vital point in the ceremony. 

Ceremony of Tannng^ or Magic Bites 
against Bnso. The distinctive elements of 
the rite called Tanung are two: first, the 
planting or sticking into the ground of a 
clump of branches from various vegetable 
growths that have a magic value; second, 
the placing of large wooden images, '^^ as 
spirit scarers, at certain points near the 
Long House. Like the Awas, there are two ¥iG'^— Antler of Buao deer 
ceremonies with the same name. The first ^^*^'f°* by Data Oleng showing 

... --, •111 11 the left antler with on© bad branch 

or preliminary Tanung is held on the sec- turning downward and another 
ond evening of Ginum, and the main rite branch tending to deflect. Bn- 
at the close of the third day. The magical ^'"'«*^- 
branches themselves are collectively called tanung, and the same 

* * * Hein refers to similar usages among the wild tribes of Sarawak, where wooden 



name is given to the ceremony. Other terms, interchangeable with 
Tanung, are Saut and Bunsud, the last word having primarily the 
signification of "a post" or ^'setting a post in the ground." The 
use of bufisud here has reference to the pushing of the foot of the 
wooden image into the ground , like a post. It will be noted 
that both the green branches and the wooden images are intended 
to block the invasion of spirits of evil that attempt, regularly, to 
break into the ceremonial house on the occasion of a festival. A 
second point to be noted is that some of the magic branches are 
acceptable to the diseases, and are put there to make the diseases 
kindly to the Bagobo. 

Preliminary Tanung. The preliminary Tanung was performed 
just after sunset on the second night. Leafy branches from a 
number of trees and shrubs were fixed deep in the ground at two 
different points: (a) at a spot directly north of the Long House, 
and beside the path that leads into the village; (b) at the beginning 
of the trail that winds down the mountain in the direction of Santa 
Cruz and the coast, a place near the southeast border of Mati. 
These branches were from the red-leaved terinagum, the sharp- 
pointed balekayo, and the balala — all of which act as *'medicine" 
very salutary for the Bagobo. The specific purpose, as has been 
said, is to keep away the bad buso who try to come to the Long 
House, bringing sickness to the Bagobo, and introducing besides a 
form of mental stimulation that would set the men to fighting, 
and would drive from the house all peace and good fellowship. 
One of the datu went out to cut the tanung, and Oleng, with the 
hcilp of his second son, Andan, made th(? holes in the ground and 
planted th<» branches. The tanung stood up perhaps five or six 
feet from the ground, one clump on each side of the path at the 

figures are placed near the house to keep off epidemics. "Die Dsyaks vom Sekaysm ateUen 
Holzbildnisse von 80 — 100 cm. Lange, Konto genaont, an die Pfosten ihrer Thiireii odor 
an den Wcg, welcher zu ihren Wohuungeu fuhrt, und die Dayaks vom Katingan thun 
dasselbe, um Seuchen von ihren Kampongs abzuhalten, indem sie der Meinung sind, daas 
die krankheitbringenden Hantu von diesen Holzstatuen abgehalten werden, bis zu deo 
Bewohnern der Hauser selbst vorzudringen.*' Cf. Die bildenden Kunste bei den Dayaks 
auf Borneo, pp. 31—82. 1890. 

The Punan of Sarawak, according to Furness, use carved poles, instead of single 
figures, to scare off evil spirits, at least on certain occasions. A Ponan chief had ill- 
luck; "wherefore to exorcise the evil spirits a great feast had been held, poles elaborately 
decorated with carved faces were erected to frishten awav demons:..." Home Life of 
Borneo Head hunters, p. 179. 1902. 


chosen places. This rite occurred synchronously with one of the 
offices of the Awas, and consequently I did not hear the ritual 
words, although we were not very far from the spot where the 
branches were being set out. 

Main Tanung. The main Tanung consists in setting in a hole 
in the ground a large human figure of wood, which is put outside 
of the festival house, in the hope that Buso, mistaking it for a 
living man, will be afraid to pass by it. Two of these figures 
are put on station. 

On the day of the earthquake, Kaba brought in large branches 
of the red-leaved terinagum, and the mottled green- and white- 
leaved terikanga, to be ready for the planting. Then, from a chunk 
of terikanga-wood, he fashioned two human figures nearly three feet 
in height, roughly cut and highly conventional in form. With his 
short knife he shaped out, first, a circular ridge outlining the limits 
between head and trunk; below that, a three-sided bust and waist; 
then, leaving a protruding abdominal region, he sloped off the body 
gradually to the base, so that it ended in a six-angled point for 
the feet, with no division for legs. 

"This is to make the Buso afraid,*' remarked the old man glee- 
fully, as he whittled away at the image. 

The ceremony took place at sundown, when the tanung branches 
were set out in two places: on the path winding to the river, and 
I)e8ide the way leading to the other houses of the village. Ten 
different varieties of trees and shrubs were represented, each of 
which had a charm value so that it would be effective in pro- 
<lucing the emotion of fear in the evil spirits. At each of the 
places where the tanung was planted, one of the human figures of 
wood was also placed, the leafy branches being clustered so close 
about the figure as almost to conceal it. Oleng performed the 
ceremony, with the help of two young men who dug the holes 
and assisted in "planting" the figures and branches. 

The first part of the rite was performed on the path leading to 
the river, and here the tanung was set out on the right-hand side 
of the way. When the younger men had done the manual part, 
Datu Oleng turned toward the clump of magic branches enclosing 
the image and, facing south, made the following invocation. 

''I plant this tanung toward the south for all you, anito, and for 
you, Malaki t'Olu k'Waig. I plant the tanung so that sickness and 
other harm will not come to us at Ginum. All of you, anito, we 


ask you to take care of us and to protect us from the bad buso 
and from the things that might hurt us while we celebrate the 
Ginum. You, Tigbanud Balagan '^* and Tigbanua Kayo, I plant 
this tanung for you, and I beg you not to come to make men fight 
at the festival. You, too, the bad Sickness that goes all around 
the world, I plant this tanung for you, so that you will not hurt 
us, but have a kind heart for the Bagobo." 

After this, we retraced our steps toward the Long House, passed 
by it, and went on up the path leading to the other houses in Mati. 
At a point not over forty or fifty feet from the house, the second 
part of the Tanung rite was performed, the branches being placed 
on the left-hand side of the way. When all was ready, Oleng 
turned toward the figure in its thicket of potent charms '^' and, 
while facing the north, he invoked the most dreaded of the buso, 
the diseases and the magic plants themselves. 

"For all of you, the evil Tigbanua, and for you, the bad Diseases, 
I plant this sarabak and this badbad to make you feel kindly toward 
us. Now you, the Tanung that we plant, Balekayo and Dalinding, 
watch over us and be all-knowing in respect to us. ^'^ If the 
Sickness approaches, or if the Buso tries to come to our Ginum, 
you must not let them pass by this spot, or go from here to our 

After the ceremony, Oleng repeated to me the names of the 
plants that Buso fears, and that hence are used for the Tanung: 
sarabak^ kapalili^ terikanga^ ramit^ dalinding^ halala^ balekayo^ badbcuL 
^'There should be ten names," the old man said, ^'but I can now 
remember only eight of them." One of the plants that he had 
momentarily forgotten must have been terinagum, branches of which 
were brought in by Kaba for the ceremony. "Long ago," added 
Oleng, "the old men told the Bagobo to plant the branches for the 
Tanung ceremony, and that is why we do it now." 

* * ^ Tigbanua Balagan is the Baso of the Rattan, and Tigbanoa Kayo is the Base of 
the Forest. 

* * * Thickets consecrated to spirits, as well as groves and reserved places in the forest, 
are frequently mentioned by the Recollects and by other missionaries as elements asso- 
ciated with the ancient worship of the Filipino. C/, Bolinao's sketch of religious customs 
in Zambales and Marivelez. Blaib and Robertson: The Philippine Islands, vol. 21, 
pp. U4— 146, 270, 272, 276—277, 282. 1905. Some of these thickets may possibly 
have been buso-scarers, rather than consecrated places. 

' • • See pp. 27—28. 


Ceremony of Pamalugn^ or pariftcation. The Pamalugu, or 
ceremonial washing in the river, takes place on the third day of 
Ginum — the day preceding that on which the culminating rites occur. 

The time set for going down to the river was an hour after 
sunrise, or thereabouts, but it was considerably later — eight 
o'clock or eight-thirty — when the party started from the house. 
During the wait, the men beat agongs and chewed betel as usual, 
while the girls sewed and embroidered on festival garments that 
were yet unfinished. The sun, showing dimly from behind masses 
of clouds, was more than two hours high when the priestess, Singan, 
came in from the woods where she had been gathering the various 
kinds of plant-medicines required for the ceremonial. She carried 
a large bundle of small green plants, freshly cut, together with 
bunches and sprays plucked from large vegetable growths and from 
certain trees, all of which green things she had laid in a piece of 
sheath torn from the areca-palm, a material which forms the regular 
wrapping-paper of the wild tribes. 

Here are the native names of a number of the varities of plants 
in Singan's bundle: bageb^^ sarabak^ dalinding^ tarinagiim^ maga- 
budbud^ uwag^ lambingbaying^ badbadj uliuli^ manangid^ balintudug^ 
lairddd, kapalili^ bamng. '^' Singan divided the green bouquet into 
two equal parts, carefully placing upon another piece of areca-palm 
sheath one spray or plant of each kind. When she finished, she 
had two green piles of fairly uniform size, which she made into 
two bunches and tied with a strong, fibrous string of areca. One 
of the boys tore off the narrow strips from a section of sheath, 
and handed them to Singan as she needed them. 

One clement of the collection of greens was kept apart from the 
rest — a single branch of areca palm that had just burst from its 
enveloping sheath at the top of the trunk, and was full of clusters 
of tiny white blossoms and pale green sprays of undeveloped leaves. 
This branch, called bageb^^^^^ Singan preserved almost intact, only 
breaking off one or two little sprays to add to the two bunches 
already made up. 

' * ^ An extensiTe list of the vsrious letfes naed to make op the medicinal bouquet with 

which the rice-paste {Tepong Tawar) is applied, is given in Skkat: op, di., pp.77 — 80. 

'** Bagebt is the word for the flowers and leaf-buds of the areca palm in the earliest 

stages of defelopment. The blossoms just forming, are pure white, and the leaf-buds range 

from white to pale green at the moment of the bursting of the envefoping sheath. The 

same name is sometimes applied to this flowering axis when mature. 


When the magic greens, known as scyino^ were ready, the 
priestess sat holding them all, while the people gathered for the 
walk to the river. Presently Ido said, "Panoydun" (Let us go), 
and Singan glanced swiftly at Datu Oleng, who at once gave her 
a signal to make the start. Then, with Singan well in advance, 
leading the way, we all set out. Singan was closely followed by 
Saliman, pale and emaciated from his long illness, and by two of 
the little children. At a short distance behind, Oleng led all the 
other people who were to be partakers of the rite. I was directly 
behind Oleng; then came Buat; then Salf, Oleng's elder brother, 
a very aged man ; then other members of the family : Ido, Inok 
(Oleng's third son), Sigo with her girl-cousin Odik, Miyanda, and 
a long line of Oleng's sons, nephews and grandchildren, with a 
number of friends and guests. 

The people, for the most part, wore their every-day clothes — 
Oleng, his customary blue cotton jacket and hemp trousers of a 
dull claret color, his well-worn tankulu bound round his head; the 
women went down dressed just as on an ordinary working day; 
many of the men wore trousers only, and plain ohes at that. Ido 
alone had dressed for the occasion in a splendid pair of festival 
trousers made by his Bila-an wife, who had decorated them richly 
with embroidery of fine needle-work and appliqu^, and with figures 
done in small mother-of-pearl discs. 

After a climb of perhaps twenty minutes down a bank that, for 
a part of the distance, was steep and slippery, we found ourselves 
at the bottom of a sharply V-shaped valley, where the grade of the 
stream's bed was slight and the stream ran shallow and was not 
over ten or twelve feet in width. As the bed of the river widened 
out, it was full of great stones and boulders that told of the work 
of a young and vigorous stream which, during violent storms, had 
rolled the boulders down the steeper grades, but in this more 
level place had become overloaded with stones and debris and was 
reduced to a mere brook. Here and there, where the shallow 
current had become blocked, there were little pools hedged in by 
slippery white boulders, and in other places there were flat stones 
with their tops fairly above the surface of the water, and convenient 
to stand on. 

They consulted together as to the exact spot for the ceremony, 
whereupon Oleng seated himself on one of the stony resting-places, 
while the boys and younger men busied themselves in clearing a 


freer passage for the stream by pulling out vegetable growths and 
scooping up handfuls of pebbles. Then followed the preliminary rites. 

Singan laid her bunch of leafy medicine upon the ground, and 
began to place the areca-nuts and the betel-leaves, as she took 
them from her little basket, in several spots that served as temporary 
shrines. At the same time she uttered the appropriate prayers. 
The placing of the betel for the gods, with ritual words, is called 

First the priestess laid an areca-nut on its betel-leaf in the water 
at her feet, and said: "Tigbanud of the water, this betel-nut I am 
laying here for you, to appease you. And you, Tigyama our pro- 
tector, I beg you to keep away from us the sickness, for you care 
for the living." 

Singan next put one areca-nut and one betel-leaf on a large 
stone, with these words: ^You, Tigbanud of the stone, are now to 
have this areca-nut for yourself, while we are engag^ in the 
Pamalugu. From early times the Bagobo have celebrated the 
Ginum, year by year, and we beg you not to listen if the children 
have a good time and make a noise. See, I fix the betel for you." 

The woman then stepped from one to another of the stones in 
the river-bed, until she found a good place on the east bank, that 
is, on the side opposite to the slope down which we had come. 
There, on a boulder, she laid one areca-nut with a betel-leaf and 
addressed the Buso haunting that bank. ^'You, Tigbanua of the 
other side of the river, here is an areca-nut for you; it is to keep 
you from being angry with us that we fix the betel. And you, 
Malaki t'Olu k'Waig, who live at the source of all the streams, 
protect us with your tidalan (spear shaft) from the bad Disease 
that is going round the world." 

Then Singan made her way over one and another boulder, along 
the bed of the stream for some little distance to the north. 
She moved cautiously, for the stepping-places were slippery and 
she was frail and weak. On reaching a certain spot, she bent 
down and said, as she dropped an areca-nut with its betel-leaf into the 
stream: ** Water that lies to the north, this is your betel; and I 
beg from you this favor while we celebrate the Ginum, that you 
will not take any notice of the merry noise of the people." *^* 

*** The idea is that the evil spirits which inhabit the water, on hearing the merriment, 
may come to hart the people at the feast. 


Having moved toward the slope leading up to the village, the 
priestess then faced the west, laid down on a stone one nut in ita 
leaf and, speaking very slowly, adressed the Buso of the Rattan. ^^^ 
^'To you, Tigbanud Balagan, I give this areca-nut, for now, a« 
every year, we hold a festival for the ancient balekdt. We beg 
you not to send sickness upon us, and we want you to tell all of 
vour friends not to hurt us. It is with areca and with betel that 
we ask from you this favor." 

After this, she turned to face the south and, laying a nut and 
a leaf on a stone as before, she spoke first to the buso, and then 
to that glorious and divine malaki who dwells at the never-failing 
spring of all the waters. ^'To you, Tigbanua, I offer this areca- 
nut, and I pray to you all, to move you to be kind to us. Take 
this, and do not make us sick while we celebrate the Ginuni. 
You, Malaki t'Olu k'Waig, keep us by your power from illness 
and from atormy weather, for you are the all-wise {niatuliis) Anito." 

Before the ceremony, a very small shrine had been set up on the 
western border of the stream, having the usual white bowl wedged 
into a rod of split balekayo; toward this tambara the priestess 
now turned and laid in the bowl one areca-nut and one betel-leaf. 
Having done this, she took up her bundle of green sagmo (the 
medicine plants) and handed to the girl, Sigo, the branch of 
blossoming sprays from the betel palm that had been kept entire. 
Without speaking, the young virgin placed the branch in her girdle 
or within the waist folds of her panapisan. Singan then laid in 
the water — one at each end of that section of the stream that 
had been set apart for the purification — a young plant or a leafy 
cluster selected from the sagmo, and placed one spray of bagebi^ 
on the little shrine. 

At that moment Oleng, who up to this point had remained seated, 
rose and called Singan's name. The priestess turned to him and Oleng 

* * " Similarly, on the PeDinsala, ''the annual bathing expeditions ... are supposed to 
purify the persons of the bathers and to protect them from evil." W. W. Skbat : op, cit., 
p. 21. Ceremonies of purification having the special intention of driving away demons are 
mentioned in Somadeva*s stories ; e. g. : ''Then he bathed in the Vitasta and worshiped 
Ganesa . . . and performed the ceremony of averting evil spirits from all quarters by 
waving the hand round the head and other ceremonies." Op. cit., p. 197. Cf. the Iranian 
ceremony in which an offering is made to the water itself. "He offered the sacrifice to 
the good waters of the good Daitya." J. Dabmesteter (tr.): "The Vendidad.*' Sacred 
books of the East, vol. 4, p. 210. 1895. 


spoke one word, **Sakan" (I, myself). Then, with slow steps and an 
attitude in which high dignity and a reverential sense of his sacred 
office were peculiarly blended, the old man advanced to the edge 
of the water and, in a clear voice, summoned the gods dear to the 
Bagobo — the beloved Tigyama, protector of man, and Pamulak 
Manobo, creator of all nature. It was an impressive moment when 
the aged chief stood there, alone, still, beside a massive boulder^ 
in the silence of the mountains with the cool refreshment of morning 
touching the air, his children and grandchildren grouped, in perfect 
hush, upon the banks. Feeble and spent, he yet stood erect, and 
strong in spirit, his face expressing a grave sweetness and purity,, 
as he called upon the ancient gods of the tribe. 

** Where arc you, Tigyama? and where are you, Pamulak Manobo? 
Come near to us for a little time, while I perform the ceremony 
of Pamalugu ; while I pour water over the men and over the women^ 
to keep them in health and strength. This prayer and this Pama- 
lugu I offer, begging you to remove from our bodies the evil 
sickness. Show your love for us; keep us from disease during the 
festival of Grinum, and make us well all of the time." 

As soon as Oleng ceased speaking, his wife, Singan, stepped 
down into the bed of the stream and stood in tlie shallow water^ 
with the two bunches of medicine in her arms. The people had 
dispersed themselves informally, and were sitting about on the great 
stones, waiting for their turns. Five young men, sons of Datu Oleng^ 
were the first to present themselves for the rite. They went down 
together and stood before Singan in the water, or sat on the stones 
on the west side of the stream. Those who had the tutub or tan- 
kulu on their heads removed it, so that their black hair, long and 
luxuriant, hung down over their shoulders and around their faces, 
as they stood with bowed heads before Singan, and received the 
pamalugu at her hands. The priestess held one of the bunches of 
leafy medicine in the running brook, and drew it out dripping. 
Then, holding it over the young men, she let the water fall in a 
stream upon their heads, whence it ran down over necks and 
shoulders and backs. Again she dipped the sagmo into the water^ 
and again allowed the magic stream to pour down on their bodies ; 
and then again, until the effusion liad been performed nine times* 
She held the bunch of greens in a vertical position, with the stems 
downward, so that the water from leaves and twigs collected into 
one stream; or she held the bimch horizontally, but in either case 


by a slight movement of her hand she could effuse five heads 
almost at the same moment. 

During this ninefold purification, the young men were facing the 
bamboo shrine; after the ninth pouring, there came a slight pause, 
whereupon they all oriented, simultaneously, so that they now 
faced the east. Singan applied the water in the same manner as 
before, nine times again, but she used the other bunch of sagmo 
while the candidates held the eastward position. 

When Oleng's sons had retired, his nephews went down into the 
stream by fives. Oleng himself stepped into the stream and assisted 
his wife in the pamalugu of the nephews, he and Singan each 
holding one of the bunches of sagmo. Over each group of five the 
water was poured nine times while they faced the prayer-stand, 
and, similarly, nine times when they turned toward the east. 
During th^ ceremony, the men washed their faces, arms and bodies 
with the water trickling over them. There was more or less con- 
versation and some laughter. Under this apparent lack of formality, 
however, lay an exact ritual that a careful observer could not fail 
to note. 

Following the nephews of Oleng, his grandchildren (boys and 
girls together) came by fives, and presumably some children of 
nephews and nieces. A certain order in which candidates were to 
present themselves was apparently adhered to, for when Oleng's 
daughter and her cousin stepped into the water and took their places 
they were sent back to await their turn. 

When any group of five had received pamalugu, the individuals 
would go off behind the larger boulders, slap the water off from 
trousers or skirts, shake out their hair, and perchance seize the 
occasion to take off some garment and wash it in the stream. 

After Oleng and Singan had worked jointly for some time, 
Singan withdrew to the bank, and Oleng continued the purification 
alone. Presently, to my surprise, Ido motioned to me that my 
own turn had come, and that I was to let down my hair. Oleng 
sat down on the bank, and Ido gave me pamalugu like the rest, 
thus perhaps recognizing me as a sharer in the benefits of the 
Ginum, and as one of themselves, rather than a mere spectator.*®* 

>oi xhe two times nine number of effusions was broken in a few cases. Ido had eleven 
effusions while facing the tambara, with slaps on his back administered with the sagmo 
after the third, the foarth, and the seventh counts. Water was poured over myself the 


Immediately afterwards, Ido himself was effused by Singan, and 
he was followed by a group of three — Sawi, a son of Sunog, 
Bagyu the leper, who was one of Oleng's nephews, and another 
youth. Then came Sigo and her cousin, Odik, while Singan was 
pouring the water, for Oleng was now resting at the edge of the 
stream. Not many women received pamalugu; but Sigo, on this 
occasion as at the Awas, represented, it would seem, the unmarried 
daughters of Oleng of whom she was the eldest. Sigo and Odik 
were effused immediately before the officiating functionaries. 

When practically all of the people present had come out of the 
river, Singan still stood waiting, and then Datu Oleng went down 
to her alone. Up to this point, the act of lavation had been done 
without any accompanying ritual words, except the checking of the 
count by the occasional utterance of a number; but now a prayer 
was said by the priestess as she poured the sacred water over her 
husband. ^'Anito, take away from Oleng's body the sickness that 
is there; and you, Malaku t'Olu k'Waig, keep him from sickness. 
Drive off the evil spirits, so that they may not come to our Ginum 
and bring bad diseases to us while we hold the festival." 

Oleng was straightway followed by his sister, Miyanda, a woman 
of distinguished presence and splendid physique, the director of 
all the women's industries, and the leader of Anito rites. She, 
too, stood alone, while Singan effused her the orthodox two-fold 
nine times with the words: "All the bad sickness in Miyanda's 
body, Anito, we want you to take away and carry it to the place 
where the Malaki t'Olu k'Waig lives." ^^'-^ Then Miyanda added 
her own petition : "You take away this feeling of weakness from me." 

Last of all, Singan herself received pamalugu from the hands 
of Oleng, who said, while he poured the water over his wife: 
^'I pray to all of you who are true anito that you will take away 
this sickness from me, for I have no hunger for my food, and I 
am very feeble. Make me a little stronger, so that I may gain 
many good things. Now that I have been washed in the pamalugu, 
I think that I shall get well." 

conveatioaal eighteen times, but Ido counted the second set of nine as eight, for he said 
''wain" (eight) after the last lavation. Possibly this w^s a detail in conformity with a 
Bagobo costom elsewhere noted: namely, that of mentioning a number less than the 
correct count. 

' * ' The thought is, that if the sickness is taken to the benevolent Malaki at the water 
sources, he will strangle the sickness. 


The lustration of the priestess was to have closed the ceremony, 
but one woman came late, running down the steep bank, and Oleng 
did not send her away, but himself gave her the purification. 

Very few women were at the river, though unquestionably they 
were not excluded from any motive of sex discrimination. They 
were all very much occupied with other matters on that day. The 
young women were busy in finishing off their festival clothes; the 
older ones, with house cares, for the presence of many guests in 
the Long House entailed much additional labor. There was prepa- 
ration for ceremonies, too, such as bringing down tho seventy 
water-flasks for the ritual washing that was to follow. 

When all was done, the people went away in scattered groups, 
some climbing up the bank directly after the ceremony, others 
staying behind to wash their clothes. Those Bagobo who did not 
go to the river, as, for example, Malik, who was engaged in making 
the new tambara, Kaba and his family, went through with a per- 
formance at home that was considered an equivalent. Each of them 
poured water from one of the bamboo joints over his head, twice 
nine times. 

When Singan came back to the house, in company with Oleng, 
she brought with her the two bunches of sagmo and laid them up 
on the high guest bed that liad been made for the festival. It was 
then late in the morning, and the priestess absented herself until 
the next ceremony, that of Sonar. ^®*^ 

Ceremony of Lulab or washing of water-flasks. A short 
ceremony, that I did not see, took place immediately after the 
pamalugu. As reported to me, this rite consisted in the washing 
of the new sekaddu, or bamboo joints, seventy of which had been 
made to hold water for the feast. A sekkadu consists of one banS; 
that is to say, it is the hollow internode of the bamboo that lies 
between two nodes or joints. One node forms the bottom of the 
vessel, and at the other end the mouth of the vessel is cut. The 
vessels must have been washed on the outside only, since openings 

>**' Almost directly after oar return from the river, Ido and several others sat down 
to have their damp hair freed from innumerable smaU organisms. Soon, the floor of the 
porch was filled with people sitting in rows for a like purpose. The women did the 
work with marked success, each woman hunting in the head of the man immediately in 
front of her, spying the louse with a rapidity perfected by experience, and deftly squeezing 
it to death between her thumb-nail and a tiny, flat blade of wood, that resembled a 


for the mouths were not cut until early in the morning of the 
last day of the festival. 

The old women, Miyanda and Singan, performed the Lulub, 
assisted by younger women. They rubbed magic leaves over the 
surface of the bamboo joints and then washed them in the stream. 
Afterwards, according to the account I received, one of the old 
women carried a joint of laya bamboo to a place south of where 
the Pamalugu had taken place. She stuck the ban^, or joint, either 
in the earth at the edge of the stream or in the bed of the shallow 
water, and said these words. "Now I place this banS of laya for 
you, Tigbanua Balagan, and for you, Tigbanua Waig. Remember 
this, when we are trying to draw water and to pray to you. And 
you, Gimokud mantu (new) and Gimokud tapi -°* (old), do not envy 
us while we have our Ginum, because you have gone to the Great 
Country. I think you did not want to stay on earth any longer." 

At the conclusion of the rite, the old women taught the girls 
that they must not play so much while the house was full of guests. 

Ceremony of Sonar^ or Offering on the Agongs of Manutac- 
tared Products. Soon after our return from the river, preparations 
began for the next ceremony — the laying of gifts upon an agong- 
altar, with accompanying rites. Devotions are directed, at this 
office, toward Mandarangan, the Malaki t*01u k'Waig, certain anito, 
and the agongs themselves that are addressed as sonaran. In the 
ceremony of Sonar, just as in Pamalugu, there is an intention of 
securing from the gods both health and wealth; yet in the lavations 
the thought of purification is dominant, while at the offerings on 
the agongs the desire to grow rich is stressed. 

It was toward the middle of the forenoon when we came back 
from Pamalugu, and there was an interval before the following 
ceremonies. Pour new bamboo prayer-stands had been made by 
Malik early in the day, and these tambara were now ready to be 
used at Sonar, the bowls being wedged in the split balekayo in the 
usual manner; but there were many other things to be gathered 
together by men and women who had already had a full morning. 

From the frame on which the agongs hung, three of the smaller 
instruments were taken from the upper row, and one of larger size 


The term ceremonially osed to characterize souls that have been long dead is iapi, 
and this same adjective is applied to old mauaCactored objects. An aged person is called 
in life inffuif never tapi, like an old thing. 


from the lower row. The four agongs were placed on the floor in 
the middle room, not in contact with one another, but close enough 
together to form an unbroken square. At one side of this temporary 
altar, the bamboo prayer-stands were laid down in such manner 
that the four bowls formed a little square, while the rods of bale- 
kayo lay stretched out between (or beside) the agongs. The large 
agong, and two of the smaller ones, were placed with their convex 
sides up, so as to give a base on which material oiferings could 
be piled; while the fourth instrument was put concave side up, 
like a big bowl which might function as a sort of font. 

The ceremonies that followed may be briefly summarized as fol- 
lows, though there was no well-marked line of separation between 
the several acts, for two might be going on at the same time: (a) 
the off'ering of manufactured products to the gods ; (b) the ablutions 
called Sagmo;(c)the visitation of anito; (d) the rites with balabba. 

Offering of mwinfactured products to the. gods 

Datu Ido sat down on the floor, in front of the agongs and 
facing the east. During the first part of the proceedings, Datu 
Oleng sat perched on the high guest-bed and watched all that 
went on, but gave no directions. At once the people began to bring 
their nice things to Ido, who put them on the agongs or on the 
floor close to the altar. In a few cases, the gifts were placed by 
the owners themselves. Old Miyanda took the initiative and put 
on one of the agongs a pair of man's trousers (saroar). Then came 
a long delay, during which everybody went about his ordinary 
occupations. The men chewed betel; the girls kept on putting 
stitch after stitch on the fine embroidery decorating garments 
to be worn at the dance on the following night. In the interval, 
Datu Ido and Miyanda, with a few others, talked over the proper 
disposition to be made of the things destined for the agong altar. 

Then Miyanda went to another part of the house, and returned 
with an armful of hemp skirts, or sarongs, woven in figures and 
called by the Bagobo panapisan. She brought, also, women's cotton 
waists, and necklaces of beads in solid colors, — green, white and 
yellow, — all of which articles she placed together on one agong. 
In the meantime, Ido had fetched a finely-decorated waist, a long 
panapisan of Bila-an make, a number of pieces of Visayan textiles 
and imported prints that had been secured at the coast and some 


white cotton cloth. All these he put in a pile on the floor. He 
then changed the arrangement of the agongs, by placing them in a 
row running north and south, with the one containing water at the 
south end of the line. He laid the four tambara just east of the 
agongs. At this point, the washing of faces began, as described 
under the following caption. All the time, the women and the 
men were approaching the altar from all directions of the house, 
bringing garments, ornaments, swords, and calling, "Ido! Ido!" so 
that the chieftain might recognize each individual, and thus asso- 
ciate every object with its owner. Ido, under this stress, was trying 
to keep the offerings in classified groups, so that at the end of the 
ceremony they could, the more conveniently, be returned. He kept 
asking, "Whose is this?" or ** Whose is that?" before placing 
the various articles. His disposition of things, however, was not 
always respected. One cotton textile he demurred at taking from 
a young man, but finally consented, rolled the cloth into a small 
wad and put it on top of the pile of objects which he, himself, 
had brought to the altar. As soon as Ido's back was turned, the 
young Bagobo unfolded his textile and spread it out on Ido's things, 
whereupon the chief, his eye returning to the spot, placed the cloth 
in still another position. Soon, the three agongs were heaped with 
offerings — embroidered shirts, newly-woven panapisan of glistening 
hemp, wide bead necklaces and many cotton textiles. Ido took 
from his neck a fine gold cord {kainagi) and with it crowned his 
own heap of gifts. 

The straight, one-edged swords called kampilan were brought, to 
the number of eight, and also four long spears. Ido laid on the 
floor the eight kampilan beside the agongs, and placed the spears 
yrith their blades under the swords. At the Ginum that I had 
earlier observed at Tubison, there were, similarly, eight of the 
kampilan — a type of sword that forms a valued element in the 
ceremony and is presumably associated with the war-god, Manda- 
rangan, who is addressed in the prayers at this time. 

Only a few trinkets were dropped into the agong containing 
water, for an object placed in this agong cannot be reclaimed — 
it goes to the priestess through whom the gods speak. On being 
invited to make some offering, I contributed a heavy armlet of 
brass, that Loda had cast from a wax mould. I stipulated, how- 
ever, that it should be put on the agongs, and not in the water^ 
as it was an object of value to me. Directly, then, Oleng called 


from his high seat, and requested me to put a little bell into the 
water. I did so, adding also a small mirror. The priestess quickly 
put her hand into the agong and took out the mirror, which she 
held, clasped tight, during the anito seance that followed. 

Ablutions called Sag mo. The agong that was turned with its 
concave side up had been filled to about one-fourth of its capacity 
with water, and the two green bunches of sagmo, with which the 
candidates at Pamalugu had been sprinkled, lay in the water. Just 
after the bringing of offerings had begun, and when Ido had placed 
the four agongs in a row, a number of people came, one or more 
at a time, and bathed their faces in the water that held the sagmo. 
A good many of those who washed in the agong had not been 
present at Pamalugu; but some who had received purification in 
the early morning laved their faces now, as well, in the medicinal 
water. There was more or less laughter and talk during the ab- 
lutions, and all the while people were bringing their gifts to the 
altar, so that the religious nature of the rite was somewhat obscured. 
The value of this washing for the warding off of disease is appar- 
ently due to the magic sagmo hallowing the water in which it lies. 

Visitation of Anito. The usual manner of conducting an inter- 
view with the gods is described in a later section of this paper. 
Such interviews take place, ordinarily, at night, this being the only 
instance that came under my observation of a seance during the day. 

When the people had finished bringing gifts, the priestess, Sin- 
gan, sat down on the floor at the south end of the row of agongs, so 
that she faced north, and thus had the agong holding the medicinal 
greens directly in front of her. Covering her head and face com- 
pletely with her red cotton scarf {salughoy)^ she began to utter 
those harsh and sepulchral groans that regularly announce the 
coming of a spirit. Her right hand, grasping the tiny looking-glass, 
lay in her lap; she pressed her left hand to her cheek, while her 
body shook and trembled. Not only the children, but adult Bagobo 
also, gazed at the priestess with keen curiosity, for they rarely get 
a look at her in this condition. At the night meetings, the torches 
are always extinguished. Her voice came muffled through the 
cloth wrapped round her head, few of her words could be heard, 
and soon the people began chatting and laughing. The oracle was 
very brief, and was uttered without the chanting that forms a cus- 
tomary feature of a seance. I was able to record only that the Ma- 
laki t'Olu k'Waig spoke as follows: 


*"! am come this noon because you summoned me by the gifts 
on the agongs. Now let all the people upon whom water was 
poured from the sagmo, at the Pamalugu, put bells and brass 
bracelets into the agong with the sagmo." 

Rites trith balabba. The ceremonial drink of fermented sugar 
cane, barely tasted on the first night of the festival, is drunk freely 
on the third day ; and it is at this stage of the Sonar that the first 
deep draught of balabba is taken. A portion is offered to the gods 
as their right, before the people drink. 

While Singan was muttering incoherent words, Ido brought a 
long bamboo flask, and from it poured out balabba, until he had 
filled four large bowls, and his own little cup, with the thick, rich, 
brown liquid. A delicious aroma came from the bowls, as it were 
of boiling molasses mingled with old rum. Then the people began 
to be eager for the close of the worship, and for the end of the 
abstinence of the long morning; but they sat waiting in their cus- 
tomary attitude of patience. Ido had placed the four bowls in a 
row parallel with the agongs, but on the other side from the tam- 
bara. His own little cup he moved into several diflferent positions, 
placing it, first, at the north end of the bowls, then at the south 
end, again, in the middle, and finally back at the north end again. 

As soon as Singan had lapsed into silence, Oleng came down 
from his perch, and placed himself in front of the bowls of liquor, 
80 that he sat facing east, and also facing the agongs. Ido was at his 
left, and he motioned me to a place between Oleng and himself 
for this, the most worshipful act of the Sonar. The Long House 
was full of Bagobo, standing, or sitting, as near the agongs as they 
could place themselves, without intruding into the reserved positions. 
Datu Yting was also at the altar, near the other datu. 

Oleng, now acting as priest, touched the rim of the bowl of balabba 
that stood farthest to his right, and said : ** All of this, anito, is yours, 
for this year we are making our Ginum; and when all of you, anito, 
have drunk from this bowl of balabba, then we will drink the rest." 

A spray of a fragrant plant called manangid had been laid beside 
the bowls, and he took this spray and stirred it three times around 
in the bowl. Then, with the tips of his fingers, he touched the rim 
of the second bowl, as he had touched the first, and said, addressing 
the agong-altar : ^'Sonaran, ^^* the balabba in this bowl is yours. 


* Oleng was doabtless addressing the spirit resident in the agongs. The agongs 
tuDctioning as an altar are called tonaran, while the name of the ceremony is Sonar, 



See, now we have placed upon you our valued things — panapisan^ 
jackets, trousers, woven necklaces, gold kamagi, textiles, kampilan, 
spears — because, from this time on we want to get rich. Xow, 
Sonaran, that we have put our gifts here upon you, you must 
save us from sickness." Then he stirred the liquor in this bowl 
three times with the spray of manangid. Finally, he touched 
the rim of the third bowl, as he offered it to the great war-god, 
with these words. "Now you, Mandarangan, this third bowl is for 
you, because we are again holding our Ginum. We ask you to 
taste this balabba, and to drink it all, then the rest of us will 
drink." Having said this, he stirred the balabba in the third 
bowl three times, with the same spray. The fourth bowl, unless 
some detail escaped my observation, was not dedicated to any 
deity, nor were any prayers said over it. At the close of the 
office, Oleng gave the spray of manangid to Ido, who put it in 
his hair. 

Oleng spoke to the gods in a conversational tone, and was some- 
times prompted by Datu Yting when he forgot a word of the for- 
mula. Ido gave vent to a few explosive groans while Oleng was 
praying, for he thirsted to begin sipping the sweet balabba. 

At the conclusion of the devotions, the three datu, Oleng, Ido 
and Yting, drank from the bowls, and afterwards the rest of the 
people. My impression is that they drank from all four bowls, but 
this item escaped me. Ido gave his own cup to me to use individ- 
ually, and offered to refill it when empty, but the large bowls 
were passed about, from hand to hand, among all the company. 

When we had finished drinking, Malik took up the four new 
tambara and fastened them to the wall, or to some house-pillar. 
Ido began returning the objects from the agongs to their respective 
owners, and called out their names if there was delay in claiming 
the articles. I saw one man gird on his kampilan as soon as Ido 
returned it, but, in general, the people laid the smaller articles in 
the tambara, and put larger objects in a wide scarf {salughoy) 
hanging close to the tambara. Here they must remain for at least 
one night, and afterwards be retained always in the possession of 
the individuals who offered them. At last, the three agongs were 
hung up in their former places, and a tap-tap on a large agong, 
nine times repeated, announced the end of the Sonar. A pile of 
swords still lay on the floor, and were picked up after the tap-tap 
had sounded. Last of all, the agong containing the water and 


bunches of medicine was pushed under the high bed, where it re- 
mained until the end of the Ginum(?). 

Ceremonies on the Main Day of Ginum. The fourth and main 
day of the festival — the Ginum proper — is crowded with im- 
portant and deeply interesting ceremonial, that begins at dawn and 
continues until after sunrise on the following morning. Attention 
should be drawn to the events distinctive of the day, although, as 
has been indicated in an earlier summary, many other rites (such 
lis drinking balabba, chanting gindaya, beating agongs, dancing, 
performing awas, and so forth) which took place on earlier days, re- 
appear during the culminating ceremonial, but are here characterized, 
usually, by new elements that have to do with the formality, or 
with the extent of time, of the performance. 

On the last day occurs the sacrifice of a humaji or of an animal 
victim; the cutting down of two ceremonial bamboos followed by 
the bringing in, the shaving, the decoration, the raising, and the 
attaching of spears to these poles ; the raising of a war-cry at fixed 
points in the ceremonial ; an exhibition of products of the loom 
and of the warriors' kerchiefs; the preparation and the cooking of 
special forms of sacred food ; an illumination with ceremonial 
torches; the altar ceremonial, when sacrificial food and holy liquor 
and betel are first laid before the Tolus ka Balekat, and afterward 
eaten; the rehearsing by old men, while clasping the bamboo, of 
the number of persons they have killed; and the serving and tlie 
eating of an excellent banquet, in which everybody present has a 

When the first trace of dawn appeared over the mountains, and 
while the darkness in the Long House was still unbroken, the girls 
got up and called Loda and several of the other young men, who 
were to start the t'agong-go. They rose forthwith, and beat agongs 
lustily for about half an hour. Thus, at daybreak, the culminating 
period of the great festival was ushered in. 

About one hour after sunrise, eight men left the house to cut 
the two bamboos that were to be placed in the festival house on 
that day. The ceremony of cutting down the two bamboos, or 
kauayan-^^ is called Dudo ka kawayan. The eight men included 


The Bagobo distinguish nicely the many varieties of bamboo that grow in their 
eoantry. The larger bamboos {Bambuta arundinacea) that grow to a height of from forty 
to sixty feet and are nsed for the heavier house timbers and for flooring, are called by the 
Bagobo kawayan. Two of these trunks are cut for the ceremonial poles at Ginum. 


Ido, Bansag and other picked warriors, each of whom wore the 
tankulu, a sign that he had killed at least one man. No other 
Bagobo was permitted to go on the expedition. They had to go 
some distance over the mountains, to reach a certain spot where 
the bamboos might be cut, in accordance with a regulation that 
the ceremonial kawayan must be cut each year from the same place 
in the forests. The old man, Oleng, did not go with the party, 
but rested during the early morning at the Long House. Later, 
he seemed very impatient for the return of the men; he paced up 
and down, watching from door or window, and would say, as the 
hours crawled by: "It is time for them to come. I will go out 
and meet them." About the middle of the forenoon, he left the 
house with two or three other men, intending to meet the party, 
and to return with them. 

In the course of another hour, a current of suppressed excitement 
passed through the waiting group of people, as the word passed 
among us, ^'They are coming." 

It was near the middle of the forenoon when a prolonged shout 
was heard in the distance, and then repeated. After the second 
shout, the nine men, headed by Oleng and Ido, came filing up the 
path from the southeast, bearing two long trunks of bamboo. 

The little procession came up the house-ladder and through the 
narrow door, each man wearing the tankulu, and having a blossom 
or two of red and gold darudu fastened in the folds of his kerchief 
and hanging over his forehead. The expression on the face of 
every man was one of rapt abstraction and of high exaltation. 
Immediately on entering the house, they rested the two bamboo 
poles against one of the transverse timbers. Then Ido, followed 

A smaller species {Bam&usa blumeana) has a slender, brittle stem, covered with short 
thorns, and is called by the Bagobo bale-kayo, which means *'hoase wood." They make 
use of balekayo everywhere for the lighter parts of the frame-work of the houae, saoh as 
the joists running from the ridge-pole to the edge of the roof, to support the thstch; 
and for the entire wall, sometimes, of the Long House; for flutes and other wind 
instruments; for making fires where a short-lived, intense flame is needed, as when shells 
are to be calcined for lime. This is the bamboo that the Spaniards referred to aa ''thorny 
cane" (Cana espiua). Another bamboo {Bambuta vulfforU?) is thomless, has an exceedingly 
hard-grained stem, and is known among the Bagobo as bubumg; this is decorated with 
tine carving and used for lime-tubes. The color of the wood is light yellow in the 
tree and a rich, mellow tan tint in older trees. Still another bamboo, of which t 
native name is laya, has a slender white stem that is utilized for various parposei, on 
of which is to supply a ceremonial frame at Ginum, on which textiles and other garment 
to be displayed before the gods are hung. 


by the other seven men, leaped toward the structure from which 
the agongs hung, and seized hold of its long rods, round which 
ogbus vine had been twined at an earlier hour. The eight men, 
close clasping vine and pole, raised the same war cry that we had 
heard from afar. There was a long drawn out nasal, prolonged 
by holding the tongue against the palate so as to produce a humming 
sound on one note — n-n-n-n-n-n-n ! — followed by a continued 
sonant — r-r-r-r-r-r-r-r ! — given with open throat and resonant 
voice, while the bodies of the men swayed slightly back and forth. 
When this behavior had lasted for several minutes, Ido sprang to 
the agongs, grasped a tap-tap, and beat the instruments with short, 
ringing strokes, his face expressing a jubilant ecstasy, as he darted 
from Tarabun to Matia , and from Matia to Mabagung. '-^^^ He 
produced such a grand clash of percussion melody that one felt a 
sense of trampling under foot all foes to the Bagobo. From the 
first signal at dawn until now, the agongs had not been struck. 

Next followed the ceremonial decoration of the bamboos. The 
two poles were of unequal length and girth, the longer one con- 
sisting of nine internodes, and the shorter one of eight internodes. 
The longer bamboo was perhaps fifteen or more feet in length (the 
exact measurements I failed to secure). With one end resting on 
the floor, and the other end on a cross-beam of the house, each 
bamboo stood at a gradual slant during the time that the men were 
working on their decoration. 

First, Ido scraped on each pole four lines running from one end 
to the other, as an outline for the detailed work. On these lines, 
the men shaved ^^^ off the skin of the bamboo in short lengths. 

' * ^ Specific names of the iDstramenU. 

>**The ceremoDisl use of sha?ed poles, and of banehes of shavings, among the A inn 
of Saghalin is discussed very fully by Sternberg. After mentioning the various hypotheses 
in regard to the significance of this element, as put forth by Batchelor, Bird, Dobrot- 
vorski and Aston, the writer states his own conclusions: namely, that the shaved sticks 
to which the Ainu give the name of inao represent supernatural agents who carry the 
prayers and offerings of the Ainu to God, and that the shavings themselves are the 
tongues of the mediating-envoy. The Ainu place these inao at the door, in front of 
the house, and at spots on the mountains, in the forest, and at the riverside. On special 
occasions, as after recovery from an illness, or on returning from a journey, such shaved 
sticks are set up. The bear to be o£fered in sacrifice is often decorated with bunches of 
shavings. "To sum up," Dr. Sternberg says, Hnao are shaved trees and pieces of wood, 
commonly in the shape of human figures, which act as man's intercessors before deities. 
Their power lies in their numerous tongues (shavings), which increase the snasife power 
of their eloquence to an extraordinary degree." (p. 486) ''This odd cult," he states, "has 


until they had made nine clusters of shavings on each pole, each 
cluster close to a nodal joint. The clusters on the long bamboo 
consisted each of nine shavings, and the clusters on the shorter 
bamboo, of eight sha\'ings each, every individual shaving remaining 
attached by its base to the pole. Each one of the single shavings 
was then split into three or four or more fine curls, so that a 
series of festoons appeared running down the poles, a group of 
festoons at each node. 

The next process was a mechanical device for the attachment of 
leaves and flowers. Near each of the four central nodes on the long 
bamboo, they cut a pair of small holes, so that there were eight 
holes, four on one side, and four on the opposite side of the pole. 
Similarly, they cut three pairs of holes in the shorter bamboo, near 
the three central nodes. They inserted long slender sticks into the 
perforations thus made, letting each stick run through a pair of 
holes, and project several inches on each side. There were thus 
eight sticks passing through the trunk of the larger bamboo, and 
six sticks through the smaller one. The corresponding pairs of 
perforations in the two poles did not lie exactly in the same hori- 
zontal plane, and hence the sticks did not meet end to end. Long 
branches of a plant called baris that has a slender, glossy-black, 
stiff stem, were tied to the projecting sticks, every baris stem being 
split into shreds — one large shred and eight small shreds for the 
long bamboo, while the stems for the shorter pole were cut into 
twelve shreds each. 

The attachment of leaf-pennants and of flowers completed the 
decoration of the poles. Great bulla leaves were cut or torn into 

spread from the Aiau to the neighboring people of the Amar region, — the Oilyak, the 
Orok, the Gold, and the Orochi . . . Judging from Krasheninnikofs description, an anal- 
ogous phenomenon exists among the Kamchadal, bat with the substitntion of fibres of 
sedge-grass for shavings." (p. 430) ''The Tnao of the Aina." Boas anniversary volame, 
pp. 425—487. 1906. 

Several years earlier, Furness had suggested a like interpretation for the symbolism of 
the shavings. He says of the Kayans, when they select a camphor tree, ''if all omens are 
favorable, and they find that the tree is likely to prove rich in camphor, they plant 
near their hut a stake, whereof the outer surface has been cut into curled shavings and 
Xufts down the sides and at the top. I suggest as possible that these shavings represent 
the curling tongues of flame which communicate with the unseen powers)." The Home- 
life of Borneo Head-hunters, pp. 167—168. 1902. 

The Kayans are said to have lost sight of the significance of this ceremonial element, 
and the Bagobo suggested no explanation. 


ribbon-like strips, which were fastened on by piercing them with 
the stiff, wiry stems of the baris branches, so that an effect of 
waving green pennants was, perhaps unconsciously, secured. Finally, 
the symbolic flowers of the Bagobo warrior — red kalimping and 
blossoms from the scarlet and gold darudu — were tied to the 
projecting tips of the baris stems, and also to the bulla-leaves. The 
last flowers and leaf-strips were added, and the final touches given, 
after the raising of the poles. 

At the same time with the processes just described, other Bagobo 
were thrusting into the upper end of the hollow poles bouquets 
composed of leaves and flowers of different kinds, with white clusters 
of tender young leaf-buds and undeveloped fruit from the areca- 
palm. These clusters are called ubus, and form one of the characteristic 
decorations of the ceremonial bamboos. Sprays of ubus may be worn 
at the throat, or stuck in the leglets, or tied to the spears of brave 
men who have killed other men. A large part of these clusters of 
leaves and flowers were concealed within the bamboo trunks, but 
they protruded for a short distance from the openings. 

The next proceeding was to raise the poles into place, so that 
they should stand upright beneath the steepest part of the roof, 
and directly in front of the altar called balekdL The shorter bamboo 
was easily lifted to a vertical position, so that its upper end rested 
against a joist of the slanting roof; but when the long bamboo had 
been raised to an angle of some fifteen degrees from the vertical 
it was found to be too long, by several inches, for the extreme 
height of the roof, and it could not be forced to stand up straight, 
so as to touch the ridge-pole as custom demanded. This check to 
the performances proved a serious matter; for to let the bamboo 
stand at a slant would be contrary to custom and hence unlucky; 
while to cut it shorter would be a sacrilege, certain to be followed 
by the sickness or the death of somebody. The old men and women 
talked over the matter, and everybody wore a grave and anxious 
face. My crass suggestion that they break the roof was dismissed 
as if unthinkable, and a long delay ensued, followed by a fresh 
attack on the pole, a new adjustment, a pressure from the upper 
end of the bamboo against the yielding joists and the thatch of 
grass, and a tacit consent of all concerned to allow the ceremonial 
bamboo to stand at a slant removed by an extremely small angle 
from the vertical. 

Just as the decoration of the poles was finished, there were brought 


into the house two long rods of the slender, brittle-stemmed variety 
of bamboo called balekayo. These were to serve as an additional 
frame on which to hang fine textiles and other gannents for the 
ceremonial exhibit. They were very long, from one-half to two- 
thirds the length of the entire house, and they were lifted to their 
place between the two rods of laya that ran lengthwise of the house, 
and parallel to them. The usual bindings of rattan fastened the 
balekayo to the heavy cross-timbers of the house. Immediately 
afterwards, a number of long-shafted spears were brought to the 
ceremonial bamboos, and tied to them. At the moment of attaching 
the spears, Datu Oleng said a few ritual words, which I was unable 
to record. The spears stood witli their points up, in the usual 
position of a spear at rest, when it is customary to thrust into the 
earth the sharp-pointed cone with which the handle is tipped. 

While the rite with the spears was in progress, the women and 
girls were gathering together all the new hemp textiles that, with 
tireless industry, they had dyed, woven, washed and polished, and 
with the textiles they piled up many women's waists, men's trousers, 
salugboy (scarfs), fresh cotton textiles and various other articles. 
All these they now brought forward and hung on the balekayo 
rods and on the long poles of the frame of laya wood that had 
been put up, primarily, for the agongs. The function of the three 
crossbars of this frame now became apparent, for so large a number 
of garments and stuffs were displayed that they covered every inch 
of the laya and balekayo, lengthwise and crosswise, thus making a 
sort of rectangular super-enclosure within which the ceremoniea 
preceded. This is the annual occasion when the highly artistic work 
of the women is spread out to view, when all the guests may see, 
as in a picture gallery, the decorative designs done in glistening 
hemp, the rich embroidery, the figured patterns formed by tiny 
discs of mother of pearl. Ordinarily, the Bagobo keep all their 
treasures packe^d away in tight yellow wood boxes or in baskets, 
leaving the room, even in wealthy families, bare of all furnishings 
except the loom, the altar and the hearth. Even at the Ginuni, 
the exhibition appeared to be purely a ceremonial affair. The girls 
spread their beautiful things over the frames with a serious and 
([uiet mien, as if they thought only of the gods, for whose pleasure 
the offerings were made, and who alone were to enjoy the spirit, 
or essence, of the material objects. 

Immediately after this, the sugar cane liquor was brought in. It 


was carried in three long vessels of bamboo that Andan and Agwas 
had made while we were waiting for the coming in of the two 
great bamboos. These vessels, called balanan, had handles for the 
more convenient bearing and pouring of the liquor, whereas the 
ordinary water-bucket (sekkadti) has no handle. The balabba was 
brought in by young men, who proceeded to pour out some of the 
dark brown liquor into a tall metal jar, called tagxidn ka balabhay 
that had just been placed in the Long House. They stood up against 
the wall the balanan holding the remainder of the liquor, to be 
kept for the evening rites. After this, there was a short intermission; 
it was long past noon, and nobody had eaten since very early that 

The central event of the Ginum, namely, the sacrifice offered to 
the god of the balekdt, took place on the evening of the fourth 
day, the preliminaries being handled in the afternoon. After the 
intermission, Datu Oleng carried a cock that had been tied in the 
house down under the house, where it was shot by Ido, with an 
arrow having a head of bamboo. The fowl was plucked under the 
house, and then brought up into the house again, where it was cut 
into pieces by Muku, a brother of Singan's. He cut it up in the 
same manner that the Bagobo cook commonly prepares a chicken 
for the pot: that is to say, opening the fowl by one lengthwise 
gash of the work-knife, removing entrails and opening gizzard^ 
chopping off the wings, tearing off the skin by a downward pull 
over the legs, striking off the legs, and finally cutting the body^ 
wings and legs into very small squarish chunks. Before this pro- 
cess was finished, another ceremonial detail of import was in progress. 

Against the west wall, and near the two bamboos, the shrine 
called balekdt hung in its usual place. It consisted of seven piles 
of old and smoke-grimed bowls and saucers, suspended by rattan 
hangers in the customary manner. Directly in front of this altar^ 
the young men put up the broad shelf called tagiian^^^ ka balekdt j 
and attached it firmly to the timbers of the roof by means of 
strong bands of plaited rattan. It hung at quite a distance above 
our heads, so that, in order to place or to remove anything from 
the shelf, the altar assistant was obliged to climb up the wall, and 


Tapuan is a word that expresses the idea of a receptacle of some sort. It may be 
a shelf, as toffuan ka Mekkadu (shelf for water-flasks), or tagitan ka balekdt (altar-shelf); 
it may be iaguan ka tulu (torch-holder); or iaptan ka balabba (jar for balabba). 


on along the sloping roof, a feat easily accomplished by the help 
of house-posts and cross-timbers, and of that monkey-like agility 
which is characteristic of the movements of Bagobo youths. 

The balekat now being complete for the sacrificial offerings, the 
composition of the elements that were to form the offerings pro- 
ceeded. The sacred food that is placed before the Tolus ka Balekat, 
and afterwards eaten by the men and boys, is a mixture of chicken, 
red rice and cocoanut. The dessicated fowl, to which some cocoa- 
nut is added, is cooked by itself, while the bulk of the cocoanut 
pulp, with all of the rice, is cooked in a separate set of vessels 
After being taken from the fire, the contents of the different ves- 
sels — chicken, rice and cocoanut — are mingled together, before 
being offered to the god. 

When Muku had cut the fowl into bits, he separated it into 
two portions, the portion on his right hand for the men, the por- 
tion on his left hand for the adolescent boys. In the meantime, 
Inok was scraping out white pulp from one-half of a ripe cocoanut, 
with a grater called pared. This is a little piece of cocoanut shell, 
armed with a row of teeth notched on one edge. The curve of the 
remaining margin of the shell fits nicely into the hollow of the palm. 
As the shredded cocoanut pulp fell down in little heaps, Muku 
picked it up, handful by handful, and mixed it with the chicken- 
meat at his right hand. He rubbed each handful of cocoanut thor- 
oughly with a small part of the chicken, and dropped the mixture 
into a bamboo joint. He put each handful of cocoanut and chicken 
as soon as he had rubbed them together into the vessel, then picked 
up more cocoanut, mixed it with some of the remaining chicken 
meat, and so on, until all of the chicken on his right was disposed 
of. Next, he rubbed shredded cocoanut, in the same manner, with 
the pile of chicken meat on his left hand, but all of this mixture 
he put into a second bamboo joint. Both of the two bamboo ves- 
sels had been lined with sarabak leaves before the mess of cocoanut 
and chicken was dropped into them. Finally, Muku poured into 
each of the vessels sufficient water to cover, in part, the food and 
tied up the openings with leaves of hemp or of sarabak. 

Simultaneously, or a little later, nine other bamboo vessels, called 
hdutan^ were being filled with rice and cocoanut in the following 
manner. Inok continued to grate cocoanut from the same half 
section of the nut, until he had scraped all of the pulp from the 
shell. Then, from a large basket beside him, he took a quantity 


of raw red rice that had been crushed in the mortar, and stirred it 
up with the shredded coeoanut. The red rice is called arnok^ and is 
one of the special forms of sacrificial food. **° I understood that 
the same name (omok) was given to the mixture of red rice and 
coeoanut. Another young man, Ayang, took a part of the little 
pile of red rice and coeoanut, heaped it on a sarabak leaf, and laid 
on it another sarabak leaf. He then lifted the leaves with their 
contents, so that his palms did not touch the omok, and pressed 
the whole into one of the bamboo vessels — the lulutan. A very 
little cold water had previously been poured into the vessel. Im- 
mediately afterward, Buak filled a second lulutan in the same man- 
ner, thus using up the remaining coeoanut from the first half shell. 
Inok then attacked the other half of the nut and scraped out all 
of the meat^ which he mixed with the rest of the red rice, where- 
upon Ayang and Buak proceeded to fill seven additional lulutan. 
Each of the bamboo vessels was filled up to about two-thirds of 
its capacity, or a little less; but the amount put into ea(5h did not 
vary, for Buak measured the content exactly, every time, by in- 
serting a little stick of laya wood into the vessel and minutely 
examining the point to which the moisture mark rose. When the 
nine lulutan had been prepared, Inok tied together the two empty 
halves of coeoanut shell with rattan so as to make one hollow nut, 
which he left ready to hang on the altar at the close of the even- 
ing ceremony. 

The nine lulutan and the two bamboo joints containing the chicken 
and coeoanut were then carried down the steps to a place under the 
house, where each vessel was filled to the rim with cold water, 
and its top tied securely with a leaf-cover. On stones encircling 
a wood fire, all of the vessels were placed where the food might 
steam until soft, the fresh green bamboo being not at all inflammable. 

It was then deep dusk, and we hastened up into the now dark 
house so that we might be in time to see the illumination. Long 
torch-chains of bidii nuts, that had been strung a week earlier, 
were now to be lighted to take the place, for this one night, of the 

*** I have been told that the root of a plant, probably saffron, from which a yellow 
dye 16 obtained, is nsed at Ginam to stain the sacrificial food yellow, bat, on this occasion, 
I did not observe that any yellow stain played a part. Mandarangan, however, is said 
to be very fond of yellow rice. Skeat mentions, frequently, the ceremonial valne of yellow 
among the peninsular Malays; but, as for the Bagobo, red and white seem to be the 
colors chosen for offerings and for sacrificial use. 


ordinary torches of leaf-wrapped resin. To Maying, the second 
in age of the virgin daughters of Oleng, the privilege of making 
the sacred illumination was assigned. She hung several strings 
of bidu nuts on the forked branches of the native candelabra that 
stood on the floor, and other strings she suspended from house 
timbers. The nuts were rich in oil, and the flame flared up as 
soon as lighted, the entire length of the sections being soon a row 
of flickering lights. The Long House was as bright as if hundreds 
of candles were burning. The silence was broken by a resounding 
shout from the men, who now raised the war cry again at the 
moment the blaze leaped forth. 

Close upon the last war cry of that Talun Ginum, arrangements 
for the evening ceremonial were gotten under way, and the people 
grouped themselves at their several activities in the appointed places 
in the Long House: young women attended to the cooking of foods 
— rice, pig, and venison — for the feast; old women prepared 
leaf-dishes for a supplementary awas; young men tended the fire 
under the house and watched the bamboo vessels in which the 
sacred food was steaming; other young men up in the house helped 
in the preparation of the feast, by placing cocoanuts ready to be 
grated at a later hour. Some of the old men sat near the balekdt, 
while talking or making preliminary moves toward the altar cere- 
mony now close at hand. Oleng was on his high seat (dega-dega) 
just north of the balekdt, from which he had been observing care- 
fully the dressing of the fowl, the mixing of the ceremonial food, 
and the succeeding activities. The weary guests sat in tightly- 
packed lines on the floor, their faces wearing a patient, solemn 
expression, and waited. 

The ceremony over the chicken and omok was performed by 
Oleng and Ido in front of the balekdt, on the west side of the house 
where broad leaves were laid on the floor. On these, the contents 
of the nine bamboo vessels containing the cooked rice and cocoanut, 
and of the two vessels containing the chicken food were poured out, 
the sarabak leaves being left in the lulutan. The chicken and rice 
which had been boiled separately were now together in one brown 
soft mass fonning a mixture called taroanan. But in spite of the 
apparent homogeneity of the food, there was a sharp distinction be- 
tween the right-hand and the left-hand portions, for, in mixing 
the chicken and rice, Ido or his assistant poured the contents of 
the men's bamboo on the rice to his right, and that of the boys* 


bamboo on the rice to his left, thus keeping the two apart as Muku 
had done in filling the vessels. The two halves of the sacred food 
were marked by two sarabak leaves that Ido laid upon it, one leaf 
on the right-hand portion and one on the left, with a very narrow 
space between the ends of the leaves to mark the dividing line. 
Upon each sarabak leaf he put eight pieces of areca-nut, and in 
front of the aisle between the leaves, one entire areca-nut upon a 
buyo leaf. Standing before Ido were two white bowls for balabba. 

Immediately in front of the sacred food, Ido sat, while Oleng 
took his place a little to the left, at the southeast corner of the 
altar, and Malik, son-in-law to Oleng, sat between the two datu. 
At the south end of the taroanan, were Buak, Inok and Ayang, 
watching with deep interest the proceedings, and ready to assist in 
handing about utensils. The chief of Bansalan sat on the dega-dega 
but fell asleep during the ceremony, and did not waken until near 
its close. 

The only material offerings to be seen besides the food and drink 
were a small pile of shells, little brass linked chains and miscel- 
laneous ornaments that lay on the floor at Oleng^s left hand. 
This collective gift, called pamading^ was put there, I was told, 
so that the Bagobo would get rich; but I did not observe that it 
was touched during the ceremony, or that attention was directed 
toward it. No doubt it was a case of simply laying before the 
gods valued objects, with an expectation of receiving back a mani- 
fold increase. 

Mention should here be made of four vessels called garong^^^^ 
which had an important part to play at the altar ceremonial. 
They were large cylinders of freshly-cut laya bamboo, with fitted 
lids shaped from the nodal joints. The four garong were of uni- 
form size, and each had, perhaps, five or six times the containing 
capacity of the lulutan in which the rice was cooked. They had been 

* * * Bamboo vesseU, looking mach alike, receive diiferent names, according to the function 
of each type. The sekkadu is a water-flask; the balaoan is a vessel with handles and 
eontains sugar cane wine; the lalatan is the vessel in which the red rice and cocoanat 
iniztare is steamed, while the garong is a vessel decorated with shavings and reserved 
especially for altar use, including the sacred function of being elevated to the shelf with 
its contents of food or of wine. Each of these vessels consists of one internode of bamboo, 
of which one of the nodes forms the bottom of the vessel and the other node is utilized, 
often, for the lid. 

I have no record of the specific name for the bamboo vessels that contained the chicken ; 
possibly they, too, are called lulutan. 


made that same day, immediately after the bamboos were filled 
with green sprays. Like the bamboos, the four garong were orna- 
mented with festoons of curled shavings peeled off in regular 
clusters on the surface of the vessel, two garong having nine 
clusters of shavings, and the other two, eight clusters. Two of 
these vessels were intended for drink offerings, and two for food 
offerings. At the beginning of the ceremony we are now discussing, 
the two garong destined for drink offerings were filled with sugar 
cane liquor, poured from the balanan by one of the young men 
who were serving as altar attendants. From one of the garong 
(now full of balabba), the sacred liquor was poured into two bowls 
that stood in front of Ido, between him and the sacrificial food. 
The other garong full of liquor was elevated to the shelf of the 
balekdt. To do this, one of the attendants climbed up from the 
south wall and then along the roof, until he was close to the south 
end of the shelf of the balekdt. The vessel was then handed up 
to him by Ido(?) and placed on the shelf, where it remained 
throughout the following rites. 

The more distinctively sacrificial part of the ceremony opened 
with the stirring of the sugar cane wine in the two bowls. For 
this purpose two spoons, known as barakas^ were used, the spoons 
being made of small sections of bulla leaf twisted to the shape of 
bowl and handle, and the stem-handle tied in a knot. The larger 
spoon had tied to its handle a red blossom of kalimping, and the 
smaller spoon was adorned with a scarlet blossom that had tasseled 
petals. Ido dipped into the bowl of balabba on his right hand the 
smaller spoon, and, having taken it out with a little of the brown 
liquor, he laid it with the liquor in it beside the bowl. In the 
same manner, he dipped the larger spoon into the left-hand bowl, 
took it out and laid it, holding a few drops of liquor, beside the 
left-hand bowl. He then stirred the balabba in the bowl to the 
right, with a small spray of manangid, and thereupon, either Ido 
or Oleng, with a second spray of manangid, stirred the contents of 
the bowl to the left. 

The Gurrugga^ or worship, was then performed by Datu Oleng, 
who, in his priestly character, laid before the Tolus ka Balek&t the 
flesh of a victim slain in sacrifice, together with those selected products 
of the field and fruit of the trees that are most highly valued by 
the Bagobo — rice and cocoanut and areca-nuts and the precious 
wine extracted from sugar cane. In his right hand, Oleng held a 


small tube of hard bamboo, such as is used everywhere by the 
Bagobo to contain powdered lime. From the lime-tube, he sprinkled 
lime on the sixteen pieces of areca-nut, by sifting the white powder 
in showers through a little sieve stopper of rattan that closed the 
end of the tube. As he repeated certain ritual words, he made frequent 
passes, tube in hand, to and fro over the sacred food, often pointing 
the lime-tube toward the food and toward the areca-nuts on it. In 
the low, conversational tone of voice so often heard at a Bagoba 
ceremony, Datu Oleng said: "Tolus ka Balekdt, I am making a 
Ginum this year for you. I have prepared eight areca-nuts and I 
pray to you, while offering you the areca-nuts. Tolus ka Balekdt,. 
you demand a human victim this year, as in the years before when 
we celebrated the Ginum, but now we do not kill a man in sacrifice 
any more, because the Americans now hold control, and we are 
using a little American custom in giving you no human victim^ 
Instead, we have killed a chicken, ^^* which we offer to you with 
the red rice." Oleng then sprinkled lime on the betel several times, 
and stirred the balabba in the left hand bowl with his spray of 
manangid, whereupon Ido stirred the contents of the right hand bowl 
with the other spray of manangid. Following this, the two spoons 
of bulla leaf, each still having in it a small amount of balabba, 
were handed up to be placed upon the shelf of the balekat, the 
young man, Madaging, having climbed up for that act. 

Next followed a ceremonial drinking and a chewing of betel. 
Datu Oleng, Datu Ido, Sali, and other men of renown, drank from 
the two sacred bowls of sugar cane liquor, and passed the bowls 
from one to another until they were drained to the bottom. There- 
upon, the men about the altar took the sixteen pieces of areca-nut 
that lay on the sacred food, and chewed them in the customary 
manner. Some other men then took areca-nut from the altar and 
chewed it. 

Up to this point, the sacrificial food had lain spread out before 
the god, but in plain sight of all the people as well. Now, it must 
be passed up for the enjoyment of the great deity of the balekat 
alone. It was not put back into the same vessels in which it had 

* ' * *" Whatever kind of sacrifice is asked for by the pharu-siimt must ... be given, 
wUA ike exception of the human sacrifice which, at it it exprettly ttaied, may be com-- 
pounded by the taerifiee of a fowl,'' W. W. Skeat: Malay Magic, p. 211. 

The Malay magician says that "if the spirit craves a human victim a cock may be- 
substituted." Ibid,, p. 72. 


been cooked, but into the two large shaved bamboo vessels (garong) 
that still stood empty. Ido filled these garong with the taroanan, 
or sacred food, and carefully drew together and gathered up the 
last scraps clinging to the broad leaves on which the food had been 
spread. Then he closed the vessels with their tight stoppers, and 
passed then up to be placed on the shelf beside the garong of wine. 
There they remained during the music, the dances, the chanting 
and the feast, and were not taken down until after the old men's 
statement of exploits. 

As soon as the taroanan was elevated to the shelf, Inok hung 
up, below the balekat, the cocoanut shells that he had tied together 
at the time the omok was mixed. At that moment, the profound 
stillness that had lasted for an hour and a half broke to the sound 
of the big drum, beat with dull monotonous taps, and accompanied 
by resounding strokes on the agongs. This was the signal announ- 
<;ing the close of the altar ceremonial. All the men who had been 
drinking balabba at once discharged an animated flow of talk, but 
the utter silence prevailing throughout the rest of the company 
remained unbroken. 

Before this point in the ceremonies, a supplementary awas had 
taken place over a number of extremely small leaf-dishes which were 
«aid to number two hundred — a rite conducted by the old women, 
Miyanda and Singan. This sacred office was going on at the same 
time as the altar ceremony, and hence was not observed by me, but 
was reported to have occurred after the taroanan food was spread 
on the altar, and before Oleng said the prayers over it. I failed to 
ascertain what was afterward done with the leaf-dishes, but, if their 
disposition followed that of the other leaf-dishes at the three preceding 
awas, they would have been taken out and laid down by the wayside. 

It was not until , after drum-beat that the chanting of Gindaya 
began, but from this time on, ceremonial chants were given at 
intervals throughout the entire night. The sons and nephews of 
Oleng carried much of the burden of the gindaya; they sang in 
the customary antiphons, one against one, or two against two, with 
recitatives intervening in the usual manner. 

After the opening performance of gindaya, the music of the agongs 
called the dancers to the floor. The first dance was done by three 
warriors alone who were dressed in embroidered trousers, fine beaded 
jackets and tankulu of a very dark chocolate color, the tint showing 
that they were brave {magani) men, whose human victims were 


many. This and the later dances were all performed in the same 
part of the house in which the bamboo poles stood, and in which 
the altar was situated. They danced on the restricted portions of 
the floor on each side of the two bamboos. This initial dance of 
the men was followed by a second ceremonial chant. 

At this Ginum, there were eleven agongs suspended from the laya 
rods. Four of uniform size formed the upper row, and each was 
named Matio. Just below them hung four others of uniform size, 
but somewhat larger than the four above them. The agongs in 
this lower row were called, from left to right, respectively, Tarabun, 
Mabagong, Martibur, Mabagong. The eight instruments just mentioned 
were all played by one expert musician, who beat tap-tap while 
dancing in the customary manner of an agong-player. Suspended 
just below the eight was another agong considerably larger in cir- 
cumference, but of shallow convexity. It bore the name of Inagongan, 
and a woman performed on it, beating an accompaniment to the 
theme of the leading musician. Beside the Inagongan, hung a very 
small instrument called Bandiran, on which a child rang the tones. 
Some little distance to the right of the ten instruments just named, 
was suspended an agong of exceedingly large size that was tapped 
by a man as an accompaniment, and that bore the same name as 
the woman's instrument — Inagongan. One or two drums, each 
beaten by two persons, a man and a woman, assisted the eleven 
agongs at every set performance. 

Now came the event that had been looked forward to with keen 
anticipation by the weary people — the general drinking of the 
fragrant and delicious balabba. So little food had been served for 
the preceding twenty-four hours that it seemed more like a day of 
abstinence than a festival, for when the Bagobo are preparing for 
a great celebration, they pay no attention to bodily wants. Many 
of the guests had tramped a long distance over the mountains and 
were very tired; the refreshment of this first drink of balabba re- 
lieved the tension greatly. When the liquor was served, separate 
cups were supplied to the special guests, but a few large bowls 
sufficed for the majority of the company, who passed the same* 
bowl from hand to hand. As fast as emptied, the bowls were re- 
filled from the large metal jar, or from the fourth garong of 

Three successive periods of chanting Gindaya succeeded th<» 
drinking. Then followed the beating of agongs in dance measure, 



a signal which brought girl dancers to the floor. -'^ They were in 
festival costume of shining hemp skirts ; short, tight-fitting waists of 
cotton, decorated with conventional designs done in fine needle-work ; 
bracelets and leglets of brass and of bell-metal cast from a wax mould. 
These ornaments were hollow, and each inclosed a number of tiny, 
freely-rolling globes of metal that tinkled in the movements of the 
dance. The girls wore, also, necklaces of beads, pure white or 
many-colored; inlaid ear-plugs connected by tasseled pendants of 
white beads that passed under the chin; and some wore wide belts 
bordered with small, hand-cast bells. 

When the dancing was done, two young men approached the 
bamboos, and standing there, each with one arm encircling a pole, 
they began afresh the monotonous yet sweet-toned chant that 
lasted until the banquet opened. 

Ever since the conclusion of the altar ceremony, many women 
and men had been dishing up food and making preparations for 
serving that houseful of guests. All of this work was going on 
at one end of the Long House, while the chanting and the dancing 
were in progress at the other end. Under Sigo's direction, Sambil, 
Sebayan and three other girls, filled the hemp-leaf dishes that had 
been made five days earlier with an appetizing mess just dished 
from the big clay pots, and ca,lled kumodn. The ingredients were 
white rice, grated cocoanut, hashed venison and pig fat. Other de- 
licious cocoanut mixtures were being prepared to be served with 
the kumodn. Several of the young men halved and grated the co- 
coanuts, whereupon other men caught up the white shreds by hand- 
fuls and mixed with boiled and slivered fish, manipulating the 
food swiftly with fingers and palms. Other men mixed bits of 
venison with grated cocoanut, and still others cut off narrow, thin 
slices of fresh boiled pork. Three men were kept busy in handing 
out to the women these foods as they were ready. Bansag handed 
up the pork; another man, the cocoanut-venison ; and another, the 
cocoanut-fish. The five girls filled all of the leaf-dishes — an indi- 
vidual leaf-dish for each guest, and one for every member of the 
family. They pressed into each leaf-dish a large portion of the 
rice and meat stew, and a small portion of cocoanut-venison and 
of cocoanut-fish. 

* ' * See also pp. 85 — 87 for a ditcussion of the dance. The Bagobo say that Mandar- 
angan comes to see the dance, and watches its performance with pleasnre. 




I Si- 



J L- 


Eight large plates of heavy white crockery were prepared with 
special attention to arrangement and quantity of viands, for they 
were to be served to the eight most distinguished guests at the 
Ginum. An ample supply of the kumodn stew was heaped on the 
plate, and pressed into pyramidal shape; the white food of cocoa- 
nut and slivered fish was piled beside the stew, and the whole 
bordered by bits of venison that had been first roasted, and then 
broiled to a hard crisp. This last-named delicacy appeared only 
on the plates of the eight elect, of whom I was one, the other 
seven being datu and other Bagobo of note. 

We all sat on the floor, tightly packed in solid rows, between 
which the girls made their way and, with the help of a few young 
men, handed to each of us a leaf-dish or a plate. I failed to note 
just which were the ^'distinguished guests," besides myself, who 
received the special plates, but among them may have been in- 
cluded Datu Yting of Santa Cruz; the datu of Bansalan; the two 
brothers of Tonkaling, datu of Sibulan ; Sali, elder brother to Oleng, 
and Awi. When all were served, Ido called out in a loud voice, 
''Langun pomankit!" (^'Let all eat!") and in reply all the people 
shouted out in unison, "Mimankid!" ("We will begin to eat.") 
There were few words spoken after that until the end of the meal, 
for we were all well-nigh famished. Swiftly the leaf-dishes were 
emptied and the plates cleared, as with eager fingers the food was 
rushed to the mouth. Scarcely had the meal come to a close when 
the ceremonial offices were resumed. 

The recitation of exploits began. An aged man, wrinkled and 
gaunt from continued privations, his shriveled skin clinging close 
to the bones of his famished face, stepped toward the ceremonial 
bamboos and, clasping a pole with one hand, made a statement 
before the god of the balekat, and in the presence of the assem- 
bled people, to the effect that he had slain a certain number of 
men during his lifetime. All the Bagobo listened attentively, but 
made no comment, or gave sign either of dissent or of applause. 
It was Sali, brother of Oleng, who was making the recital. Di- 
rectly he had finished, another old man came forward, and then 
another, each grasping a pole, or one of the spears attached to the 
bamboos, throughout his recitation. No man may lay hold of the 
bamboos, or of the ceremonial spears, unless he has killed at least 
one man. If any man break this tabu, he will be struck down 
by some terrible illness. 


When Datu Oleng made his recitation, he stated that he had 
killed thirty men, and he then gave a charge to the bamboo and 
to the balekayo and to the ogbus vine that they were to keep on 
growing until the Ginum should be celebrated next year. Oleng 
was followed by Awi, who gave a lengthy autobiographical nar- 
rative telling how he had killed eighteen men in one locality ; and 
the circumstances which led him to kill nine men in another 
place; and then, at a later period, eleven more; and how, on a 
certain occasion, he had killed one woman; and, at another time, 
one man; and, finally, how he slew three 'men — a total of 
forty-three on the face of the statement. Right here, however, 
there comes into play a remarkable tabu that changes the result of 
the count. 

When a brave old Bagobo, while holding the bamboo pole, takes 
his oath on the number of men he has killed, he must always give 
one half the actual number, for if he should dare to state the 
correct figure he would be attacked by disease. Moreover, his 
audacity would be manifest to all the people, for if, while clasping 
the pole, he should reveal the true number of his victims, the 
great bamboo would instantly split, from the top down through 
the entire length of the pole, without blow from human hand. 
The man's own Mandarangan, or personal war-god, would cause the 
bamboo to split, because the man has spoken the truth about his 
exploits. Applying this key, therefore, to the recitations of Oleng 
and of Awi, we double the count of each, and discover that Oleng 
had sent down to Gimokudan sixty individuals, and that Awi's 
victims reached the grand total of eighty-six. This case is a fair 
illustration of that indirectness which forms such an essential ele- 
ment in the psychic complex of the Malay. Other instances, too, 
of what we call dishonesty or lying, may, perhaps as easily, be 
often traced to some religious scruple, or to some ethical restraint, 
making it incumbent on a man to say something less, or something 
more, than the truth. 

When the old men had finished checking up their achievements, 
a rite of peculiar significance took place, namely, the eating of the 
sacred food that a little while before had been offered to the god 
of the balekat. The deity was supposed to feast on the spiritual 
essence of the food, but the material part was partaken of by the 
Bagobo men and adolescent boys, this being one of the very few 
privileges tabu to women. The two garong containing the sacred 


food were lifted down from the shelf, and the contents poured out 
on the leaves that had been laid below the hanging-altar. The 
distinction between the portion for the men and that for the boys 
was still preserved, so that, just as before, the men's food lay to 
the right of the officiating datu, and the boys' food to his left. 
Old men near the altar ate first, and then the others, a few at a 
time approaching without formality, each thrusting the fingers of 
one hand into the taroanan and conveying a small portion to his 
lips, the boys taking from the left side and the men from the right. 
Only the Bagobo and men from tribes closely akin in language 
and in appearance are permitted to eat the sacred food. Any male 
guest from the Guianga tribe, I was told, would be accepted at the 
altar like a Bagobo visitor; but no Bila-an, or Ata, or Eulaman, 
or a man from any other of those neighboring groups with which 
the Bagobo trade and intermarry, would be permitted to eat the 
taroanan. My own observation bore out this statement, for although 
ten or fifteen Bila-an had been at Mati for weeks waiting for the 
festival to begin, not a man of them approached the altar. Yet 
one of Ido's wives was a Bila-an woman, and the entire party of 
her tribe was entertained at Ido's house. 

Now that the strain of the religious exercises was past, the people 
fell to drinking sugar cane liquor with a freedom that up to this 
time had not been permitted. The bowls were passed round, first 
to guests from other towns and afterwards to the people of the 
home village. Speeches of an informal nature followed the first or 
second round of drinks. Datu Oleng and Datu Yting spoke on 
various little happenings of the week, and Yting urged the men 
not to drink enough to make them boisterous, but to remember 
that the sefiora was present. 

Soon the chanting of Gindaya rose again, and continued at inter- 
vals throughout the entire night. Balabba flowed freely all night, 
and some of the men kept on drinking until noon the next day, 
so that they grew hilarious, and finally drowsy from the effects 
of a drink which is but slightly intoxicating, unless taken in large 
quantities. The extreme sweetness and rich quality of this liquor 
often proves too much for a people accustomed to a slim diet, 
and many Bagobo are sick the day following a festival. There 
often follows a period of exhaustion that almost prostrates an old 
man for some little time. Datu Yting had planned to return 
to Santa Cruz immediately after the festival, but it was two or 


three days before he felt strong enough to make the journey.*^* 
Arrangement of the Long Uouse. The Long House, called 
Dakul Bal^^ has another name that refers, possibly, to its security 
from evil spirits. It is known in Gindaya chants as the **Tina- 
malung Tambubung," or "shady, well-roofed house." The phrase 
that best combines these various elements is ^'long, narrow house 
with a good roof." 

On first entering the Long House, it appeared to be one con- 
tinuous room, for there were no dividing walls, or noticeable par- 
titions. Yet there were actually five compartments with distinct 
functions, in which separate activities connected with the festival 
took place. The lines of separation between the rooms consisted 
in strips of bamboo or of palma brava, ^*' running the width of the 
house and projecting barely above the level. These relief partitions 
were tied to the same timbers to which the slats of the floor were 
lashed. There was a double floor, the lower one being of balekayo, 
and the upper of split bamboo of the larger variety (kmcayan). 
This upper floor, or carpet, was made from internodal sections of 
bamboo, averaging 127i feet in length. The green sections are put 

'^* The foUowing desoriptioa of a Mandaya ceremonial is interesting to refer to at 
this point, because it combines, in one complex, elements that appear at several different 
-ceremonies of the Bagobo Ginum: the rectangular altar made of four smaUer altars 
suggesting the sonaran of agongs; the floral decorations; the great bamboo set up in the 
middle of the space; the drum-call at the opening of the festival; the costumed dancers; 
the interview with Mansilatan in which the emotional disturbance shown by the priestesses, 
the following silence, and the devotions as a whole resemble very closely the Bagobo 
manganito; the offerings of areca {bonga) and of betel (^vjfo); the feasting and drinking at 
the close of the ceremony. 

"Otro sacriticio es el Talibung. Para celebrarlo levantan cuatro altares en forma de 
reetangulo, y cado esquina del altar es adornada con flores. £n medio de estos cuatro 
altares, colocan una cana gruesa de tres brazas de largo con sus hojas. Se inagura la 
funcion al son del guiwibao 6 tamboril, salen tres 6 cuatro dailanet bien vestidas, organizan 
un baiie al rededor de dichos altares. — Al cabo de cuatro 6 cinco vueltas se sientan a 
la vez, tiemblan, eruptan prolongadamente, sigue luego un silencio sepulchral en cuyo 
tiempo fingen el descenso de Mansilatan y su conversacion con ellas, en cuyo tiempo les 
infunde el espiritn profetico, le adoran luego, y le ofrece cada cual su polio asado y 
partido, juntamente con algunos camarones, los cnales mezolan con duyo hecho de tabaco, 
cal, fruta y hoja de la bonga, despues de cuya ofrenda repiten su baile, sientase, tiemblan, 
eruptan, escuchan a su dios, anuncian la buena cosecha, la curacion de la enfermedad, 
el bnea viaje, y luego sigue la accion de gracias en el festin y la borachera de oostumbre." 
P. Pastells: Cartoi, vol. 2, pp. 89 — 40. 1879. 

*'* ralma brava: Coripha mnor. The Bagobo call it baiog. It is a blackish wood, 
strong and hard-grained, and is much used for building purposes, both for upright timbers 
and in place of split bamboo for the slats of floors. 


through a process of striking, cracking and splitting to make them 
flexible, so that they can be laid down flat to form the ^'asug ka 
kawayan" (floor of large bamboo). 

The room farthest south had a platform floor, raised by a few 
inches above the rest of the house floor, and the edge of this plat- 
form served as a seat, it being the nearest approach to a bench 
that the house contained. This room was occupied entirely by guests 
from other towns with a few from the same villtige. They all sat 
crowded close together, covering this slightly elevated platform. 

The next room to the north formed the center of religious rit^s, 
and contained the sacred objects connected with the celebration. 
Xear the centre, the two ceremonial bamboos stood; the agongs 
hung on the east side ; the hanging altar was on the west wall, 
and below it the sacred food was spread; a space on each side of 
the two bamboo poles remained for the dancers. The dega-dega, 
or high seat from which Oleng reviewed the ceremonial, was just 
north of the balekdt. 

The third room was utilized in various ways. Attached to the 
east wall was the wide guest-bed of bamboo. It was 10 feet, 2 
inches in length, and 4 feet, 1 inch in width, and would accommodate 
a number of men, sleeping side by side, their bodies across the width 
of the bed; that is, at right angles to the wall. As many more 
could sleep on the floor below, just as in a lower Pullman berth. 
On the floor beside the bed, the young men cut in halves ripe 
cocoanuts, and mixed venison and fish with cocoanut-meat. The 
west side of this room caught the overflow of visitors, especially 
young] girls who, with a few men, sat in well-packed rows on the 
floor. A narrow aisle, between the cocoanuts and the girls, made 
possible locomotion from tlie north end of the house to the ceremonial 
room. *^^ 

In the fourth room, the women were filling leaf-dishes with food 
for all the people; piles of the leaf-dishes lay on the floor near 
the west wall. On the east side was the vacant floor space used 
by the older members of Oleng's family for rest at night. 

The last room to the north, and the smallest of the five, was the 
kitchen, which opened upon a very small porch. In the northeast 

* > • The uprights and the long bamboo rods that formed the frame of the loom, from 
which the last textile had been removed before the festival, kept their place against the 
west wall, io this third room. 


corner of the room were the three large stones that formed the 
native fire-place. They rested on a bed of earth several inches 
high, banked by strips of wood, and having an, area sufficient to hold^ 
besides the fire-stones, big clay pots, piles of kindling-wood, and a 
little group of people who would gather round the fire. On this 
hearth, during the Ginum, all of the boiling and the broiling pro- 
cesses were carried on, and here, after the visitors had trooped off, 
the members of the family would gather to roast corn and to chat» 

Festival of Ginum at Tubison. On May 27—28, 1907, almost 
three months earlier than the Talun festival, it was my privilege 
to be a guest, during the last fifteen hours, at the celebration of 
Ginum at Tubison, a mountain village at the top of a steep ascent 
several hours ride northwest of Santa Cruz. Datu Imbal and his 
wife, Siat, were the hosts. The festival was held three days before 
the expected sprouting of the rice in Imbal's fields, as he had planted 
somewhat earlier than several other Bagobo who, during that very 
week, were giving rice-sowing festivals to their neighbors. My obser- 
vation of the ceremonies covered the period from about two hours 
before sunset of one afternoon until one hour after sunrise of the 
following morning. I shall here call attention to those ceremonial 
details alone which present points of variation or contrast to identical 
rites on the corresponding night at Talun; and, while passing over 
those lines of ritual behavior that may be expected to manifest 
themselves regularly at Ginum, I shall mention particularly some 
few single religious functions that appeared at Tubison, and were 
absent from Talun, as well as cases of the reversed situation. 

The first important difference to be noted is one that touches the 
order of ritual functions. The offering of material objects upon 
the agong-altar with accompanying ceremonies'-'^ (Sonar) which at 
Talun took place on the third day of the festival, was performed 

* ' "* The ceremony of placing the sacred food before the gods, and of reciting a liturgy 
over it, probably took place very early in the evening. 1 mast have missed that im- 
portant rite, for I was told that a ceremonial had been performed at the agong-altar 
abont dosk while I was in the grounds with the young people. If that were the case,, 
the rite must have been very much shorter tbau at Talun. I feel pretty well convinced 
that the betel ceremony which, at Talun, accompanied the rites over the sacred food was, 
at Tubison, transferred to the Sonaran as described. In each case the officiating priest 
placed sixteen slices of areca-nut on the altar, each being laid on a piece of beteMeaf; 
they were separated into two sets of eight each, by sarabak leaves at Talun, and by the 
little ceremonial spoon of bulls leaf at Tubison; and the betel was similarly sprinkled 
with lime by the celebrant. Sugar cane liquor was drunk at the earlier ceremony a 


at Tubison on this last night, as one of the early evening functions. 
A single agong — a very large one — formed the altar, and on 
this the entire ceremony was performed, there being no additional 
agong holding water and medicine for lavations. The rite of washing 
and the anito seance were both absent from the Sonar as performed 
at Tubison. On the other hand, we have at Tubison the ceremonial 
preparation and chewing of areca-nut and betel-leaf on the part of 
the old men, a function which at Talun did not occur in connection 
with the agong oblation. Another element of variation was the large 
number of sacred dishes used in drinking the sugar cane liquor. 
There were, in all, sixteen cups, saucers, and plates, eight being 
placed to the right of the agong, and eight to the left; whereas 
at Talun there were but four bowls and one individual cup. The 
wide variety in the kinds of gifts brought to the altar at the Talun 
feast has been noted; but at Tubison the offerings were noticeably 
limited to swords, knives and brass armlets, ^^® there being no 
textiles or bead-work or embroidery produced for the rite. Many 
of the bracelets were brought tied in bunches, and a few of these 
the celebrant fastened to the swords that leaned upon the agong. 
In other respects, the details of Sonaran as performed at the two 
places were fairly parallel. 

The bamboo prayer-stands,**^ called tamhara^ formed at Tubison 
a more distinctive ceremonial element than at Talun. It will be 

Tubison, I nnderstood, as well as at the later one ; jast as at Talun this ritual drinking 
occurred at the agong ceremony and also at the final sacrificial rites. As a whole, how- 
ever, I should remark that the two ceremonies stood out from each other more sharply 
distinct at Talun than at Tubison. 

*** There were in all thirty-fite brass armlets brought to the altar, in eight clusters 
at different times, the clusters numbering from two to six armlets each; of these only 
three were the fine bracelets cast from a wax mould and called ialimiUmmf, the others 
being the wire anulets punched in patterns and called pankit. As for the swords, they 
were all of the long, one-edged type called tampilam — the moat yalned weapon among 
Bagobo men, and always worn in full dress. The ritual performance over the agong 
opened with eight kampilan piled one upon another, and resting in part on the floor, 
and iu part on the agong. After the sugar cane wine had been poured into the sixteen 
dishes, another kampilan was brought, thus giving nine, instead of the eight that at 
Talun made the proper count. 

*^* In each corner of the house stood a bamboo prayer-stand (iawdmrm) dedicated, 
respectively, to the god of the house {diot ka half), the god of the fire {dioM km mpmif) 
the personal guardian of oar host {dio* k% Dmtn Imbml), and the nnseea spiritual protector 
called Tungo, this last shrine being set up with the particular intention of keeping the 
family from sickness ("diri masakit to manobo tun to bale'* — *not tick the people in 


recalled that at the last-mentioned place bamboo stands functioned 
merely as accessories to the agong rite, both in association with 
the altar itself, and as shrines on which the gifts that had pre- 
viously been offered on the agongs might be hung. At Tubison, 
on the contrary, separate ritual recitations were uttered by the elder 
brother of Datu Imbal, while standing before two of the four tam- 
bara that occupied the corners of the house, and these devotions 
were accompanied by some display of dramatic action which cannot 
at the present time be discussed. 

One of the distinguishing characteristics of this festival at Tubison 
wmthe notable part taken by women, particularly in the singing. 
While the chanting of gindaya was, as usual, reserved for yoimg 
men alone — indeed, the women told me that the daughters of 
Datu Imbal did not know the words of the gindaya — yet many 
other vocal performances were given by girls and women. My 
notes, taken during the night, mention thirteen of these songs and 
chants, six of which were performed by a chorus of adult women, 
three by young girls assisted by a few young men, three were rec- 
itatives by single female voices, and one was a duet between Imbal's 
sister and his brother's son, the same nephew who carried the 
burden of the gindaya. Alternating with the songs of the women, 
or sometimes massed in consecutive numbers, came choruses by 
male voices, including the war song {dura\ while ever and anon 
rose the chanting of gindaya by Iti, Umpa and Imba, sons of Datu 
Imbal, and by Um6, son of Imbal's brother. Some of the women's 
songs were given in a high key and with an explosive utterance 
that approached a shriek ; others were softly chanted at a low pitch. 

One, at least, of the women's choruses was led by Siat, the wife 
of Datu Imbal, a middle-aged woman of remarkably impelling per- 
sonality, who took a prominent part in directing the schedule of 
the entire night, acting, indeed, as a co-master of ceremonies with 
Imbal himself. There was something very impressive in the execu- 

the house"). It was before the two last-named shrines that the ritual recitations above 

referred to were made. Above these two altars, and covering the intervening space, were 

draped a great number of the ceremonial, dark red kerchiefs called tankulu which were 

hung from the bamboos, and spread from joist to joist, so as to form an almost cou- 

tinuous canopy at this end of the house — the same end where the agong-altar rites 

Were said. The family of Imbal had a wealth of tankulu, in a wide variety of figured 

patterns, and they formed the festive decoration of the house. There were no long lines 

of textiles displayed, as at Talun. 


tive ability with which she superintended the various functions 
and the scrupulous care that she bestowed on the correct perform- 
ance of ritual details, her attention passing so swiftly from one 
to another of the activities that were going on in the various parts 
of the Long House that it seemed as if she perceived the entire 
situation at one glance. Once I noticed that her keen eyes were 
fixed sharply on UmS, who was singing gindaya; it was obvious 
that he had made a blunder, and he stopped short, looking at Siat 
and laughing in a half-disconcerted manner, but Siat promptly cor- 
rected him, giving him his cue, and he resumed his chant. One 
ritual recitation was given by Siat in a high voice, and she drank 
sugar cane liquor from several of the sacred dishes at the altar. 
One othtT woman drank with the old men. 

A few minor ceremonial features may now be mentioned in which 
slight variations from the rites at Talum become apparent. The 
dancing took place late in the afternoon and up to dusk ; during the 
evening and the night, no dances were performed. The sprigs of 
fragrant bulla, that were worn by all of us women at our waists, 
had to be discarded at a definite point of the ritual. It was rather 
soon after the opening strains of gindaya were heard, and while 
the food was being pressed into leaf-moulds, that a little girl came 
to me and removed the buUa-leaf from my belt, and I saw that 
the Bagobo women were laying aside their own decorations of bulla. 
Another detail to be noted is that the sacred food, when taken 
from the altar was emptied into a flat basket and placed on the 
floor, where each man reached for it, putting his hand into the 
basket. I observed no separate portion for the boys. The general 
drinking of balabba by the guests followed immediately upon the 
consumption of the sacred food, a much later period in the ritual 
sequence than at Talun, where everybody was invited to drink ba- 
labba, not only before the men's food was laid out, but prior to 
the big general feast itself. 

We now turn to a dramatic episode of the ritual which set off, 
to a marked degree, the religious activities of this night at Tubison 
from those we have recorded of Talun. The chief actor was an 
old man, Datu Idal, head of the neighboring village of Patulangan, 
and his part consisted in falling on the floor in a trance, or a 
pseudo-trance. This performance occurred quite late in the night, 
after all the liturgical ceremonial as well as the eating and drink- 
ing had come to an end. Following a period of successive singing, 


interspersed with sharp cries from groups of women and groups of 
men, and while I was standing at one end of the house listening 
to the chanting of gindaya, there came a noise of tumult from the 
next room, and thither everybody began to rush and crowd together. 
There was a sound of a heavy body falling, followed by low cries 
and exclamations. Instantly, the wife of Imbal hastened to me 
and begged me not to be frightened; she told me that what was 
happening was very good for the Bagobo, but that I must stay 
where I was, and not attempt to go to look. As soon as her at- 
tention was diverted, I succeeded in making my way to a place 
where I could get a glimpse of Datu Idal. He lay on his back, 
stretched out at full length on the floor, his eyes closed, his 
general aspect being that of a person in a faint. Siat (Imbal's wife) 
sat at his head and gazed fixedly at his face. The old people who 
were standing about explained that Idal was dead, but that he 
would come to life again by and by; and they assured me that it 
was something good for the Bagobo. The crowd gradually thinned 
out and the Bagobo, one after another, lay down on the floor and 
fell asleep. After a while Idal's condition of stupor, if it were 
such, seemed to pass imperceptibly into natural slumber. After 
keeping her position as watcher for one or two hours, Siat lay 
down beside the old man, drew over herself a part of the cotton 
sleeping-blanket which she had spread over him, and soon dropped 
off to sleep. By that time, nobody was awake except the youths 
who were relieving one another at the gindaya and myself. I did 
not venture to lose sight of the sleeping datu, for it seemed highly 
probable that he would ^'come to life" suddenly, to bring to some 
dramatic culmination the events of the night; but nothing unusual 
occured. The hours wore on toward dawn, while only the monot- 
onous intoning of gindaya broke the stillness. Soon after sunrise, 
Datu Idal stirred, opened his eyes, sat up, and began to chew 
betel as if nothing had happened. Everybody else woke up as 
usual; and, as the sun shot rays across the mountain tops, only 
the soft chanting of the weary boys, each still holding over his 
lips an edge of the sacred kerchief as the last strains of gindaya 
came forth, indicated that a great religious festival was drawing 
to a close. 

In attempting to characterize briefly this festival night as a whole, 
one would note the high degree of animation that pervaded the 
rites, a spirit which was quite as plainly apparent before the sugar 


cane wine had been served as after the general drinking. In marked 
contrast with the quiet, orderly, almost conventional manner in 
which the proceedings at Talun were put through, the religious 
activities at Tubison suggested some hidden psychological stimulus 
to which every performer responded. ^^*^ There were frequent shrieks 
and screams from the women ; groans and loud calls from the men ; 
shouting of directions ; sudden dramatic outbursts, as when one datu 
seized hold of another and tried ta drag him from his seat, or when 
one clasped the wrists of another during the prayers before the 
bamboo stands, or when the entire company oriented at the same 
moment, crowding together and facing the north, while the men 
sang the locust song (Apatig). Yet, throughout this intense excite- 
ment, one was conscious of an organization so exact as to inhibit 
any excess of emotional discharge. Many of the above demonstrations, 
as well as the war songs, the cries, and the prolonged humming and 
trilling sounds that are associated with war expeditions, gave the 
impression of a battle-field with a fight in progress, or of the 
return from a successful man-hunt. 

(jaestlon of Head-hunting. Much work remains to be done 
before the complete significance of the Ginum ceremonial is revealed. 
Some of the religious rites that I have attempted to describe sug- 
gest similar customs which, by a parallel development or through 
convergence, have grown up in many countries and among many 
peoples all over the world. No attempt has been made in this 
paper to draw attention, outside of a limited territory, to parallels 
that will occur to every student of primitive religion. 

There are other elements of the Ginum which seem peculiar to 
Malay groups, but the material is lacking for a detailed comparison. 
Among these elements, the triumphal entry of the two bamboo 
poles, with the attendant ceremonies, calls for special investigation. 
That they are raised in honor of the same god who receives so 

**<>Two possible caases may be hinted at for what may be termed this difiference in 
psychical atmosphere: — (1) Possibly a human sacrifice had been offered at Tubison 
during the preceding twenty-four hours; while at Talun the enforced substitution of a 
fowl as the bloody victim may have dampened the spirit of the feast. But cf, pp. 96^97. 

(2) There was evident, at all times, in Imbal's family a temperamental strain of 
buoyancy and of mental alertness that thrilled me, on every occasion when any one of 
them came to visit at my house. Possibly, all of the guests were infected by the enthusiasm 
and vivacity of our hosts. Oleng's family, on the contrary, with the sole exception of 
Ido, were less spontaneous in manner, not at all optimistic, cautious, reserved, and not 
inclined to be over-hasty in the execution of their intentions. 


large a portion of the devotional exercises, that is, the Tolus ka 
Balekat, is a point we have already noted; that the poles are asso- 
ciated with exploit factors which include the shedding of human blood 
is demonstrated by the war cry at the entrance of the poles, by 
the attaching to them of spears, by recitations of the number of 
lives taken, and by the detail of grasping hold of a ceremonial pole 
and of maintaining this position as long as the narration continues. 

Father Mateo was convinced that the decoration of the poles was 
a sign that a human sacrifice had just been made. He mentions 
this conclusion in two different letters, written about six months 
apart. In his valuable description of Bagobo ceremonial, he says: 
^Trom the place of the sacrifice they then go to the house of their 
chief or the master of the feast, holding branches in their hands 
which they place in a large bamboo, which is not only the chief 
adornment, but the altar of the house in which they meet." And 
again, "Curious persons who are present at those feasts, do not 
understand the language of the old men nor see anything that hints 
of a human sacrifice, but those who are fully initiated in the 
Bagobo customs, will note immediately the token of the human 
sacrifice which was made in the woods on the preceding day among 
the branches placed in the bamboo or drum, before which the old 
men above mentioned make their invocation to Darago." These 
passages were written after Father Mateo had been ministering to 
the coast Bagobo for about two years. 

My own findings agree with those of Father Gisbert, in regard to 
the bamboos. At an interview with the anito, this association of 
the poles with the sacrifice was stressed, and the Bagobo were told 
by the god that the reason they were sick was because they no 
longer followed the old Bagobo custom of killing a man before 
performing the ritual with the bamboo poles; and the point was 
made that it was formerly the custom after the man was killed to 
get sprays of areca and certain plants to take into the house, and 
to set up the two kawayan, and to sing the war song. But in 
addition to their connection with the sacrifice, the bamboo poles 
may have a larger significance. 

During my observation of the bringing in of the poles and of 
the rites that followed, I was impressed by the resemblance of these 
activities to the sort of celebration that one would look for at the 
I'lose of a successful expedition against an enemy. The behavior 
^)f the men suggested forcibly the return of a war party from some 


big slaughter, of the bringing back of heads, or of a related exploit. 
Since that time, I have read Dr. Furness's picturesque account*'^* 
of the return of the Eayan head-hunting expedition, and I have 
noted several features of the celebration that closely resemble the 
Bagobo rites accompanying the entrance of the two bamboos. Still 
more striking is the similarity in mental attitude toward the cere- 
mony, as would appear from such emotional responses as the fixed 
position of the warriors, the rapt and exalted expression of their 
faces, the restrained eagerness of the waiting women, the break 
into the war cry on entering the house. Since this behavior is only 
one of many points of resemblance between the Bagobo and the 
wild tribes of Borneo, it seems possible that the same stimulus — 
that of hunting human heads — gave rise to the ceremony in the 
one group as well as in the other. 

Among the Berawan of Sarawak, according to Furness, when, in 

* * ' "At the very first glimmer of dawn I was awakened by an unusual stir throaghoat 
the house. The women and children aud the few men who were so unfortunate as to 
have been obliged to remain behind, were all collecting along the edge of the yeranda 
below the eaves, whence they could get a view of the river. Just at the very instant 
that the sun sent its first shaft of level light down the long expanse of rirer, we heard 
coming u^i-stream, a solemn, low, deep-toned chant, or rather humming, in harmony. 
There were no articulate words, only a continuous sound, in different keys, from treble 
to bass, of the double vowel oo, as in doom. A minute later the long line of canoes, 
lashed three abreast, slowly rounded the turn, and drifted toward the house. The men 
were all standing. . . Only a few were at the paddles, merely enough to steer the pro- 
cession, while all the others stood as motionless as statues, holding their spears upright 
and the point of their shields resting at their feet. On and on they slowly glided, 
propelled, it almost seemed, by this inexpressibly solemn dirge, which was wafting this 
sacred skull to a home it must for ever bless. ... In order to watch the ceremony more 
narrowly, I left the veranda as the boats neared the beach, and I shall not soon forget 
Abun's solemn, absorbed demeanour. I could not catch his eye, and, unlike his usual 
•elf, he took not the smallest notice of my presence, nor did any of the others. Every 
face wore the rapt expression of a profoundly religious rite. Without intermitting the 
chant, Abun, bearing the skull, led the procession in single file to the up-river end of 
the house. . . . When they were all gathered, still chanting, in a close group, the old 
'fencing-master' stepped out to the front with a blow-pipe, and, looking in the direction 
of the Tinjar River (still chanting) addressed a vehement warning to the enemy, and then 
(still chanting) raised the blow-pipe to his lips, and blew a dart high in the air to 
carry the message to them. The chanting instantly ceased, and all gave a wild, exultant 
shout. . ." The Home Life of Borneo Head-hunters, pp. 90—92. 1902. [The aoconnt 
continues with a narration of the rites held over the skull.] 

According to Furness, the Kayans have a legend on the origin of taking heads, and 
the mythical account says that it was first done on the advice of a frog, and that this 
initial trial brought them so many blessings that the practice was ever after continned. 
Op. cii., p. GO. 


the old times, a man hunt was inconvenient, a slave was sacrificed 
as a substitute. From this point of view, we might look upon the 
Bagobo custom of sacrificing a single individual at Ginum as a 
mere vestige of a much more noteworthy outpouring of blood for 
the satisfaction of Mandarangan and for that of the Tolus ka Balekdt. 
But this view is not altogether satisfactory, for there is no reason 
to suppose that human sacrifice may not be a practice that has been 
associated with the Ginum equally as long as head-hunting, if we 
admit both as ceremonial elements. 

The situation in regard to head-hunting among the Bagobo offers 
a question for investigation. For my part, I have never seen a 
human head preserved as a trophy, nor have I seen a human skull 
in any Bagobo house. Pig skulls are occasionally hung on the wall, 
the number recording the skill of the hunter. 

The Bagobo seem to stand in great fear of the human skull, as 
to them it is a representative of Buso. One old woman, a priest- 
doctor, caught sight of a single skull among my ethnological ob- 
jects, and suffered such a shock that she told me, weeks afterward, 
that she had been sick ever since she saw the "bonga-bonga" at 
my house. Her feeling was fairly representative of the general 

Yet the frequency in many other Malay groups of this practice 
of taking heads, particularly in Borneo, in Celebes '^'^'^ and in several 
parts of the Philippines, leads one to look for the custom in the 
history of the Bagobo tribe. One definite statement is given 
by Father Gisbert in a letter to the Superior of the mission, 
written from Davao, July 26, 1886. The case is one of head- 
hunting on a large scale and it occurred only two generations ago. 
The father of Manip, who figures in the episode, was Panguilan, 
the grandfather of the present datu of Sibulan, *'**^^ so that these 
heads were taken well within the last one hundred years. 

* ' * llie Sarasin brothers write that the greatest pride of the nati? es of Minahassa 

was in head-hunting. The eaptored heads, they brought home in triumph, and this entry 

was followed by banquet and dance. Small pieces of the slain foe were devoured. C/. 

Reisen in Celebes, vol. I, p. 48. 1905. The natives on Kendari bay, in southeast Celebes, 

say that if they did not take heads their crops would fail, and sickness would come. 

Cf. ibid., vol. 1, p. 879. For head-hunting among the Tolokaki, see ibid., vol, 1, pp. 

*'' See also 'The Wild Tribes of Davao District," p. Ill, where Cole gives a con- 
tribution from Sibulan that throws light on this point. He says: "According to the 
tales of the old men, it was formerly the custom to go on a raid before this ceremony 



'The father of Mdnip was the dato of Sibulan, who died a few months 
ago at a very old age (perhaps he was as much as a hundred), and whom 
[sic] they say had already attained to the condition of immortality, which 
was due to the matuga guinaua^ or good heart of Mandai-angan, because of 
the many victims that he had offered that being. It is said that when he 
was yet a youth, he sought a wife, but did not obtain her until he had cut 
olT fifty human heads, as was attested by the hundred ears which he carried 
in a sack from the river Libaganon to Sibulan." Blair and Robertson, vol. 
43, p. 246. 

[The word "ginaua" (ginawa) literally means "loving."] 

Just why, and when, the custom of hunting heads passed out of 
use among the Bagobo is an interesting problem. There is one 
vestige, at least, in the practice that some old men have of fas- 
tening the hair of their slain victims to the handle or to the scab- 
bard of a weapon. I bought from Awi one sword with human 
hair attached. Nieuwenhuis '-^^^ found this use to be a substitute for 
the old practice among the Kayan. 

All we can say now is that there is some evidence that the 
Bagobo took heads at a time not very remote, and that the 
character of certain of the Ginum ceremonies suggests that they may 
originally have been performed in association with the bringing 
back of heads (as well as with the human sacrifice), the two poles 
serving for the attachment of the skulls. The present ritual of tying 
on the spears and the recitations of the old men may be vestigial. 

A Few Ceremonial Chants. A few of the typical chants are 
here given. 


(Part of a war-song that is said to be sometimes chanted at the time of 
cutting down the two ceremonial bamboos). 

[i. e. Ginum] was to take place, and successful warriors would bring borne with them the 
skulls of their victims which they tied to the patatutn** The author in a footnote 
eiplains this word as meaning "Ceremonial poles dedicated to Mandarangan and Barago/^ 
and continuing he says: *'In Digos and Bansalan the skulls were not taken but hair 
cut from the heads of enemies was placed in the swinging altar balakat, and . . . left 
there until the conclusion of the ceremony." 

In connection with Mr. Cole*s use of the word poianan, it should be noted that at 
Talun they invariably called the two poles kawayan (the ordinary name for the large 
species of bamboo); but the ritual that was performed after the setting up of these poles 
they called paianan. It is quite conceivable, however, that in another mountain group 
the name for the ceremony might easily pass over to the ceremonial object itself, particu- 
larly among such a metaphor-loviug people as the Bagobo. 

»»* ^. Qucr durch Borneo, vol. 1. p. 92. 1904. 


Shout the war-cry; 

Sing gindaya; 

Pamansad ka kawayan. ^m 

Cook food for Ginum; 

Serve food; dish it up; 

Make the leaf-dishes. 

Clear the jungle; 

Fell the trees; 

Lop off bi*anches; 

Burn the field; 

Plant the rice; 

Build the fence; 

Place the altar. 

Put on trousers; 

Pull the drawstring; 

Bind on tutub;"« 

Dress the hair; 

Put on necklace; 

Gird on sword; 

Hold the war-shield; 

Take the spear; 

Hold up spears; 2" 

Gird on sword 

Fringed with goats' hair, 22* 

Tipped with kids' wool. 

Ride horses; 

Run the horses, 

Racing, racing. 

Dance to kuglung;**' 

Dance to flute ; ^^ 

Dancing, all dancing. 

Lay betel in mouth; 
Tobacco makes dizzy. 
Wash in Ragubrub;^> 
At bank of Malilyo. "i 
Cook food; climb for bees«w 
Making combs very high; 
Fix logan233 for bees. 

Make saddles; make stinnips. 
Dig the holes ;*w build the house. 
Make palandag. ^» 
Place altar and bowls. 23« 


Make the house strong; 
Lay red peppers,"! 

Lest fighting break in. 

Hang up torches at dark. 

Dance to the flute; 

Hold shield on guard; 

Break the shield of the other; 

Fight with swords; fight with spears; 

Ride horse running, 

Racing, racing. 

Make fish-traps; 

Dam the river; 

Catch the fish. 

Climb finiit-trees. 

Beat agongs, all dancing. 

Go swimming and diving; 

One boy drowns;*^ 

**^ Recitation of exploits that is made by the old men while grasping the ceremouial 

' * * A kerchief worn by those not eligible to the tankulo. 

**'' That is, while tying the spears in an upright position to the bamboo poles. 
"* It is nsaally the scabbard, not the sword, that is decorated with a fringe of hair 
or of wool. 

' * * The man's guitar having two strings. 

''"The tvlali — a small wind instrument of light bamboo that is blown from one end. 
* * ' The name of a river. 

*** That is, smoke out the wild bees to get wax. 

' ' * A framework of wood and rattan that is sometimes fastened to the branches of 
trees to induce the wild bees to hive there. 
**" The holes for the posts of the Long House. 
* " Another kind of small flute, that is blown from the side. 
"*This is the balekat, with its pingan, or bowls. 
' ' ^ A charm against demons. 

Probably a reference to a single accidental occurrence. 




He is dying. 

Make Haddles: play agongs. 

(.'lear the brush ; 

Hew down trees; 

Burn th(^ ii(*ld; 

Pile up branches; 

\x>\t otr branches; 

Burn it over. 

Plant the rice; 

Hedge the altar; «*• 

Weave at loom. 
Burn the meadow; 
Hunt the lK)ar. 
Climb for cocoanuts. 

Wear good clothes. 
Cook food: 
Make leaf-dishes; 
Dance and cook. 
Get wood for the fire: 
Bring water; fetch leaves 
Get water in buckets. 
Raise the bamboos, 
Balekayo^** and laya»*> 
Get tamanag^*^ wood; 
Manga, *♦• lanzone,'** 
Durian,^* areca: 
Pound natuck.*** 
Build the house: 


(A part of the (lindaya chanted on the opening night of Ginum.) 
"God the Protector, «♦«» the All-knowing, come down here and tell us, you 
who have been there, the story of the bird far away in the mountains. You 
have heard the tale of the youngest nestling of limokon, «« perched on a 
golden tree oa the farther side of the mountains of Baringan,«*» concealed 
under the branch<»8, flnding at the topmost point fresh branches pointing 
toward the sunset, waving toward the dawn 

* * * The magic plants that are placed around the hut-ahrine at rice-planting. Some of 
the references are anticipatory of clearing and planting, as the Ginum is often held 
in January. 

*««The textiles exhibited at the festival are hung from a frame of light bamboo, 
called baletayo. See p. 186. 

* " * The agongs are suspended from rods of laya wood. 

*^* A white, porous, highly inflammable wood, much used for kindling. 

* ^ ' MangiferA indica L. : a large and delicious fruit having a yellow skin, a long pit, 
and a juicy pulp. Foreigners call it "manggo," bnt natives give ng in this word as a single 
phonetic element. 

*^^ Ltrntium dotMtiicum: a small fruit with translucent white pulp having an acid flavor. 

* ^ * Jhtrio zibtthinnt L, C. : A good-sized fruit having a heavy rind covered with prickles, 
and a very soft, cream-colored pulp, which has a pleasently pungent flavor, bnt an 
offensive smell. The durian is a favorite fruit with the natives. 

* ^ * Sago, which is extracted from the sago palm, pounded and boiled to a jelly. 
Bagobo mothers feed their babies freely with naiuek, 

*^** This is Duma Tungo, the ''god who keeps the people.'* hmma sometimes means 
*'wiff,'* sometimes "companion." In the Long House at Tnbison, there was an altar 
dedicated to Tnngo, and there is a question as to whether the two divinities are identical. 

* * ' The omen pigeon. 

'^* Fabulous mountains of the ulit, the romantic tale. 


In the oorth on the seashore lie nine million kalati;^^* in the north on the 
seashore lie nine rows of sequins. To fifty trees the branches cling; in the 
south they dix)p showers; in the north the breeze makes branches sway. 

There is a place in the Salikala mountains where there grows a bontia^^ 
pebble on the rocks. Wire cannot dent it; iron and knives cannot cut it." 


Gindaya chanted antiphonally by Ynok and AbS against Atab and Luma. 
Ynok sings to Atab: 

*'Now here we are. I have been traveling eight years to find my own 
brother; these many years I have sought him, and now we have met in the 
house called Tinamalung Tambobung^^ (narrow long house with a good 
roof). Now I want to ask you, my brother, *" if you have any areca-nut 
and buyo leaf with you. You have probably come from a town a long way 
oil' and if you have no betel you will be hurt by the wind and the hot 
sun in my town. I have something to ask you. I want you to show me 
the way to Tangos, ^^ the little island near to this town. I must meet some- 
body there; and I have lost the way to my own town. I have not been 
back for eight years. I should not know my own areca-palm plantation nor 
my buyo. But this month I am going to find my way, and we will make 
our luas,^^ not to speak each other's names. We will meet in one month 
and one day. Now I am going toward my own town; and do not you say 
anything bad about me after I am gone, because we are very intimate 

Atab sings in reply to Ynok: 

"•Here I am, my nearest brother. I came from Tangos island, near to the 

' * * Small discs of mother-of-pemrl that are groand and pierced for beads by the Bila-an, 
the Tagakaola and the Kalaman tribes. The Bagobo get kalati in trade for use in 
decorating festival garments. 

* ^ " Bomiia is said to be a tiny white stone of magic properties. If kept wrapped in 
a cloth and put away in a bamboo tobacco case or other tightly covered vessel, it will 
after a time reproduce itself. It will have one child at a time, several years apart. If 
the case or box it is kept in be not securely covered, the bontia may run away. This 
magic white stone is described as "a little larger than a grain of rice, but smaller than 
a kernel of corn." The bontia was once found in a bird's nest by a Bagobo of Tuban. 
There is one variety of bontia — the boniia tigato -» that never gets children, however 
carefully kept. 

* ^ ' This chant may, perhaps, refer to the wanderings of mythical ancestors, but I am 
not able to make a definite statement as to this. 

*^* A shady house with a good roof; that is, the Long House. Except in the chants, 
they always call it dakul balB, or "big house." The main elements of this term are 
-malunff, shady; tam-, prefix with a sense of ''good;" bobttng, ''roof." 
»** "Brother," or "own brother" is equivalent here to "close friend." 
^ ^ ^ Tangos was explained as meaning any small island near to a town. From this it 
would seem as if, perhaps, this song had its origin at a festival on the coast. 

* * ^ The names of certain persons are Ium or tabu. 


town, and I walked a long way on the American road with the wire,*** to 
meet my own brother. I think I am a little pangalinan^"^ and the smallest 
boy in the world, because I did not bring any areca-nut. It is not right 
for you to say, "My nearest brother," when you ask me for betel. I think 
you do not feel kindly to me, because I heard bad words from you afler 1 
came. After that, I did not care to keep the areca-nuts and the betel-leaf." 

Bite of Human Saenfice, called Pag-Huaga 

A fundamental feature of the worship of certain gods is the 
offering to them, from time to time, of a human victim, with ap- 
propriate rites. The war-god, Mandarangan, demands this sacrifice; 
and the persons who take part in the ceremony pray that he will 
keep them from sickness and death, in return for the human blood 
which they, for their part, are pouring out for him to drink. At 
the Ginum a deity of the altar, called Tolus ka Balekdt, is the 
one for whom, from ancient times, the human sacrifice has been 
killed and ceremonially offered up. 

Three hundred and fifty odd years ago, when the Spanish priests 
began the religious conquest of the Islands, the custom of killing a 
human victim as a religious ceremony was widespread among 
Tagalog and Visayan peoples of Luzon and the Visayas, as well 
as through the mountain tribes of Mindanao. These last-named 
have never given up the custom, in spite of persistent efforts 
made bj the missionaries to crush it out. The attack has been 
renewed by the American government, but the human sacrifice 
represents so vital an element in the religious life of the Bagobo 
and of the other tribes who have always performed it that it dies 
very hard. There have been numerous references by many authors 
to the sacrifice, and we have three or four detailed accounts of it; 
but all of these were given to the various writers by Bagobo in- 
dividuals, for, so far as we know, no white person has ever had 
the opportimity of being present at the rite. It is doubtful if any 
investigator will ever be in a position to record from personal ob- 
servation a human sacrifice. But of the significance, and of the 

* * * A good illustration of the tendency of the native to incorporate recent happenings 
with the ancient elements of his story. Atab had walked along some part of the coast 
between Davao and Bolton, where telephone connections were established about 1906. 
Thence he had taken the path up the mountain trail to Talun. 

> <^ ^ The traditional small boy of the old stories {nlit) who, though poor and often 
dirty and covered with sores, eventually becomes a great datu, or a famous malaki. 


manner of its performance, we can get a tolerably clear idea from 
the several accounts that have leaked out, or that have been ex- 
tracted by questioning. 

One does not want to betray the confidence of a Bagobo friend, 
or to place him in an uncomfortable situation with respect to the 
local authorities, now that the situation has become strained in 
regard to this native custom. Without, then, mentioning the name 
of the young man who gave me an account of the sacrifice, I will 
simply say that the story was told without question on my part; 
and, on his, with a spontaneity and a naYve dwelling on gruesome 
details that grew out of his ignorance of the danger of exposure, 
quite as much as his confidence in my discretion. This was several 
months before the case occurred that has been published by the 
United States War Department. ^*^ My informant had observed a 
number of sacrifices, and he was a keen observer. I have two or 
three pictures that he sketched of the slave tied to the sacrificial post. 

As the sacrifice offered up at Ginum is fairly typical, that form 
may be selected for description. 

The slave to be sacrificed at an approaching festival is selected 
some time^^^ in advance. It may be two or three months before- 
hand that the purchase, or barter, or transfer of the slave into the 
family holding the ceremony is agreed upon. During the first and 
second nights ^^^ of the festival, the slave-boy is kept in the cere- 
monial house, tied by his wrists to the wall, and fed "like the dogs'* 
with scraps hold to his lips. Clearly there is no suggestion of 
making the ceremonial victim the subject for special privileges during 
the hours just before death, or of feasting him before sending him 
to sacrifice. 

On the last and main day of Ginum, shortly after sunrise, the 
slave is taken to the forest, or to the beach if the village is not 

*** A full report of the gofernmentAl investigation that followed the haman sacrifice 
of December 9, 1907, was published in the Annnal Report of the United States War 
Department for 1908, pp. 867—870. Washington, 1909; and is reprinted in F. C. Cole: 
The Wild Tribes of Davao District, pp. 115—119. 1918. 

' * * According to the account in the government report above cited, the appearance 
of the constellation Balatik is the signal for a sacrifice. This constellation appears early 
in December. Mr. Cole heard the same statement from Data Tongkaling. Op. cii., pp. 
114—115. The same writer states that this constellation is identical with Orion. Plasencia 
ctkWed. Balatik the Greater Bear. Cf. Blair and Robertson, vol. 7, pp. 186 — 187. 1908. 

'** Among the Hindu also, the victim for the human sacrifice was kept chained all 
night. Cf. Tawney's footnote to Somadeva: Katha Sarit Sagara, vol. 1, p. 836. 1880. 


too far from the coast. All the people from several miles around 
gather to attend the ceremony, except the younger children who 
remain at home, where they later have a little supplementary per- 

At the place picked out for the ceremony, a frame — the ta- 
kosan — is set up. This consists of three posts, vertically placed, 
with a cross-piece connecting them at top. The three upright ele- 
ments form the patiyidog^ and the horizontal cross-bar is the haldfxig. 
The balabag is decorated from end to end with fresh young shoots 
from the areca palm. Directly in front of the middle patindog, a 
hole is dug in the ground, to which the slave's body will finally 
be consigned; the pit is called kuthit. 

Near to the sacrifical frame, there is set up a small shrine {tarn- 
bara) consisting of the usual white china bowl wedged into the split 
end of a rod of bamboo set upright on the ground, and secured to 
a tree or other support. In the bowl of the tambara the usual of- 
ferings of areca-nuts and buyo-leaf are laid. Before this shrine, the 
old men gather for the office called garug-dun^ which is recited by 
one or two of them acting in the capacity of priests. The burden 
of the rite is a prayer to Mandarangan, dwelling on Mount Apo, 
asking him to accept the sacrifice, and to keep the Bagobo from 
diseases and from all calamity. At the close of the garug-dun, or 
just before it, the slave is brought forward for the saksakdn^ or the 
rite of killing and cutting the body to pieces. 

The slave is fastened to the middle post of the takosan, his hands 
uplifted, his wrists and ankles bound to the patindog by strong 
cords of vegetable fibre (glana). Often he is tied so tightly that he 
cries out more in physical pain than in fear: *'The fetters hurt me! 
Take them off! I can't bear the bands! Untie them for this time!" 
Immediately many of the men begin the dance with war-shields — 
the palagisg — a performance of remarkable maneuvers, demanding 
considerable practice as well as athletic skill. The leaping, the 
bending at the knee, the agile passes with the shield in presenting, 
drawing back, springing lightly from one to another position — all 
of these feats are done with a high degree of dramatic eflPect that 
is intensified by the character of the occasion. As they dance, 
they draw nearer to the takosan, and with spears and kampilan 
begin to make stabs at the victim. Others of those present, men 
and women, rush forward and each tries to inflict a wound on the 
slave, each one stimulated by the hope of a benefit to be gained 


for himself if he assist at the sacrifice. In a few minutes the slave 
is dead from a multitude of gashes. The instant he is dead, they 
cut the body, with the exception of hands and feet, into small 
pieces, each about two and one-half inches by four inches in size, 
and drop them into the hole prepared to receive them. The ritual 
name of phioptd is given to a piece of a slave's body thus cere- 
monially cut off. The hands, sectioned just below the wrists, and 
the feet, just below the ankles, are left entire, these parts being 
reserved to carry home to the little boys in the family that offers 
the sacrifice. The lads cut these members into small pieces and 
bury them in another hole in the ground. This performance is for 
the purpose of making the children very brave. 

Immediately after the sectioning of the body, one of the young 
men opens the chant called gindaya^ in which he is joined by one 
or three others who sing antiphonally for half an hour. Thus closes 
the tragic rite, from which the Bagobo hope to secure so large a 
measure of health ^^^ and prosperity. '^^^ 

* * Mt is immediately after the conclasion of the sacrifice, or else the day after according 
to Gisbert, that the bamboo is filled with branches, and the accompanying rites are celebrated. 
"From the place of sacrifice they then go to the house of their chief or the master of 
the feast, holding branches in their hands which they place in a large bamboo, which 
is not only the chief adornment bat the altar of the hoase in which they meet.'* Blaib 
and Robkrtson: op. cit,, vol. 48, pp. 284. 1906. Again he says: "Carious persons who 
are present at those feasts, do not understand the language of the old men nor see 
anything that hints of a human sacrifice, but those who are fully initiated in the Bagobo 
customs, will note immediately the token of the human sacrifice which was made in the 
woods on the preceding day among the branches placed in the bamboo or drum, before 
which the old men above-mentioned make their invocation to Darago." Ibid,, vol. 48, 
pp. 249 — 250. Cole received from Datu Ansig a statement to the same effect, that the 
sacrifice was made "at the time the decorated poles were placed in the dwelling.*' Op. 
cit., p. 111. 

*•* That the idea of substitution enters prominently into the complex of associations 
set up by the act of human sacrifice is nicely shown by Father Gisbert in the following 
paragraph: ''When any contagious disease appears, or whenever any of their relatives 
die, the Bagobos believe that the demon is asking them for victims, and they immediately 
hasten to offer them to him so that he may not kill them. They are accustomed generaUy 
to show their good will in the act of sacrifice in the following words. . . . 'Receive the 
blood of this slave, as if it were my blood, for I liave paid for it to offer it to thee.' 
These words which they address to Busao, when they wound and slash the victim, show 
clearly that they believe in and expect to have the demon as their fnend by killing 
people for him. For they hope to assure their life in proportion to the number of their 
neighbors they deliver to death, which they believe in always inflicted by Busao, or the 
demon who is devoured continually by hunger for human victims." Blaie and Robkbtson : 
op. eii.f vol. 43, p. 250. Attention has been called already to the confusion between 


A human sacrifice of an entirely different type is that called 
gaka^ the victim being a Bagobo of virtue and valor who is killed 
in order that his liver may be eaten by other brave Bagobo men. 
The manner of sacrifice is the same as that of the slave, the man 
being bound to the takosan and gashed to pieces. Before the body 
is buried, the liver is removed and ceremonially eaten. *^^ This is 
the only trace of cannibalism^^* that appears in Bagobo customs. 
They look with horror upon the practice of eating human flesh 
as a means of nurture, and say that it is a custom of the buso. 
The eating of the human liver is a religious rite. 

In prehistoric days, the custom of offering a human victim in 
sacrifice was widespread throughout the Islands. The Tagal, ac- 
cording to Plasencia, tied a living slave beneath the body of a 
dead warrior.'®^ Artiedo, in 1573, writes of Filipino tribes in 
general, that they have a custom of killing slaves to bury with the 
chiefs. ^'^^ This usage is not strictly analogous to the Bagobo rite, 
for the slaves were, no doubt, sent along to provide the distin- 
guished dead with servants in the other world — a custom prac- 
tised by the Bagobo in addition to the ceremonial sacrifice. 

Among the Visayan people, we have records of both kinds of 
sacrifice. Chirino says that the people of the island of Bohol gave 
the slaves a hearty meal and then killed them immediately after- 
ward. Male slaves were buried with the body of a man, and 
female slaves with that of a woman. '^^^ The chronicler of the Le- 
gaspi expedition states that the Visayans of Cebu sacrificed several 
slaves at the death of a chief. '-^"^ Saavedra records, in 1527 — 1528, 
that the natives of Cebu offer human sacrifices to the anito. ^®^ 
Morga, it is true, wrote, in 1609, that the Visayans ^'never sacri- 

the personality of Mandarangan and that of Busao which appears throughout the writings 
of the missionaries. 

* * * According to Coronel, the Zambales of Luzon ate the brains of those whom they 
beheaded. Blaib and Robertson: op. cii„ vol. 18, p. 882. 1904. 

**" The statements of popular writers as to the reputed cannibalism of the Bagobo 
ought to be taken with a good deal of caution. Henry Savage Landor, for example, 
writes of ''their eyes having a most peculiar lustre, such as is found in cannibal races." 
The Gems of the East, p. 862. 1904. 

*•* (y. Blair and Robertson: op. cii., vol. 7, p. 195. 1903. 

>•• ^. iHd., vol. 8. p. 199. 1908. 

*•' y. ibid., vol. 12. p. 808. 1904. 

»•• 6/. ibid., vol. 8, p. 199. 1903. 

"••(?/•. ibid., vol. 2, p. 42. 1908. 


ficed human beings;" ^^^ but the Recollects, in 1624, found many 
instances of this rite, and recorded that in Yisayan groups a sac- 
rifice, either of a hog or of a human being, had to be made be- 
fore a battle, in sickness, at seed-time, when building a house, and 
at other special times. ^^' 

In regard to the wild tribes of the south, Pastells and Retana 
state: ^'the human sacrifice.... called huaga^ is only practised among 
the Bagobo, and the most barbarous heathen of Mindanao." '-^^^ 

Furness^" obtained an account of the sacrifice among the Be- 
rawan of Sarawak, and here two points are of special interest for 
our discussion: first, that the slave is killed to take the place of 
a head hunt; and second, that everybody present at the sacrifice 
is allowed to have a thrust, a distribution of privilege which, from 
various accounts, seems to be stressed by the Bagobo. 

Ceremonial at Btce-sowing^ called Man'immas 

Rice may be sown while the constellations Mamar^, Marara, and 
Buaya are visible, May and June being the months in which the 
most numerous rice-plantings take place. If a new field is to be 
cleared^'*, the work is done two or three months before Man'immas, 

^-"^ Cf. ibid., vol. 16. p. 183. 1904. 

^'^ Cf. ibid., vol. 21, p. 208. 1906. 

»'» (y. ibid., vol. 12, p. 270. 1904. 

*"** "In former days, on the death of any inflnential chief, if his people were either 
too lazy or too cowardly to go head-hunting, a male or female slave was purchased and 
sacrificed in honor of the dead. From far and near, friends were invited to take part 
in the high ceremony. When the poor wretch of a slave was thrust into a cage of 
bamboo and rattan, he knew perfectly well the death by torture to which he was destined. 
In this cage he was confined for a week or more, until all the guests had assembled 
and a feast was prepared. On the |appointed day, after every one had feasted and a 
blood-thirsty instinct had been stimulated to a high pitch by arrack, each one in turn 
thrust a spear into the slave. No one was allowed to give a fatal thrust until every 
one to the last man had felt the delight of drawing blood from living, human flesh. 
We were told by the Berawans that the slaves often survived six or seven hundred 
wounds, until death from loss of blood set them free. The corpse of the victim was 
then taken to the grave of the Chief, and the head cut off and placed on a pole over- 
banging the grave. Frequently some of the guests worked themselves into such a blood- 
thirsty frenzy that they bit pieces from the body, and were vehemently applauded when 
they swallowed the raw morsel at a gulp." Home life of Borneo head-hunters, p. 
140. 1902. 

*'^ See the account of the ceremonial clearing of the fields at Sibulan, and of the 
religious preparation therefor, given by F. C. Cole, op. eit., p. 86. 



First comes the kamut^ or clearing away of undergrowth ; next the 
fximuli^ or felling of large trees, one week after kamut] and finally 
the burning over of the land, called panorok. 

The Mariimmas is a co-operative affair, to which all the neigh- 
bors come to assist in turn the man whose field is to be sown. 
During the season for planting, there is a Mariimmas held every 
few days at one or another field. After the sowing is done, the 
host gives a feast to all who have helped him. The occasion is 
made one for a display of rich textiles worn by the women, while 
the men have on good trousers and richly beaded carrying-bags 
and kerchiefs. 

The ceremonial at the sowing is performed for the pleasure of 
the god Tarabum^, who cares for the rice plants, making them grow 
and bear grain for the Bagobo. The ceremonial tool is the digging- 
stick, a slender pole of wood, ranging in length from six and one- 
half to eight and one-half feet, to one end of which is tied a little 
spade {karok or mata) of wood or iron, while at the upper end the 
pole is run through a nodal joint of bamboo about two feet 
long, split lengthwise to form a clapper. Whenever the digging- 
stick hits the ground, the two halves of the bamboo clapper 
strike together, producing a crisp rattling sound very pleasant to 
the ear, especially when many are striking in unison. The clapper 
is called palakpak^ and the entire digging-stick is katebal<in^ but 
the palakpak being the significant part of the tool, from a ritual 
standpoint, the whole stick usually goes by the name of palakpak. 
The clapper is decorated with cocks' feathers, as long and gorgeous 
as can be obtained, and often with strings of beads and little bells, 
while the long handle is frequently scratched or carved in patterns, 
and colored with torchblack and dyes from roots and sap. It is 
for the pleasure of TarabumS that the clapper is put on the digging- 
stick, and it is to rejoice the eyes of TarabumS that it is orna- 
mented with feathers and bells. The Bagobo say that ^'The feathers 
are to make the palakpak very pretty to please the god in the 
sky; the bamboo clapper is to make a pretty sound for the god to 
hear. When TarabumS sees the feathers and hears the sound, he 
makes much rice." The bamboo is cut for the palakpak several 
months before planting. Each man cuts an internode of a fixed 
size, measured on his own body. It must be the length of the 
distance from a point on his right arm called katitu to a point at 
the wrist called taklaya. The katitu is a few inches below the 


shoulder at a point just above the bulge of the biceps muscle; the 
taklaya is the middle point of the wrist on its palmar aspect. 
Between sowing and harvest, the palakpalc is kept in the house, 
for if it were sold or given away during that interval the rice 
crop would fail. 

While sowing, a line of men and boys goes first, moving in the 
orthodox direction for the Bagobo, that is, from north to south, 
for if they should move northward or eastward or westward they 
would be attacked by the sickness pamalii. A man holds his pa- 
lakpak at an angle of about forty-five degrees, with the right hand 
higher up on the stick than the left. According to the fixed motor 
habit of his tribe, the right hand grasps the stick from underneath, 
as it guides the motion, while the left hand, in steadying the 
downward thrust, is clasped over the stick. This gives a centri- 
fugal motion exactly the opposite of the habit in hoeing common 
among ourselves. The depth of the hole is to the neck of the 
mata, or little spade, but the mata are not all of uniform length. 
The holes are made as far apart as the distance from the point at 
the wrist where the pulse-beat may be felt to the tip of the middle 
finger; and the time between the rapid, regular blows of the spade 
one can measure by the striking of the clappers; it is as the time 
between the ticks of the pendulum of a small clock. All the 
strokes are made in unison, so that the palakpak of all the men 
rattle precisely at the same moment. A line of women and girls 
follows, each carrying in her left hand a vessel of cocoanut-shell 
containing the seed rice, or with a small basket of rice hanging 
from her left arm. With the right hand she takes out a few 
grains of rice, drops them into one of the holes, and pulls some 
earth over the place with her foot, patting down the soil with 
bare toes. 

To secure the growth of rice and the well-being of the family 
that tends it, there is placed in one corner of the field a shrine 
called parahunnidn. Before sunrise on the day of the sowing, or 
the morning of the preceding day, the shrine is set up, with 
prayers for a good crop and prayers against sickness. 

The parahunnidn consists of a little house, three or four feet in 
height, made of light bamboo thatched with nipa or cogon grass, 
and having a steep, sloping roof like a Bagobo house, but with 
only three walls, the front being left open. The parabunnian used 
by the Bila-an people has a floor, and some Bagobo have borrowed 


this style of shrine. Inside the house is a very small tambara, 
with its rod of balekayo split at the upper end to hold a little 
white bowl, old and blackened. In the bowl are various oflFeriugs 
— a few brass bracelets, tarnished by age, several fresh areca- 
nuts on betel-leaves, and other small gifts — while a piece of 
white cloth -^* may be hung beside the shrine. At Egianon's rice 
planting, there were four brass wire armlets in the tambara, a 
bracelet cast from a wax mould (baliniltung)^ and six areoa-nuts 
on nine buyo-leaves. On the ground, just outside the little house, 
five areca-nuts on four buyo-leaves lay in a tiny pile. The Bagobo 
say that the god (probably TarabumS) will come and chew some 
of the betel while the festival of Marilmmas is in progress. 

Around the sacred hut, runs a little fence made of light bamboo 
split into slender strips. This is the hulituk^ and it is like a tiny 
wicket fence with eight curves. I was told that ** the number 
eight is very good for parabunnidn, for with eight curves you 
could not be sick." Another function of the bulituk is to make 
the rice plants grow thick together. 

Spikes of rattan, leaves and little branches from plants having 
magical value are stuck in the ground at different points close 
around the shrine. Each has a definite effect on the development 
of the young plants during their sprouting and growth.*-*'® 

Tagbak makes the rice grow and open very quickly. Bon-bon 
grows abundantly and close together, just as one wants rice to 
grow, so the use of bon-bon means that there will be a rich 
sprouting of plants near together. Pula (palma brava) makes the 
rice very sturdy, because the trunk of the pula is hard and strong. 
Patugu also keeps the rice strong. Stalks of balala (a fine rattan) 
are put there to keep the leaves of rice moving, just as the balala 
keeps swaying. Isug causes the rice to stand straight. Ltlpo 
(cocoanut-leaves) keep the sun from the rice, because the cocoanut 
palm never dies from the heat of the sun. 

Ceremonial at Harvest Called Kapungdan 

The rice is ready to cut from five to six months after the sow- 
ing. At harvest, ceremonies take place which are called Kapungd- 

* ^ * Small pieces of white cloth are favorite offerings at the out-of'door shrines {kuuuU) 
of the Malay peninsula. Cf. Skeat: op. eit., p. 67, 74. 

*"" For ceremonies at rice-planting in the Peninsula, cf. Skeat : c^. eit., pp. 228-— 285. 


rtw, -" a word meaning "the finish," referring to the close of the 
season in which rice is grown. 

A shrine is set up in the field, in the shape of a little hut 
which bears the name of roro. In this shrine is put, as soon as 
harvested, a small portion of rice for the diwata and for the con- 
stellation Balatik, which appears in December, one of the months 
when harvest is celebrated. A portion of the rice in the roro is 
offered to the three constellations, MamarS, Marara and Buaya — 
star-clusters under which the rice was sown, and to which the first 
fruits are now due. '^^^ 

The religious performance in the house, following the cutting of 
the rice, is characterized by such typical ceremonial elements as 
the offering of manufactured products on an agong altar, the offer- 
ing of food to the spirits, and the ceremony with betel. 

The harvest ceremony at which I was present took place in the 
house of Datu Yting, of Santa Cruz, and covered about three hours, 
from half after one or two o'clock in the afternoon, until five, 
when the guests dispersed. The arrangements were largely in the 
hands of the women, *'^ one presiding at the altar, and others 
arranging the sacred utensils. 

A wide, low platform, several feet long, close to the east wall 
of the main room, served as the altar, and in front of this the 
priestess Odal officiated, sitting on the floor, while another old 
woman of distinction, Eaba's wife, sat on a box at the south end 
of the platform, and from this slightly elevated position super- 
intended the placing of dishes and other objects concerned in the rite. 

At the north end of the platform, stood one or two large agongs, 
placed there for the offerings called sonaran. First of all, the 

*'''' Three other names, 1 have heard applied to the harvest festival : one is KtUaputan, 
the Visayan word for "the finish;" another is PokanJtmro, whose meaning I do not know; 
a third is Galog-biuan, which signifies "guessing the season." That gaessing games were 
formerly played at harvest, and perhaps are still in use is certain, although I can give 
no explanation of them. Sometimes when children are at play, they run to the hemp-field, 
tear off abaca (hemp) leaves, poke holes for eyes, nose and mouth, and wear them as 
masks, called linotung, which, they say, are like those used at harvest "in the guessing." 
One man is said to wear a mask called balgkoko. Masks called bui<hbvtOt I have heard 
from a Bagobo, are worn at one of the Visayan festivals. 

*'*The harvest ceremony differs in a number of details at Sibalan. Cf, F. C. CoLS: 
op. eU,, pp. 88—89. 1918. 

* ' * Father Gisbert says that the harvest festival is called "the feast of women." See 
Blais and Robebtsom: vol. 48, p. 288. 1906. 


articles of clothing and the ornaments to be presented before the 
gods were brought from various parts of the house by different 
members of the family, and put in piles upon the agongs, in the 
informal manner that characterizes this part of the ceremony at 
Ginum as well as at harvest. Many pieces of hemp and cotton 
cloth were brought by the women, including a great number of 
the cotton textiles woven in small checks that had very recently 
been taken ofl' the loom in Yting's house. On the top of the pile 
of garments they put the ornaments — strings of beads, wide 
woven necklaces (sinalupid) and bracelets of brass. A good-sized 
betel-box {katalcia) was placed on the floor at the side of the altar. 
Just back of the heap of textiles stood a large, high burden-basket 
(hohfb) partly filled with rice (palay) in the husk, intended as a 
thank offering to the spirits. Later there was placed in the basket 
a green spray of palay and a section of bulla-leaf twisted into the 
shape of a spoon. 

The women proceeded, then, to arrange the leaf-dishes, and the 
crockery of some foreign white ware that stood in confusion on 
the altar. Every dish was handled by the old priestess, Odal, and 
from her received its final placing. She sat directly in front of 
the central point of the altar, erect, dignified, exact in the manip- 
ulation of every detail; yet all the time she was watched, closely 
and critically, by Kaba's wife, who knew the orthodox forms of 
arrangement equally well with Odal. Datu Yting's younger wife, 
H6b6, and a son of Yting's prepared dishes of food by placing rice 
and grated cocoanut on the plates; and H6bS's sister helped her 
in the handing of areca-nuts to Odal, as from time to time they 
were needed. Yting's older wife, Soleng, walked about the room 
and near the altar, and made suggestions here and there about 
the arrangements, or gave some definite direction to the younger 
women — even to Odal. Occasionally, Soleng or Datu Yting 
would detect some little break and hastily interfere; or would 
check some intended move of Odal's with a hastily uttered caution 
that this or that would be madat (bad), or that it would bring 
upon them all the sickness called panmliu One of these warnings 
was uttered when Odal attempted to break the spray of bulla. 

The priestess arranged in a straight line, directly across the 
altar before her, nine saucers of thick white ware, each of which 
contained white food, of mingled cocoanut meat and boiled rice. 
She placed betel on the rice in several of the saucers immediately, 


and in the remaining saucers as the ceremony proceeded. Begin- 
ning with the saucer farthest to her right, and moving her hand 
from right to left, she placed one areca-nut with a buyo-leaf in 
the first, fourth, fifth and sixth saucers. In the third dish she 
put three of the little knives (gidat) used by women in all of 
their work. She let the knives stand upright, near the rim of the 
dish, with the points of their blades imbedded in the rice. At the 
center of the same dish, she stuck in the food three needles, points 
downward, two having been threaded with long white hemp, one 
with short ends of hemp thread colored black, such as women use 
for the process of overlacing warp. Later, she put an areca-nut 
on its betel-leaf in this third saucer, and one each in the seventh, 
eighth, ninth and second, as named, ending with the second from 
the right. 

Immediately back of the nine saucers, Odal made another row 
of nine dishes, but these were of hemp leaf twisted into a boat- 
shaped vessel '^'^^ such as is used on ceremonial occasions, and 
in each of these the younger women had put a very small handful 
of rice and grated cocoanut. Odal added to each a betel-leaf and 
a thin section of areca-nut, about one-eighth of a lengthwise slice. 

The priestess now proceeded to arrange a third row of dishes, 
directly behind the preceding. This row consisted of nine good- 
sized crockery plates, heaped up with boiled rice, well-moulded in 
conical form. As at every festival, certain plates were prepared 
for distinguished guests ; here the number of plates thus designated 
was six ; at Ginum it was eight. I do not know, however, whether 
the number six in this connection is distinctive of the harvest 
rites, for this was the only harvest feast that I attended. On these 
six plates, the moulds of rice were decorated with very small red 
crabs, arranged in a circle around the base. Above these, were 
slices of hard-boiled eggs, and encircling the apex of the cone were 
rings of little fish of a blackish color, the name of which I failed 
to ascertain. Near the rim of each plate lay eight or nine small 
heaps of a russet-brown powder, evidently the pounded seed called 
hnifjaj an edible seed that is used much more commonly in the 
interior than at the coast, but here included as a representative 
food to be laid, with the other first fruits, before the spirits. 
Waving from the top of the mould of rice on each dish were two 

»"»See pp. 101, 105—118. 



or three sprays of green nito^^* bearing small white buds. The 
color display was most brilliant and artistic, an effect which may 
have been unconsciously produced, for the food elements were 
probably placed in that particular order in obedience to custom. 
The remaining three plates of the nine had smaller moulds of rice, 
with no crabs, fish, or eggs. 

The details of laying out the altar table were concluded when 
Odal placed to the right of the first row of saucers another saucer 
containing the ceremonial red rice called omok.^"^^ To the left of 
this first row she set a bowl containing a few spoonfuls of cocoanut- 
water from a fresh nut, and just in front of this bowl she laid 
one of the great circular leaves from the luago — a pile of 
brown, powdered lunga-seed lying on the leaf. The bowl and the 
leaf, however, were not put in place until a somewhat later point 
in the ritual. 

Now, Datu Yting who for some time had been lying stretched 
out on the floor, got up and took a hand in the performance. At 
the extreme left of the first row of saucers, he placed one of the 
large, flat baskets that are used by women when they toss the 
pounded grain to let the wind blow off the chaff. Yting laid eight 
of the heavy work -knives ^®* called poko in this rice- winnower, 
together with four of the short knives called sungij such as men 
use for doing their fine carving of wood, and for cutting up areca- 
nuts. He brought all of these knives together in a pile, except 
one poko that was added later, and after putting them into the 
basket he said a few ritual words over them. 

Immediately afterwards, the priestess opened her prayer, which 
was a long one. At first, she was prompted several times by Yting 
and Ikde; but afterward she proceeded fluently and without break 
for perhaps fifteen minutes, while holding in her hand a spray of 
manangid which she waved back and forth over the objects on the 
altar. In the ritual over the clothing, she mentioned by name 

**^ Lyff odium tcandem: a climbiog plant having a slender, glossy-black stem that is 
widely used for making neckbands and bracelets. 

••»Sec pp. 188, 189. 

* " Father Gisbert seems to have had this part of the ceremonial in mind, when he 
wrote: ^'When they harvest their rice or maize, they give the first fruits to the diaata, 
and do not eat them, or sell a grain without first having made their hatchets, bolos, 
and other tools which they use in clearing their fields eat first." Blur and Robkbtsom: 
op. ciL, vol. 43; pp. 237—238. 1906. 


each class of garments that she was presenting to the gods: pana- 
pisan (skirts), ampit (cotton textiles), sinalapid (wide necklaces), 
pankis (brass bracelets), and when dedicating the first fruits of the 
products of the field she turned slightly in the direction of the 
plate, or bowl, or leaf-dish that she was offering. At a certain 
point in the service, Yting handed to her a plain, undecorated lime- 
tube, and she went through with the motions of sprinkling lime 
over the betel, although no lime came out, because it had become 
dried in the tube. For a few minutes during the invocation, HSb6, 
having stepped to the altar, stood directly back of Odal. As she 
went forward, she told me in a low tone, on passing, that her 
own dios were now being called upon. When Odal had finished, 
Datu Yting offered a brief prayer. 

Then followed the binang; that is, the partaking of the now 
sacred fruits of the field by individuals in the following order: 
Datu Yting, Soleng (the elder wife), the priestess Odal, Sumi, H^bS 
(the younger wife), Brioso (Yting's eldest son), H6b6's sister, then 
Ikde, Modesto's mother and several other old women, then the 
younger women and the men. Each individual took a very little 
rice with his fingers from some one dish and put the rice into his 
mouth. A few took from several dishes, apparently in a fixed order. 
Yting began with the third row of large plates, then passed on to 
the first row of saucers, and finally returned to the plates. Soleng 
took a portion from the third saucer, in which Odal had stuck the 
needles and the little knives. The six large plates of rice, garnished 
with fish, eggs, etc., were handed entire to the guests of rank. 
The ceremony closed when all of the food had been eaten. ^®* 

In the evening, there was the usual gathering at Yting's house 
for the consultatation of the manganito spirits. 

*"* A Iett«r written by Father Gisbert, and dated January 4, 18B6, briefly charac- 
terizes the harvest festival among the Bagobo. '*They have two feasts annually: one 
before the sowing of rice, and the other after its harvest. This last is of an innocent 
enough character, and is called the feast of women. At that feast all the people gather 
at the house of their chief or the master of the feast, at the decline of the afternoon. 
That day they feast like nobles, and drink until it is finished the sugar-cane wine which 
has been prepared for that purpose. There is music, singing, and dancing almost all 
the night, and the party breaks up at dawn of the following day.'* Blair and Ro- 
bertson: op. cit., vol. 48, pp. 233 — 284. 1906. 

For a description of the elaborate reaping ceremonies practised by the Malays of 
Selangor, see Sreat, op. cit., pp. 285—239. 


Marriage Bites 

Courtship and marriage come about in a very spontaneous manner 
among the young people of the Bagobo. The girls are quite as 
independent as the boys, and both are of an age, when the question 
of marriage comes up, to be fully able to make their own decisions. 
Child marriage, or contract for the marriage of children, does not 
exist among tham. The girl is from fifteen to eighteen years of 
age, at least, and the boy, eighteen or twenty, at the time of 
marriage. During courtship there are abundant Opportunities for 
meeting without surveillance from their elders, for songs and walks, 
for glances and smiles and chewing of betel together. The girls 
are exceedingly dignified, yet always frank and kindly in their 
behavior with young men. 

Ordinarily the boy asks the consent of the girl directly, and then 
goes to her parents, placating them with gifts of agongs if they 
object. Another method which is called a ^'very good way" is for 
the boy to tell his father that he wants a certain girl, and ask him 
to go to her parents; "the boy sends his father" to manage the affair. 
In other cases, the negotiations are initiated by the parents of the 
respective families. 

"Marriage by purchase" in the sense that many of the early 
writers on ethnology use the term is unknown among the Bagobo. 
Though the young man gives a present to his prospective father- 
in-law for the privilege of marrying the girl, his situation is very 
different from that which is found among tribes where the woman 
is actually sold against her will. In the first place, the Bagobo 
woman is a free agent; she accepts or rejects her suitor at will; 
her parents will not force her to marry unless she wishes. Secondly, 
it should be noted that if the young man is accepted, the girPs 
father gives him in return for the gift he has brought a present 
equal to one-half of its value; that is to say, if the boy brings ten 
agongs, the girl's father gives him five of his own agongs, thus 
making a very personal gift, and completely removing the stigma 
of selling his daughter. She is honored, deferred to, consulted in 
everything by her husband to an extent that often seems to place 
her at the head of the family. A word from his wife will often 
mould a man's plans and change his intentions on the spot. That 
the purchase of the woman, in the sense of a marriage gift to her 


father, necessarily implies the bondage of the woman, or even a 
minimizing of the respect in which she is held by the man, is 
eflFectually disproved in Bagobo family life, just as it is disproved 
in many another primitive group. 

Trial Marriage.^^'' A wide latitude prevails in regard to a set 
time for the formal marriage ceremony. In general, the wedding 
takes place while the boy and the girl are still respectively inalaki 
and daragUj or virgins. They marry first, it is said, and try each 
other afterwards. Another Bagobo custom, which seems to be an 
ancient one, is to permit the couple to meet without restriction, 
but to defer the Bagobo ceremonial until after the birth of the 
first child, or even later. During the period of reciprocal test, if 
no child is born either one of the lovers may change face, reject 
the other, and choose another partner. The marriage of Oun and 
Un6 was not solemnized with Bagobo rites until three children had 
been born, the eldest being then six years of age, and the youngest, 
eighteen months old. But Oyog married Daban immediately after 
the birth of their first child. 

Formal Ceremony *^^ called Talidama,^^^ A formal marriage 
is an act of high ceremonial significance, at which event such im- 
portant ritual acts appear as the application of medicine with water 
(pamalugu), the drinking of sugar cane liquor (balabba), the chanting 
of gindaya, and even, occasionally, a human sacrifice. 

Rites peculiar to marriage include the discarding of old garments 
and throwing them into the river, an act typical of the casting out 
of disease; the pointing of a spear toward the mountain, emblemat- 
ical of the warding off of misfortune; the plaiting together of 
locks of hair, symbolizing, possibly, the permanence of the imion; 
the exchange of gifts; the setting up of a house-altar when the 
new family is formed. The entire ritual of marriage, which is 
performed by a priest or priestess, covers more than twenty-four 
hours, and informal drinking and feasting often begin a day or 
two before the formal ceremony. 

The first event of the main day is the bringing of the agongs 

*'* C/. the mythical romance, *'The Malaki's sister and the Basolo/' Joar. Am. 
Folk-Lore, vol. 26, pp. 89, 40. 1918. 

*" I did not have the good lack to see a marriage ceremony. The account here 
recorded was given me by Islao, and I have checked it up by one or two other accounts 
that came to me. 

»■' Tali-mtKus "to tie," and dnma, "the other,** "the wife,*' or "the husband.' 



that are to furnish the wedding music into the house of the girl's 
parents. This performance occurs at about seven a. m., and is 
called jnid k'agong. The instruments are supposed to be furnished 
by the bridegroom, and include those that he brings as the mar- 
riage price, and others that he borrows for the occasion if his 
purchase falls short. 

When the sun is about two hours high — that is to say, about 
eight o'clock — the couple to be married, their families and all the 
friends who have arrived, go in procession to the river, where a 
convenient place has been selected for the ceremony. Two small 
flat bowlders that lie close together and project above the water 
are picked out in a narrow part of the stream's bed where the 
water runs shallow. The young man and the young woman are 
directed by the old people to sit down on these two stones, while 
the people cluster at the edge of the river. The sitting on the 
stones is a rite called gmisad. 

There follows the pamalugu, or ceremonial washing. The old 
man or the old woman who ofliciates as priest steps down into the 
stream, holding in his hand a bunch of medicine (uli-uli) composed 
of small branches, leaves and stems of freshly-plucked plants of 
many varieties that possess magic properties. The priest stands 
over the young couple, and having dipped the bunch of medicine 
into the stream he holds it above them, and lets the water drip 
down upon their heads and bodies. Then with the uli-uli he 
rubs the head and joints of the pair, giving one downward 
stroke to each joint, in the following order: top of head, back of 
neck, shoulders, elbows, wrists, knuckles, finger-joints, hips, knees, 
ankles, toes, jaw, and last of all the face. The object of the 
pamalugu is to make the bodies of the young people strong and 
vigorous, and to keep out disease. 

A magical rite for warding off sickness and misfortune is that 
of bracing the mountain {Tokud ku Pabungan). The priest takes 
two short spears and points them at one of the neighboring moun- 
tains (it was Mount Boparan when Oun married Un6) and at the 
same time recites a formula to the effect that the mountain 
may not roll down on the young couple and bring them sickness. 
Then he puts the spears in place, one back of the boy, and the 
other back of the girl, letting the spears stand braced by stones. 
They say they do this because it is Bagobo custom (butasan)^ and 
that it is 8\i!at or something to keep sickness away, because it 


moans that the mountain will not roll down on them. After the 
ceremony, the two spears are laid in the river and left there. 

The next rite is the gantugauj or throwing of garments into 
the water. Up to this point in the ceremony, the young man and 
the girl have been dressed in old shabby clothes, so far as exter- 
nals indicate, but now the girl draws oflf her skirt (jpanajman) and 
reveals beneath a beautiful, newly-woven skirt. She throws her 
old panapisan into the river. At the same time, the man takes 
off his poor trousers {saroar)^ under which he wears a fine new pair, 
and flings the old pair into the stream, where the current carries 
it down together with the panapisan. It is said that with the old 
garments all the sickness goes away, floating out to sea. 

The old man then ties together a lock of the man's hair and a 
lock of the girl's hair as a mark of their union — a function 
called pagsugpat k'olu. The tying of hair is followed by the exhor- 
tation called patongkoy when the priest addresses the newly-married 
pair in the following words. ^'You must put the altar tigyama in 
your house, for an alat to keep away sickness. Take a white dish 
and put into it areca-nuts and betel-leaf, and keep it in your house. 
Whenever you get sick, put some more betel in the dish. You 
must never take betel from the tigyama for chewing, because that 
would make you very sick." 

During the entire ceremony at the river, which lasts for upwards 
of an hour, all of the guests who wish to do so may bathe in the 
river since the water acts as an alat, or charm, to make their bodies 
strong against the attacks of sickness. Very many of the Bagobo 
present go into the water for padigus, or bathing. 

Between nine and ten o'clock, all return to the home of the 
bride, where beating of agongs and dancing take place, at inter- 
vals, throughout the entire day and guests keep on coming all 
day long. 

During the evening, there is cooking of rice, broiling of pig and 
venison, and the accompanying preparations for a feast. At about 
nine o'clock, the festival meal comes off and the guests, seated on 
the floor in the customary manner, receive the food distributed by 
some of the younger women. After the meal, there is a general 
drinking of balabba, and afterwards beating of agongs and dancing 
to the music of agongs and flutes. A few young men chant gin- 
daya in the usual antiphons. At some hour during the night, there 
takes place a set conversation, or discussion, among the old men. 


who sit in a group on the floor, and decide matters that come up 
for consideration between the two families of the wedded pair, auch 
as the exchange of suitable presents. 

At break of dawn on the second morning, the agongs are beaten 
(t^cigonff'ffo\ and there is dancing {sumayo) for an hour or two. 

When the sun is an hour high, — about seven o'clock, — the 
ceremonies of the day are started under way. There is first an ex- 
change of gifts between the bride and her husband — a ceremony 
known as pabulase. She gives him a good textile made up into a 
panapisan, which she may have worn for a few days or more, 
at pleasure, since she took it from the loom. His gift to her is 
commonly a wide, solid brass armlet, or an entire set of bracelets 
for one arm or for both. A set, or fcwrf^, for one arm may consist 
of forty to sixty rings of brass cut from heavy wire, some of which 
are plain, some punched in decorative patterns. Two or three fine 
cast bracelets usually form part of such a set. There is no cere- 
monial restriction on the disposal of these marriage tokens; they 
may be kept or sold, at the wish or the need of the young people. 

Soon after the exchange of presents, the rite of tigyama takes 
place. The bride furnishes one saucer or small deep plate, of white 
crockery, and her husband brings another. Both of these dishes, 
called pitigan^ must be old ones. The pingan are placed with ritual 
words, and they remain for an indefinite time in their place below 
the edge of the sloping roof. Areca-nuts and buyo-leaf are put 
into the dishes for the god Tigyama, with a prayer to be kept 
from sickness. This entire rite has an important magical value for 
the prevention of disease and for the cure of sickness, and hence 
is called alaL 

The gift to the old man, or woman, who officiates is termed 
ikut — the same name as that given to an old article reserved 
for the gods, for the priest's fee has a religious significance akin 
to that associated with a gift to the gods. The bride and her 
husband present, jointly, two or three articles of some slight value : 
a spear and a piece of textile, or a shirt simply embroidered, to- 
gether with a bracelet of brass, or a few hand-cast bells. The 
giving of ikut closes the ceremony, usually at about nine o'clock 
in the morning. 

During the day or the night following the wedding, there is 
held a meeting of the old men, called gokum bayako. This is a 
form of assembly characterized by antiphonal singing interspersed 


with converBation, and having for its object a financial settlement 
between the two families, in regard to the marriage price. The 
bridegroom may have been obliged to borrow the agongs, or to 
buy on credit; the man to whom he owes the instruments may be 
inclined to come and take them away from the bride's father; the 
number of agongs brought in by the young man may fall short of 
those he promised for the marriage price; and numerous compli- 
cations may arise among a people so ingenious in resources for 
borrowing, as well as for pawning and promising payment in 
articles that they hope sometime to acquire. In any case, there 
might arise a question as to how many agongs are due of those 
customarily given back by the father of the bride. Gokum lasts, 
often, far into the night or until morning. 

In marriages among families of wealth and distinction, the killing 
of a slave as a religious sacrifice (paghuaga) is regarded as an im- 
portant factor for insuring an auspicious marriage. This is an old 
custom among the Bagobo, and as late as 1886 Father Gisbert 
writes: "When they [the Bagobo] marry, if the lovers think that it 
will be of any use, they make a human sacrifice so that they may 
have a good marriage, so that the weather may be good, so that 
they may have no storm, sickness, etc., all things which they 
attribute to the devil." ***® During my own stay among the Bagobo, 
no such instance came to my knowledge. 

According to Bagobo custom, the young man lives in the home 
of the bride's parents for perhaps a year, more or less, or at least 
until his own new house is built. When this is ready they set 
up their own establishment. But if a Bagobo girl marries a Yis- 
ayan, she will go with her husband to the house of his parents, 
in accordance with Visayan custom, for a longer or shorter period. 

Neither tribal exogamy nor tribal endogamy exists among the 
Bagobo.' They marry ^^^ freely both within their own tribe and 

1 ■< 

""Blair and Robebtson: op, eii., vol. 4S, p. 286. 1906. 
* The mixtare of the Bagobo with other tribes, which is considerable, will lead to 
interesting questions concerning changes in Bagobo ritaal from the outside influence thus 
brought in. In the sparsely-settled country in the near vicinity of Santa Cruz, I noted 
seventeen families in which a Bagobo man or woman had taken a mate from some other 
tribe. Of these, there were five matings of Bagobo with Tagakaola; six with Visayan; 
two with Tagal: two with Bila-an; one with Zamboanguinian Moro; while one Bagobo 
man had three wives — one esch, from the Tagakaola, the Bagobo and the Bila-an tribes, 
respectively. In the mountains, intermarriage between the Bagobo and Bila-an peoples. 


into other wild tribes with whom they are on friendly terms, as 
well as with the civilized Visayan and Tagalog. Nor is there any 
law regulating village endogamy or village exogamy, for they choose 
partners in the same village, as well as from other villages; but 
whether or not there is any regulation as to marriage within a 
certain cluster of villages, I am not able to state. 

Bites attending Death and Burial 

As sketched in a preceding chapter, ^^® the takairanan^ or good 
soul, goes after death to the pleasant underworld ; while the tebanff^ 
or evil soul, departs to find its place among the buso. The dead 
body, abandoned by both of those personalities that have dominated 
it during life, is left as the helpless prey of flesh-eating fiends, 
unless it be safeguarded by friends. Attendants gather around the 
dying person, to rub his face with the fragrant leaves of tagomaing 
and manangid and other sweet-smelling plants that have a magical 
efficacy against the demons. ^'We do this," they say, ^'so that 
Buso cannot come to the sick man; these plants make Buso 
afraid." If such precautions were neglected a buso would come and 
suck the blood of the dying *^' before the heart-beat had ceased. 

After death the body is left on the floor, lying on the same mat 
used during the sickness. A little cushion is put under the head 
and a piece of hemp or cotton textile is spread over the body, 
covering the head also. Before the American occupation, a wide 
strip of Bagobo textile was always used for covering the dead, but 
now it is a gaudy striped cotton cloth of Moro weave. It appears 
that this change is intended as a sop to the American government 
thrown in all sincerity by the Bagobo on account of a laughable, 
albeit pathetic, misinterpretation of a scrap of our nomenclature. 
When the Bagobo learned that a large part of Mindanao, including 
their own territory, had been named by our government the Moro 

who are very friendly together, is not nnasual. To what extent the traditions and 
ceremonies are being affected by these unions, is a problem that ought to be minutely 
investigated. Modifications in material culture and in decorative art are continually 
being introduced by inter-mixture; and, unquestionably, we may expect to find borrowed 
episodes appearing in the myths, borrowed rites incorporated into the ceremonies. 

•••Sec pp. 50—61. 

'•* Although Buso is not supposed, ordinarily, to harm the living, those at the point 
of death are thought to be in danger of his attack. 


Province, they at once inferred that Americans wished to favor 
these traditional enemies of the mountain tribes. Moro customs 
and Moro products would be favored by Americans. ^'We now 
take a Moro gintulu to cover the dead man, because if we used 
the Bagobo cloth it would make the American governor of the 
Moro province angry." Before the funeral the body is dressed in 
a nice pair of trousers, if a man, or fine woven skirt, if a woman, 
80 that it be suitably arrayed for making its entrance into Gimokudan. 

During the one or two nights that pass before burial, a death- 
watch {damag) is observed to protect the corpse from all the buso, 
who are supposed to smell it from afar and to come flying or 
running to eat the flesh, but who fear to enter a company of living 
people. At the coast, it is customary to play at the wake a 
Visayan game of cards called traysetis, but whether any function 
of divination is attached to the game, or whether it be a mere 
device to keep awake, is not known to me. A little jesting and 
fun relieve the strain. If anybody falls asleep he is not disturbed, 
but they punish him by scraping soot from the bottom of the clay 
pots and slyly rubbing it over the miscreant's face and legs. 
When he wakens in the morning he sees his blackened skin, and 
realizes to his deep mortification that they have made game of him. 

A highly efficacious device for scaring Buso from the coffin is 
that of producing a crocodile design ^^* on coffin or pall. In the 
mountains, it was formerly the custom when a datu died to carve 
the head and lid of his coffin into the shape of a crocodile's head 
with open jaws showing tongue and teeth. The head was a carving 
in the round that projected in front of the body of the coffin, the 
lid forming the upper jaw, so that to open the coffin it would be 
necessary to lift the upper jaw and thus open the mouth of the 
dreaded reptile. 

In ordinary burials, a conventional pattern of lozenges and zig- 
zags made from strips of red or white cotton cloth is tacked on 
the black cloth that covers the sides and lid of the box, thus 
producing a highly schematic representation that is called huaya^ 
or crocodile. The women tear off lengths of cloth and turn 
down the edges in exact folds, while the men attach the strips 
to the pall. 

At the closing of the coffin, the chief mourner gives utterance 

••»Scc p. 43. 


to a perfunctory wail. If a man is to be buried, the wife or 
daughter sits down on the floor at the precise moment when some 
male relative is picking up the lid of the coffin, and as he lowers 
it to the box she places her right forearm horizontally across her 
eyes in the customary attitude of grief, and begins to wail in that 
high-pitched, plaintive tone peculiar to Bagobo women and little 
girls. The wail seems on the border line between genuine grief 
and a cry meant as a feature of the occasion. While this wail 
goes on, an old woman, mother or grandmother, makes a ritual 
exhortation to the spirit of the dead, her eyes fixed steadily on the 
coffin, her glance following keenly every movement of the men 
and directed toward the exact place where a nail is being driven. 
Precisely with the placing of the last nail, the old woman ceases 
speaking, and the young woman's grief closes abruptly. 

If the funeral takes place in the early morning, breakfast is 
served to family and friends immediately after the coffin is closed, 
but before anybody receives a portion of rice the first handful *^^ 
is taken out to put with the onong for the dead. Someone near 
of kin to the deceased wraps the boiled rice in a banana-leaf and 
puts it into the dead man's carrying-bag, before joining the rest 
to eat rice and to chew betel. At the close of the meal, they 
gather up the things that will be needed at the burial — petati^^* 
to lay in the grave, and the food and other conveniences that the 
soul is to take along on its journey to Kilut. 

In the mountains, a burial-box is hollowed out from a section of 
tree trunk or a log split lengthwise; but Bagobo families living 
near the coast have formed the habit of shaping out a coffin, after 
the manner of foreigners, but it is made barely large enough to 
sqeeze the body into. Measurements taken by myself on the coffin of 
Obal, a fairly tall Bagobo whose body was enormously swollen by 
disease, gave an extreme length of 5 feet S^j inches; a maximum 
width at the head end of 1 foot 6 inches, sloping sharply to a 
width of 8 inches at the top of the lid ; while the foot of the box 
had a maximum width of 11 inches, with a slope to 4^/4 inches 
at top. 

I was told that in former times the Bagobo made no coffin of 

' ' ' Thit cuBtom was noticed by Father Mateo. "When anyone dies, they never bory 
him without placing for him his share of rice to be eaten on the journey." Blair and 
R0BKRT8OM: op, cit,, vol. 43, p. 237. 1906. 

*** Professor Boas tells me that this is a Mexican word. 


any sort, but simply spread a petati or two at the bottom of the 
grave to receive the body. A vestige of this old custom appears 
at the present time, when the same mats upon which the person 
died are carried by somebody near of kin, and laid in the grave 
before the body is lowered, so that they lie under the coffin. For 
chieftains and persons of rank, a burial-box has probably been used 
for a very long period. 

If the body is to be carried any considerable distance for burial, 
the coffin is placed on a rough bier {tiangan), consisting of two 
long poles and two short cross-pieces, tied together with rattan. 
Male relatives bear the dead to the grave. At the funeral of Obal, 
three cousins carried the coffin, and Obal's daughter carried three 
forked sticks on which the bier would be placed at intervals on the 
road, when the bearers stopped for rest; she carried the petati, too. 

While Jesuit influence has led those Bagobo who live near the 
coast to inter in one section of land set apart for a graveyard, the 
mountain Bagobo continue the ancient custom of burying their dead 
in the ground directly beneath the family house — a convenient place, 
on account of the Malay mode of house construction, by which the 
floor is lifted several feet above the ground. Many references in 
the writings of Spanish missionaries^^"* show that the old Filipino 
custom was to make individual burials under the house, or in the 
open field. 

The grave {kalian) is measured, as custom requires, by the stat- 
ure of the digger ;^^^ that is to say, the top of the wall of the 
grave must be on a level with a point of the body somewhere 
between waist and breast. The gt'ave runs north and south, and 
the body is placed with head to the north, so that it faces south. 

At the moment of lowering the coffin into the grave, another 

*•» The Visayan of Cebu, according to the chronicler of the Legaspi expedition, 
1564 — 1568, bnried in coffina, with rich clothes, pottery and gold jewels, the common 
people in the ground, but chiefs in lofty houses. Cf. Blair and Robektson: op. eit., 
vol. 2, p. 189. 1908. Chirino describes Filipino customs of embalming with the juice 
of buyo, and burying in coffins under the house, or in the open field. C/. iHd., vol. 
12, p. 30. 1904. Plasencia says that the Tagal buried beside his house, and that the 
chiefs were buried beneath a little house, or beneath a porch specially constructed. Cj', 
ibid., vol. 7, p. 194. 1903. 

*** Zoroastrian books prescribed the exact depth for a grave. ''On that place they shall 
dig a grave, half a foot deep if the earth be hard, half the height of a man if it be 
soft.'* J. Darmesteter (tr.): "The Zend-Avesta." Sacred books of the East, vol. 4, 
p. 97, 1895. 


ceremonial wail is heard. At the funeral of Obal, the mourner 
was his daughter Ungayan, his wife having died before him. It 
was she too who mourned when the lid was nailed down. When 
the coffin was lifted from the bier by Maliguna, Ogtud and Bungan, 
the three men cousins of Obal, Ungayan stooped down on the 
ground, and just as the coffin was placed in the grave she reached 
down and with one hand silently touched the head of the coffin. 
This she did twice or thrice. Then she rose and walked a few 
steps east of the grave, where she squatted on her feet, then 
turned her head partly away from the grave and placed her right 
arm horizontally across her eyes. One of the relatives dropped 
upon the coffin Obal's old kabir in which was deposited the rice 
that had been put aside at breakfast, with some coffee, a few areca 
nuts and buyo leaves, Obal's tobacco-tube (kokong)^ and two lime- 
tubes {ta(jan\ all of which constituted the traveling-outfit (onong) for 
Obal's soul. Then the three cousins began to push earth into the 
grave. Simultaneously with the falling of the first clod, Ungayan 
took up her wail for the second time that day, crying and moaning 
as before, but for a longer period and in a more vehement manner. 
While she mourned, her young husband, Ulian, made an invoca- 
tion addressed to the gimokud of Obal, which was supposed to 
have been walking through the village since death, but whose 
departure for Eilut must now be hastened. The intention of the 
burial ritual seems rather for the benefit of the living than that 
of the dead, for it is recited with the hope that the gimokud will 
go down in peace to Eilut, without attempting to trouble the 
members of his family, or to draw them after him. They told me 
that Ulian said the words to keep Ungayan and himself and the 
others from getting sick. Ulian took up a slightly elevated position 
on the crooked trunk of a gnarled old balbalin tree, a part of 
which had curved in growth until it was almost parallel with the 
ground. Ulian looked steadily into the grave, gazing with a fixed 
stare at the coffin as it disappeared beneath the falling clods, as if 
his attention were wholly riveted upon the spirit which he was 
addressing in an urgent entreaty to depart. '•^'**^ This formula was 
called dasol^ and ran as follows. 

' * ^ The tradition that the soul lingers near the grave and faneral customs that 
express this belief are widespread in the Malay region. Martin says: *'Besonders wich- 
tig sind din Vorstellungen, die sich die Inlandstamme von dem Verhalten der Seele 
nach dem Tude machen. Am meisten verbreitet ist der Glaube, dass der Geist beim 


^Do not envy us, Eawanan. *^® We have got you. What is the 
matter? I see you grieving. You are going there to the One 
Country. ^^^ Do not be sorry. Go there to the One Country. 
Do not speak, because you are going there. We are here above. 
We must eat now at our house because we are alive. You, you 
are there in the One Country. We are living. If we speak in 
Bagobo, you must answer in Bagobo. Feet, hands, eyes, nose, 
mouth, head, belly, forearms, back — you must turn away; you will 
go out from here. Show the sole of your foot, your palm. It 
was your short line of life that killed you. Do not come from 
the One Country. We bury you in the ground; we dig the walls 
of the grave. We will set pots on the stones, place dishes, put 
wood on the fire, cook food, dishing ^®® it with spoons. Let us 
walk far away. We are sleepy. You will be on your road for 
three nights. When we reach our home, we will rest because we 
are tired. Walking hurts my knees. My whole body hurts. My 
arm pains me from elbow to wrist. I am sleepy because I am 
tired from walking a long way. I hurt my foot on a sharp bamboo 
sugian^^* while I was getting betel-leaf and cutting bananas. I 
shall dig camotes to fill the burden baskets, because we are going 
home to our house; for we will cook them because I am hungry. 
All day I did not eat until the setting of the sun. We will spread 
the petati for sleep. Give me a kisi. ^^^ The mosquitoes are 
stinging me. Kindle a fire, because many small gnats ^^^ are biting 
already. Bad mosquitoes sting me all over. Put away the dishes. 

Tode den Korper Terlasst und nach einem paradiesischen Lande gelangt, wo er ia aller 
Ewigkeit verweilt. In den Einzelheiten dieser Legende bestehen aber ziemliche Differenzen, 
die wohl. znm Teil wenigstens, auf Vermischang mit ahnlirhen, fremdartigen Vorstel- 
longen berohen. So glauben die Besisi, dass die Seele zuniichAt sich noch einige Zeit in 
der Nahe des Grabes auf halte, and daraus erklaren sich gewisse, bereits erwahnte Grab- 
gebrauche. Auch die Sitte, den Ort, an welchem ein Mentch gestorben ist und begraben 
wurde, zu Terlassen, diirfte mit jener Vorstelluog zusammenhangen. da naturgemass der 
umschwebende Geist den Hinterbliebenen Schaden tun konnte." Die Inlandstamme der 
malayischen Halbinsel, p. 950. 1905. 

'** The good bouI, or gimokud takawanan, 

*** The land of the dead, called also the Great Country. 

' * • This reference is probably to the funeral feast. 

'*' A trap of sharp bamboo points. 

'** A mantle of wo?en cotton which a Bagobo sometimes wraps round him at night. 

**' A hint of the actual condition at the moment, for swarms of little gnats filled 
the air. In that tropical jungle, the bodies of the men, naked to the the waist, were covered 
with swarming and crawling things — vermin, black and yellow, long and shiny-looking. 


We have finished eating. I will sweep the floor, chew^ betel, put 
tobacco in my mouth and shake out lime. The river has risen. 
We cannot cross. It is swollen."^"* 

By the time that Ulian had finished the recitation of the dasol, 
the grave was entirely covered, and the frame forming the bier 
was laid on the grave, with the forked sticks placed on top. Ulian 
then stepped down from his place, and all the mourners went home. 

A feast and a dance are often given after the funeral by families 
that can afford the expense. 

Another custom is to leave the body in the house, while the family, 
after carefully closing the door and fastening the windows, moves 
away and builds a new house to live in. Sometimes the new^ house 
is very near to the old one which contains the body. I have seen 
in a lonely forest on the mountains two small huts but a few feet 
apart, one of which little houses was said to contain the body of 
a boy, while his family lived in the other. I was told that they 
lived there because they loved their little boy, and wanted to be 
near him. An additional motive may have been the hope of pro- 
tecting the body of their dear child from the attacks of Buso, since 
the bad demon is traditionally afraid of living people. 

An ancient custom of tree-burial is suggested by the story, 
*'The Tuglibung and the Tuglay, ^"* in which the hero laid the 
body of his little sister in the branches of a tree, ^because the 
child was dead.'' Although in the myths thus far published this 
is a unique case, it is not unlikely that such a disposal of the 
body was common in old times. This probability is strengthened 
by the fact that tree-houses used to be used rather widely by the 
Bagobo and by the Bila-an people. The leaving of a corpse in 
the tree-house ^^*^ would then correspond to the present custom of 
shutting up a home with the body inside. 

"* ^ The text of the address to the departing spirit was given me by Ulian after the 
funeral. It seems to end abruptly, but such an ending is often characteristic of the 
Bagobo songs and stories as well as of speeches. The exhortation contains several refer- 
ences to the funeral feast, which gives the customary termination to the ceremony and 
perhaps offers additional consolation to the departing soul. 

'«' See Jour. Am. Folk-lore, vol. 26, p. 26. Jan.-Mar., 1913. 

> o • From Ouirante's account, the Igorot, at the time of their discovery by Spain, 
used to bury in caves, but they also made use of the tree» for placing their dead. "Others 
they set in the trees, and they carry food for so many days after having left them." 
Blair and Robertson: op, cit., vol. 20, p. 275. 1904. 

Part III. Every-day Forms op Religious Response 


The concept of anito is somewhat variable throughout the Islands, 
and hardly any two writers agree exactly as to the content of 
the word. Among the Tagalog, nature deities of the mountains, 
the plains and the sea, as well as the small images that imperson- 
ated them, were called anito ] the spirits of dead ancestors, also, 
were placed among the anito. ^®' Rizal explains that, "It appears 
that the natives called anito a tutelary genius, either of the family 
or extraneous to it. Now, with their new religious ideas, the 
Tagals apply the term anito to any superstition, false worship, idol, 
etc.*'^^® Mendoza wrote, in 1588, that in Luzon small images 
were called ytmnginitos^ and a great feast was held for them. ^**^ 
Visayan tribes, according to Morga, applied the name anito to their 
idols of demons, and we find elsewhere that they used such images 
for conjuring away sickness. ^'° Jenks says that the Igorot give 
the name of anito to all spirits of the dead. ^" 

The material gathered by me from the Bagobo does not give the 
impression that the word atiito is associated with demons or with 
ghosts of ancestors, unless it be secondarily. With the Bagobo, 
the anito are those gods that are in the habit of coming into direct 
communication with man by means of a medium, through whose 
lips th(»y speak oracles, ask and answer questions and give advice. 
The deities who speak in this manner to man are those who are 
closely related to his interests, and who hold a friendly attitude 

'®' Cf, F. Colin: "Native races and their customs." Blair and Robertson: op cii., 
vol. 40, pp. 72—78. 1906. 

'••Blair and Robertson.- op. eif., vol. 10, p. 131 footnote. 1904. 

'"^^ C/. ibid., vol. C, p. 146. 1903. 

»«• Q^. ibid., vol. 16, p. 131, and vol. 21, p. 207. 1905. 

^i\ Cf. "The Bontoc Igorot." P. I. Department of the Interior. Ethnological Survey 
Publications, vol. 1, pp. 71, 196. 1905. 



toward him, while some of them are addressed as anito even in the 
devotions at out-of-door shrines at times other than those of the 
regular seances. I have never heard of an utterance coming from 
a dead ancestor or from any other ghost at these night meetings, 
though at present I would not go so far as to state definitely that 
a ghost might not function as anito. 

Another class of spirits that speak to the people on these occas- 
ions are the spirits of diseases, such as epidemics, malaria and 
oth(»r forms of disease which attack large numbers of people and 
are thought to travel from place to place. Sicknesses of individual 
Bagobo also are appealed to and give answers at the seances. 
These disease-spirits, often called bu^o^ are the only personalities of 
the nature of demons that come to the night meetings for such 
dreaded fiends as tigbanud never speak as anito. Furthermore, the 
highest diwata who are remote from man's interests do not appear 
to function as anito. 

The words and songs uttered under the influence of the anito 
an^ called collectively 7na)i(janifo^ a term which is applied also to 
the meeting itself. The occasions for calling tnafiganito are various: 
th(^ time of a religious festival; before a journey to a distant place; 
on putting up a new house; when sickness attacks a whole com- 
munity or an individual, and in general when anything unusual 
occurs, like an earthquake, ^^^ or when some new undertaking is in 
progress. During the nineteen days covering the preparation for 
the Ginum at Talun and its celebration, there were at least seven 
or eight anito meetings. These gatherings are to be distinguished 
sharply from a spiritualistic seance, since, as we have said, there 
seems to be no attempt to get into communication with the spirits 
of the dead. 

In every village, there is usually one person who is said to 
**have anito," and in a large rancheria^^^ there may be two or 
thrive individuals who are able to act as mediums. An old woman 
customarily takes tliis part, but sometimes a young man or an 
older man officiates as medium. 

At Talun, the medium was Singan, one of Oleng's wives. She 
was a middle-aged woman ; in physique, frail and anaemic ; in manner, 
timid and shrinking. She gave the general impression of extreme 

» » » See p. 202. 

" * A name given by the Spaniards to fhe small hamlets of tlie pagan tribes. 


mental susceptibility and of unstable equilibrium that would invite 
the slipping off into a trance or an ecstasy; yet, outside of the 
manganito, I never saw her show any sign of emotional excite- 
ment. Much of the time she kept by herself; she rarely spoke; 
for an hour or two before the meetings, one might see her crouch- 
ing alone in some dusky corner where, in her mental isolation 
from the rest, she was dreaming and meditating. 

Another person acts as leader of the manganito meetings, in the 
capacity of receiving directly the divine instructions and of seeing 
that they are followed out. She answers the anito's questions, and 
stimulates the medium when her utterances begin to lag. At Talun 
this official was always Oleng's sister, Miyanda, a woman of dominating 
personality, with a sonorous voice and persuasively kind intonations. 
It was she who gave the order for the torches to be extinguished, 
as the room must be profoundly dark for the visitation of the anito. 
If a mere flicker of flame starts up from the embers of the hearth, 
somebody runs to put it out. 

The time may be any hour of night, after the evening meal has 
been eaten, this last and most substantial meal of the day being 
served at about nine o'clock. The place may be any Bagobo home, 
but preferably the house of the datu or the Long House. All of 
the night meetings that I attended in Talun were held in the 
Long House. 

On account of the deep darkness, the facial expression of Singan 
and her exact posture could not be observed; but she would either 
sit on the floor, or squat on lier feet in the customary Malay manner. 
When the possession began to come upon her, she grew cold and 
shivered, whereupon she would give a shout, followed by a series 
of harsh velar sounds, such as, "Goh! giissbn! ugh!" Gradually, 
then, she would swing into a slow chant or an intoning of words 
that she felt herself inspired to utter. Brokenly and with great 
difficulty the divine messages came at first, but soon a clearer tone, 
a more sustained utterance and a greater confidence became apparent 
in her delivery of the oracle. Between the songs, the priestess 
talked along, with intervals of gasping, of dry coughing and clear- 
ing of her throat. One means of emotional discharge to which 
she frequently gave vent was a violent expulsion of air through 
the lips, in sharp, labial surds — **Upii!" — and semi-vowels thrown 
out explosively — "Iluwd!" When the utterances lagged, Miyanda 
was always ready with an encouraging word, "Una!" — a coaxing 


ejaculation made use of by Bagobo, either to draw forth a tale 
from a story-teller, or to stimulate an oracle. 

The first manganito at which I was present during my stay in 
Talun occurred on the night of August 1. Miyanda, as usual, was 
the leader, prompting, encouraging, suggesting or assenting to the 
messages of the gods. A favorite answer of hers was ^Katig^'* (We 
know that; that's so) given in a tone of genial assent. The chanting 
of Singan was, for the most part, on two notes, one interval apart 
(DDCC), uttered with a uniform quantity, but occasionally this 
intoning was varied by a melodious tune on four notes. 

When the two leaf- wrapped resin torches, wedged in the notched 
ends of crooked branches, had been extinguished, the Malaki 
t'Olu k'Waig was the first of the anito to speak through Singan 's 
mouth. He said: "When the thunder-claps are heard, that is the 
Malaki t'Olu k'Waig calling out in loud voice; and when the rain 
falls the Malaki's little sister is crying, and her tears drop down 
in showers." 

After this, the Malaki instructed Miyanda in a method of cure 
for her son-in-law, Malik, who had been attacked by the ^'Sickness 
that goes round the world." The remedy consisted in the offering 
of betel, and in the observance of a certain tabu. Miyanda was 
told to cut one arcca-nut into two times nine pieces, and likewise 
to cut one betel leaf into two times nine pieces, and having laid 
the areca on the betel to place it in the way where people walk. 
Moreover, Malik was forbidden to enter any other house for three 
nights, and forbidden to eat any betel. After the third night, Malik 
was to cut two times eight sections of the twisted fiber called tikus^ 
or else to carve a little wooden figure in form of a man and lay 
it in the path leading toward the trail to the coast. This method, 
the Malaki said, would cure Malik's sickness. 

Up to this point, the priestess had conveyed the utterances of 
the god with quiet gravity, her speech or her song being inter- 
rupted only when there broke from her a gasp, a sob, a shout, or 
a chant on a higher key. Now, however, she began to give little 
shrill laughs — "He! he!" The anito of the "Sickness that goes 
round the world" had entered into the priestess, and was deriding 
the Bagobo. This anito is a female and she said : "I am the sick- 
ness of Malik; I am traveling round the world to make the people 
sick, and it is I that gives them chills and coughs." This speech 
was followed by a taunting laugh — "Hu! hu! hu!" and "Ha! ha! 


ha!" — a harsh, mocking laugh, repeated several times in hoarse 
tones. The laughter ceased, and the priestess struggled through a 
hard coughing spell, after which was silence, while all the people 
in the Long House waited eagerly for the announcement of the 
next anito. 

Presently Singan uttered a low-voiced shout, and chanted in trem- 
ulous tones, "Malaki t'Olu k'Waig." The Malaki said, addressing 
Miyanda, ''The woman that brings sickness lives in the center of 
the earth, where there is a large, deep hole." Then Miyanda 
replied to the Anito, "You, Malaki, must keep us all the time 
from sickness." 

Soon aft^r this, another anito spoke as follows: "I am the spirit 
of the Seiiora, and I love {ginawa) the Bagobo." 

At this, the Malaki t'Olu k'Waig took up the same theme and 
said, "Do not be afraid of that lady because of ka Iwrnhunfjan (dif- 
ference in rank), for she is kind to us and we are friends of hers." 

When the Malaki had left off speaking, another anito made him- 
self heard. It was Abog, the big-bellied one who lives with his 
many dogs on a little island,^'* and he said: "You have no pig 
to eat, because when you hunted your dog did not hold and bite 
the pig. Now give me some arrows, and I, in return, will help 
you catch a pig; but if you do succeed in spearing a pig, do not 
sell any of the meat to any people to carry home. ^'^ Do not let 
them buy, unless they eat the pig-meat here in this house." 

Singan's voice was failing, for she had been under the strain 
for some time and had grown very tired. Her chants were broken 
by labored breathing, by grunts, "Hm! hm! hm!" and by ejacu- 
lations that were almost moans. Almost incessantly now she had 
to be stinmlated by encouraging little interpolations from Miyanda. 
The priestess struggled to bring out her words between coughing 
and choking — "Ohiib! ohiib!" — a pause, a groan; at last, slowly 
and faintly she enunciated the name "Malaki t'Olu k'Waig." Her 
voice died away, and she sank into the sleep of sheer exhaustion. 

The second interview with the anito, in connection with the 
preparation for the Ginum at Talun, occurred on the night of 
August 6. After the torches had been extinguished, the priestess 

' ^ ^ The small island of Saraal, in the gulf of Davao, is Abog's reputed home. 
"^ In reference to a ceremonial tabu which permits nothing used in connection with 
the GiUum to be carried out of the Long House until the close of the celebration. 


began to exhibit the usual signs of possession, — gasping, groaning 
and laughing, — after which behavior she personated various dei- 
ties by chanting and talking, as at the preceding visitation. The 
time covered from the first sign of emotional disturbance in the 
woman until the close of her oracles was very nearly two hours. 

The Tolus ka Talegit spoke first, a female deity who under- 
stands weaving and all the work of the women, and who is the 
** All-knowing One of the medicine for the loom." She said, ^'The 
Seilora came from a long way off. She has come to see the Bagobo 
people, and she wants to know all the Bagobo customs." 

Next, the Malaki t'Olu k'Waig gave an utterance in regard to 
Malik, who, it came out, had broken his tabu, the oracle being 
addressed to Malik's mother-in-law, Miyanda. The Malaki said: 
** Malik does not respect me, because he has spoken to some man 
during the eight days that he was forbidden, at manganito, to speak 
to anybody. Now, I am not angry with him, but he must give 
me eight pieces of betel-leaf, or eight pieces of areca-nut." Then 
Malik made answer to the Malaki: "We have no betel, but I will 
give you, as an awas, ^'^ some little bells or a brass armlet or 
some brass wire." 

The Malaki t'Olu k'Waig then spoke of the coming festival and 
asked Oleng, "In how many days will the Ginum be?" Then 
Oleng answered: "We will have the Ginum when the moon is in 
the west. Now tell me what sickness this is in my body." In 
reply, the Malaki said: "It is the woman who lives in the middle 
of the sky who makes you sick. The reason she brings you sick- 
ness is because you have left off the old Bagobo custom of killing 
a man before you set up the bamboos and performed the patanan."^*^ 

At this Oleng exclaimed: "Yes, we used to do that way, but 
now things are different; we cannot now do the same way we did 
before." The Malaki answered insistently: "It was Bagobo custom 
to kill somebody before the Ginum, and then to get the young 
sprays of areca-palm and the baris^ and to carry them into the 
house where the Ginum was celebrated. Then you would stand 
up the two bamboos in the house, and you would sing the war- 
song and chant the gindaya and perform the patanan over the 

* ' * Jwat is here used in its primary significance, as a gift to a god. 

' *■ ^ Recitation of exploits by the old men, while they are holding tlie bamboo. 

•*»Sce p. 162, footnote. 


There was some further talk between Oleng and the anito about 
the old customs and the present ones that I was not able to record. 

After this, the All-knowing One of the Bamboos made his demands : 
^If you do not hasten the celebration of Ginum, you will soon be 
attacked by sickness, because I will send the sickness. I will send 
the sickness if you do not make patanan quickly, just as is the 
custom of the Bagobo every year when they have the Ginum." 
"But you must keep us from sickness;" returned Oleng; "we want 
you to take all the diseases to the home of the Malaki t^Olu k'Waig, 
80 that he may kill them." 

Next spoke the Tolus ka Balekdt, who is god of the high altar 
and to whom much of the ceremonial of Ginum is addressed, saying: 
"In how many days will the Ginum be given? If you do not get 
ready quickly for the Ginum, the Tagaruso will come, or the 

Then, changing the topic, the Tolus made a statement touching 
the offerings due to himself, as follows: "The Seilora came from a 
long distance, and she wants to buy all the Bagobo things so that 
she may have everything that the Bagobo manufacture. Now, I 
do not want to have the Bagobo things sold, for I wish the spirit 
of the objects to pass into my pangolau]^^^ therefore hold back 
your possessions, and sell only a few things to the Sefiora, just so 
that she will not be offended." To this, Miyanda assented with a 
single word, "Sadunggo," (All right, certainly). 

Then the anito of the "Disease that goes round the world" said: 

"What strange woman is here?" Miyanda replied: "She is a 
ji^32i ^j^Q jjygg jjj ^jjg j.qq|. Qf ^Y^Q sky." Then the Disease asked: 

"Can I make the Bia sick?" "Oh no!" rejoined the old woman, 
"you cannot make her sick, because she is not of our blood." 

The last of the anito who spoke that night was Abog, a god 
who controls success in the hunt. Malik put this question to Abog: 
"Will you give us a pig to-morrow, if Iluk goes to hunt?" "Yes," 
replied Abog, "provided you make me a gift of some arrows with 
good steel points." 

On the night of August 8, Miyanda summoned the Malaki t'Olu 
k'Waig, as soon as the lights had been put out — perhaps between 

' I * Demons that bring the spirit of unrest lod tamalt to a festival. See pp. 29, 86 — 37, 107. 

' * * A bracelet of solid shell, made from a cross-section. 

'*' Bia means "lady." Cf. Jonr. Am. Folk-lore, toI. 26, pp. 14, 80, 86. Itfl8. 


ten and eleven o'clock. The priestess sang in sharp staccato style 
on two notes (CDC ^ - v^ short, long, short) in a manner totally 
different from her customary monotonous intoning. She poured 
forth her words fluently, needing little of the usual prompting and 
encouragement from Miyanda. The subject matter concerned my- 
self and my efforts to become acquainted with the various pro- 
cesses of Bagobo handiwork — the twisting of leglets, the tying 
of patterns in cloth, the dyeing of hemp, and so forth. Frequently 
Miyanda would exclaim, ''Katig kanun," (She knows that, she has 
learned that). The next morning Singan told me that all the 
Bagobo were very sorry that I was not going to stay with them; 
that Malaki t'Olu k'Waig favored the Americans; that when I went 
away they would sell their things to me; that if I would put upon 
the balekat some bells or a halindUmg ^'^'^ or some white cloth, I 
would find it easy to buy the Bagobo things I might wish for. 
These friendly approaches followed a question of mine as to what 
she had said in the seance of the previous night. Fumbling her 
feet and smiling in a timid uncertain fashion, she asked me whether 
I loved the Malaki t'Olu k'Waig, and on my replying in the 
affirmative she looked pleased and repeated that I was to put on 
the balekdt a few little bells or a baliniitung. 

Soon after we had lain down to sleep on the night of August 9, 
Singan began to cough and to gasp; and soon, with ejaculatory 
speeches and chants, she entered into her character of medium for 
a brief seance, covering perhaps twenty minutes. 

First, the Malaki t'Olu k'Waig spoke as follows, referring to the 
girls who had been pounding rice until late that evening: **! hear many 
women pounding rice, and I am asking when the Ginum will be held. 
Now I tell you women that since you have begun the binayu ^'^^ you 
must keep it up, and pound rice all the time until the Ginum opens." 

Next the Tolus ka Balekat gave a warning to Oleng in the 
following words: "You must take care of your body because you 
are getting old, and by and by when you grow very weak, you 
will die quick." Replying, the old datu said : "I want you to keep 
me from sickness all the time, but tell me what kind of sickness 
will hurt me." The Tolus ka Balekat answered: "Your sickness 
comes from the root of the sky, from the horizon." 

' * * A closed armlet or leglet, cast in brass or agong-metal from a wax mold. 
* * * The poandiDg of rice in the mortar. 


Following this oracle, a message came from a female deity of 
the women — the Tolus ka Talegit — who said : "Before long, the 
Tagaruso and the Tagamaling '** will come into your house; but 
in order to keep them off you must tell her that she will have to 
put a linimut balinHtmig ^^^ on the hanging altar, ^^^ because this is 
her first visit here." 

Singan ceased speaking and came out of her trance. A little 
later, when Oleng complained of feeling cold, she went to the hearth, 
stirred up the fire and gave him some food or drink. Then Oleng, 
Singan and Oleng's daughter, Maying, talked together in low tones 
for a few minutes, while gathered round the fire. After this short 
consultation, Maying went to the other young women, all of whom 
were now sound asleep, and spoke gently to each of them. With 
great difficulty she awakened them, one by one, and then went 
to the big mortar near the hearth and began to pound rice by 
herself. Presently, other women got up and went to help her. 
Through the rest of that night and all of the next day and through 
the following night, they pounded continuously, working by relays. 
The sound of the pestle in the mortar never ceased for thirty-six 
or forty hours. It was the eleventh of the month when they 
finished pounding; that is to say, three days before the beginning 
of Ginum. The anito had told them not to stop pounding until 
the opening of the festival, but it is possible that some further 
message curtailing the time may have come from the gods, since, 
on the night of the tenth, the old people'*^ slept at Oleng's house. 
The rest of us were sleeping in the Long House, and it is not 
possible to state whether on that night a manganito occurred or not. 

On the night of the eleventh, there were a few brief communi- 
cations from the divine beings. Bualan was told that his wife had 
given birth to a child since he had left home to come to Talun, 
and that the child was a boy. 

»»*Sce pp. 86—36, 88, 110. 

'**Two general types of metal rings, whether worn on arms or legs, are carefally 
distingaished by the Bagobo: (a) panieit, or balinUtung gtUang, which is made of a section 
of heavy brass wire rounded by pressure into a circlet that is not quite closed for the 
two ends are never soldered, a very narrow space being left between them; (b) baiinUiuup 
linimui, a leglet or armlet much more higly valued than the other, for it is cast from 
a wax mold in brass or bell*metal and forms a complete circle. The "her," I was told, 
referred to myself. 

•'•The baieidL 

' * * That is, Oleng, Singan and Miyanda. 


Oleng consulted the Tolus ka Balekdt in regard to his own ex- 
treme feebleness and lack of appetite. ^'Why have I no hunger 
for my foodP" asked the old man. *It is the karokung^^^ sickness/* 
replied the god, ^and it comes to you from that old woman who 
lives at the mouth of the river." Then Oleng begged the anito 
to take away his sickness and carry it to the Malaki t'Olu k'Waig, 
who would surely kill it. 

On the sixteenth, about the middle of the night, the anito came 
again, on which occasion there were some chants and recitations of 
which I have no record. 

On the Third Night of the Ginum, August 17, early in the 
evening, while we were all chatting and playing games, there came 
a call for the torches to be extinguished. The occurrence of the 
earthquake that afternoon with the consequent breaking off of the 
ceremonies was one of those happenings which made the summoning 
of anito very necessary. I am able to give only the substance of 
the interview. 

There was discussion about the earthquake and its relation to 
the time of the ceremonies, the Malaki t'Olu k'Waig being the 
god consulted. 

The Malaki said that Kaba ought to find a wife for his son, 

The Malaki stated, further, that a disease called gimusu^^^ was 
in the mountains and would undoubtedly reach Talun. 

A female deity, the Tolus ka Balekayo (All-knowing One of the 
small bamboo), made known her wishes concerning the presence of 
foreigners at the Ginum. She remarked that she objected to having 
Americans come to the Bagobo festival; but several people in the 
room exclaimed, with one voice, that if they did not let the Seftora 
come to the Ginum it would be bad for the Bagobo. **Well then," 
amended the anito, "the Sefiora must give a white chicken to Singan, 
and I will give one to the Se£Lora because she underwent pama- 
lugu in the river this morning." 

On the following night, August 18, there was a manganito 
meeting which had a particular interest for Salimdn, a nephew of 

" * Attacks, probably of a malarial natare, characterized by fever, chills, coogh and 
other accompanyiDg symptoms, are usually called by the Bagobo karokungx bat the white 
woman with long black hair who lives in the river, and is held responsible for the 
•ickness, is not ordinarily called an "old" person. See p. 226. 

" * A serious skin disease. See p. 227. 


Oleng's, a young man gifted with unusual beauty, grace in dancing 
and charm of manner. When he arrived at Talun, he was just con- 
valescing from a terrible illness, brought on by eating some poison- 
ous substance that had been given him at Bansalan. ^^^ He had pre- 
sumed too far upon his social charms while visiting in the homes 
of the sturdy and self-willed mountain girls, and they had deter- 
mined to punish him in their own way. As soon as Singan had 
slipped into her trance, the anito of Salimdn's malady came and 
said to him: ^'This is a woman sickness. Do you know me? I 
am the Sickness that makes you so skinny. Tour lip is pale and 
dry, and I caused that too, at the time when the women at Ban- 
salan gave you medicine in your betel, so as to make you very 
sick." On hearing this, Saliman called on the Malaki t'Olu k'Waig 
saying: "You must take care of us, Malaki t'Olu k'Waig,' and 
send the sickness to your own town. Do not let the diseases go 
out from there." 

Then one of the anito gave instructions as to the proper remedies 
for Salimdn, as follows: **You take uli-uli and other good wesds, 
rub them on your joints, and repeat at the same time these words, 
*Go back. Sickness, to your own body.'"'** 

Then Miyanda put some question in regard to gifts for the bam- 
boo prayer-stand, and one of the anito said in reply : ^'The Seflora 
must give a string of beads to put in the tambara, and I, in return, 
will give her one baliniitung, because she is the first American lady 
that ever came here. If she fails to put beads in the tambara, she 
will be attacked, after a while, by sickness." 


In the spiritual environment of the Bagobo, one seems aware of 
a somewhat exact apportionment of magical potentiality, rather than 
of a universal magical influence pervading the whole world. When 
some phenomenon out of the ordinary or one hard to explain is 
observed, it is called by one of several names, each of which im- 
plies what we would call magic; but each of these names has a 
particular meaning of its own that does not lend itself to the idea 

" ** A Bagobo villmge not far from Mati. It was reported at Mati that the Bansalan 
girls whom Saliman attempted to approach had put into his betel, when they prepared 
it for him, a "medicine" that would kill a man. 

'" The ''body" of the sickness was the drug that the girls had given Salim&n. 


of an all-pervasive magical power; rather the person or the thing 
has its own individual potency. Furthermore, there is no general 
term, so far as I have observed, in use among the Bagobo that would 
correspond to the kramat of the Straits Settlement, or to kaniayia of 
Madagascar, or to mana '^*- of Melanesia — each of which words 
usually has a connotation of some undefinable quality, or condition, 
or force transfused throughout nature. 

A Bagobo calls a hero of romance who is wonder working and 
invulnerable matolus\ a ceremony that is performed to produce 
magical eflFects is alat'^ a single object that acts as a potent charm 
is alang. Each of these terms is too highly particularized to be 
held as an equivalent of the words above cited from other peoples 
of not far-removed areas. Another term, hawi^ which is in constant 
use among the Bagobo, has a wide range, for though regularly 
applied to a healing drug it is sometimes synonymous with alang^ 
a charm ; and, again, bawi means something that is an antidote 
for the breaking of a tabu. Invariably, however, bawi refers to a 
certain material object, or else to a ritual act. You can never say 
of a person, **ne has bawi," as the Melanesians say, "He has mana." 
You can say that a person "has anito;" but anito in this sense is 
a word limited to a certain form of spiritual possession. 

As for the words alat and alang^ there is not a sharp line of 
demarcation between them, but, in general, alat is used to denote 
a magical method or a religious rite, while a charm-object is called 
alang. A potent medicine tied up in a rag is alang; a lighted 
torch is alang, while the ceremony of lustration for bride and groom 
is alat, and the rite of setting up the family shrine is also said to 
be alat. Yet the line separating these terms is not always so 
distinct as in the cases just quoted, for there is a special substance 
carried to charm away snakes to which the term alat is applied. 

It is worthy of note that every sickness, every bit of ill luck, 
and (one might almost say) practically every transgression, carries 
with it a medicine that draws out the poison of the situation and 
puts things right again. There was once an old spear of a partic- 

"* It is true that Codrington's exposition of mana suggests a magic force personally 
wielded, rather than a universal force (as I have heard Dr. Goldenweiser happily epitomize 
the discussion); but among the Bagobo this conception would be associated only with 
the quality of being maiolus, and this characteristic is limited to gods and remarkable 
men. It might be transmitted to a hero's sword, possibly, but not to stones or to loakes, 
like mana in Melanesia. Cf, The Melanesians, p. 191. 1891. 


ular type that I wanted to buy from Datu Yting; but he informed 
me that he could not sell it because it had become an ikut and 
was already hung on the wall for the gods, and that it would make 
him very sick to let it go. Accordingly, I dropped the subject. 
Some time later the old man came to me and intimated that he 
might possibly sell me that spear; that there was a chance of his 
finding a bawi that would nullify the effect of the sacrilege, "for 
there is medicine for everything, Seilora," he added, "medicine for 
everything." ^^^ 

Magic, as a Bagobo apprehends it, is either a potency inherent 
in certain objects or in several elements properly combined, as a 
drug or a fetish ; or it is the dynamic power of a ceremony whose 
effect is sure; or it is an indirect suggestion that sets in motion a 
train of mental images leading to a fixed response — it may be a 
manikin, a formula, a significant action, or any one of a hundred 
things which is chosen to give the initial suggestion for the train 
of associations that it is desired to produce. An instance of such 
indirect suggestion is the washing of chickens and goats as a charm 
to call the rain. 

Following the natural clustering of charms and magical arts as 
handled by the Bagobo, I shall attempt to make a rough grouping 
under psychological motives, rather than with regard to human in- 
terests, such as war, courtship, etc. Obviously, such groups will 
overlap, and often a magical method may be considered as belong- 
ing, indifferently, to one or to another class according to the point 
of view ; yet even a tentative classification is convenient when hand- 
ling a large amount of miscellaneous magical material. 

We may say, then, that charms and magical rites will work out 
the desired end in one or more of four ways: 

a). By actual defense magically placed; 

b). By substitution, or the psychological principle of association 
by resemblance (Frazer's "homoeopathic magic,'* in part); 

c). By association by contiguity (Frazer's "contagious magic," 
in part); 

d). By inherent virtue, including fetishes and much of the native 
materia medica. 

*** Cf, the same idea ia Indian magic. "Brahmans can accomplish all things in this 
world by means uf ceremonies.'* Somadeva: op. cit., p. 85. 


Charms by Actual Defense 

Here belong many protective charms, such as magic circles and 
similar devices, by means of which the individual using them is 
fenced about by a rampart that cannot be broken through by the 
demon, or penetrated by evil influences. The majority of these 
charms act as preventive medicines. In many cases, their efficacy 
is so closely associated with magic numbers, that if any other 
numbers than these were used, the mascot would straightway 
become a hoodoo. Even numbers are usually considered as the 
lucky ones, and odd numbers as unlucky, but nine^^* is always a 
good number and thus an exception to the rule. 

Many objects worn on the person are charms. Any bracelet or 
leglet that forms a closed circle may be magically used by Bagobo 
men and women, but especially valuable as protective charms are the 
armlets and leglets cast in metal from a wax mold and called by 
various names according to their several variations. A single one 
of such rings worn on arm or ankle is an amulet, ^^* for each 
is a closed circle. As for bracelets like pankis^ each of which 
forms a circle not completely closed, an even number of these 
— forty, fifty, eighty — should be worn, if they are to bring luck 
to the wearer. 

Closely associated with this idea is the custom of wearing certain 
amulets always on the same part of the body. Change the place 
and the charm is gone. If a bracelet, say, that is customarily 
worn on the left wrist is changed to the right wrist, the spell is 
broken, and the wearer will become sick. 

A long girdle of hand-made brass links — the sinkali^^^ — is 
a potent charm if wound about the waist an even number of times, 

"^ Not only in magical association, but in ceremonial use, eight and nine are held 
by all Bagobo as sacred numbers. Skeat found among Peninsular Malays that seven 
was the valued number. Op. cii.y p. 50. 

**• Father Gisbcrt writes as follows on this point. "When they visit a sick person, 
they have the custom of placing copper rings on their wrists or on their legs, in order 
that the soul which they call limocud may not leave." Blair and Robertson: op, cit., 
vol. 43, p. 237. The idea here is rather that of using the magic circle to keep in 
something essential to life, than of keeping out harmful influences. There is apparently 
a misprint in the initial sound of gimokud, as Gisbert's own vocabulary gives guimueod 
as a fcvnonym for espiritu. Diccionario espaflol-bagobo, p. 64. 1892. 

"•See also pp. 210-^212. 


or nine times, but unlucky if wound once, or three, or five times, 
or any odd number. 

A tenuous and wiry legband called tikus^ made by twisting the 
split sheath of certain plants round the stems of certain other plants, 
is worn by Bagobo men and women just below the knee. The 
effect is highly decorative, and a man will wear two or three 
hundred in a cluster, but a single tikus suffices as an amulet against 
the bite of poisonous vipers. In selling a set of these legbands, a 
Bagobo is pretty sure to keep one for himself as medicine. '^' 

A strip of rattan decorated in patterns by a process of over-lacing 
with hemp before dyeing, forms a neck-band that is a charm against 
the sting of centipedes. This type of neck-band is worn more than 
almost any other, as it is also a magical defense against the attacka 
of Buso. 

One's home may be safe-guarded from the demons if one walks 
around the house — presumably in dextral circuit — while holding 
in the hand a red pepper and a piece of lemon, for both of these 
fruits are believed to frighten any buso. 

As has been stated in an earlier chapter, a rice-altar is put in 
the field at the time of sowing, and there is placed round the altar 
a little eight-wicketed fence of split bamboo. The fence is alat, 
and it forms a magical protection for the young rice so that no 
harm can come to the growing plants. In addition, this charmed 
circle keeps the family owning the field from being sick. 

A charm on the principle of a barbed wire fence is the digo, a 
shallow, squarish basket that is used as a rice-winnower. If a 
woman is tossing rice up and down for the wind to blow off the 
chaff, and she has reason to think that a buso is approaching, she 

"^ "Dass aacb bei den Senoi, neben der Hufte, der Hals und die Arm- and Fassge- 
lenke als Scbmucktrager verwendet werden, ycretebt sicb wobl von selbst. Bei den Natur- 
stammen spielt aucb bier das scbon erwabnte 'akar batu' die wicbtigste Rolle, indem e» 
tcils eiofacb um Hals and Gelenke gewanden wird, oder indem einige Mycelien za einem 
etwas kanstvollercn Scbmnck miteinander verflochten werden. . . Die einfacben Arm- und 
Bcinbander baben, so viel icb erfabren konnte, meist eine beilkraftige oder prophylak- 
tiscbe Bedeutung, oder ibr Trager bofft dadurcb seioe Muskeln zu kruftigen. Selten, und, 
wie es scheint, nnr bei den nordlicben Stammcn, finden sicb an solcben Biindern aucb 
Blatter, Baatatreifen, Graser oder Wurzeln angekniipft, von denen man wobl ebenfalU 
eine Heilwirkung erwartct'* Martin: op. cU. p. 698 — 699. 1905. 

"AUgemein verbreitet sind ferner Amulete in Form von Hals-, Arm-, and BeinbuLn- 
dern, tcils einfacbe Akar batu-Scbniire, teils mit Knocbelcben, Zabnen und Haaren ver- 
scbicdcner Tiere bebangene oder aus Kranterbiindeln bestebende Ketten, die besondereD 
magiscben Zwecken dieneo." Ibid, p. 954. 


has only to interpose this flat basket between herself and the demon. 
^Ilold it in front of you when you hear the buso," said an old 
woman who brought me a digo, ^'^ "and he will scratch it with 
his claws, and his claws will stick in it, and he will die." 

A woman expecting to become a mother is liable to attack from 
a buso; hence to defend herself at night time she must put near 
her, before going to sleep, all the swords and knives ^^^ that the 
house contains, for if this precaution be neglected the buso comes 
and, in some unknown way, he metamorphoses her child into a 

A legendary charm that is said to be resorted to by young vir- 
gins to protect their chastity is a cloth of fine tapestry which has 
the name of tambayang^ a type of embroidery rare in these days 
but a well-known art in earlier times. In one of the Bagobo songs 
it is told that if a girl has spread the tambayang over herself, 
before going to sleep, no man is able to approach her. 

The wake, or damag^ in the house of death is effective in keeping 
buso from the house because of his fear of living men, and thus 
may be properly classed in this group of defensive charms. 

Channs by Substitution 

We have now to consider a group of charms which might be 
called charms by substitution, where the tendency is found to 
substitute one thing for another. Such magical devices follow the 
principle of association by resemblance, a small class, it would 
appear, from the actual number of charms listed here, but from 
a psychological point of view a group of some interest, since it 
includes all tricks for fooling Buso by images made in the likeness 
of man or of animal. 

Little wooden manikins are laid down at Ginum and are told 
to draw into themselves the bad diseases that threaten to force 
their way into the bodies of the Bagobo. 

To prevent or to cure measles, which is regarded as one of the 

"* This winnower {dipo) that was used by the old woman as an object leuon is now 
in the American Museum of Natural History. 

*'*€/. the episode in an Indian saga, where the "lying-in chamber" was hang with 
various weapons. C/. Somadeva: op. cii.y vol. 1, p. 189. For a Bagobo tale bearing on 
this charm, see Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, vol. 26, p. 46. 1918. 


buso, children wear, attached to their necklaces or to strings round 
their necks, small figures, usually human figures, not more than 
one-half to three-fourths of an inch in length and two or three 
millimeters in thickness. The buso of the disease is expected to 
leave the body of the child and to pass into the little manikin, 
which thus becomes a substitute; eventually, the buso returns to 
the forest. 

During the great festival, two large figures of wood are set up 
in thickets by the path to act as buso-scarers, as substitutes for 
living men whom the buso traditionally fear to encounter. 

Another charm for scaring off evil beings by the substitution 
plan is the representation of a crocodile, ^*^ a figure which women 
weave into their textiles, and which men paint on guitars and on 
bamboo boxes and carve on coffins. In place of the real animal, 
a mere figure of this greatly-dreaded reptile of the rivers, that for 
centuries has taken his toll of natives, is expected to fill the demons 
with fear. 

We have some interesting cases of the performance of little cere- 
monies in order to render harmless a sale that is under tabu, and 
here again the principle of substitution is the center of attention. 
The rite is called Iwan^ and whether the object parted with be 
a new article or an old object that is thought to belong to the 
gods, a brief ritual is performed. Two or three illustrations will 
show the nature of this little function. 

At Datu Yting's house, his wife Oleng sold to me two strips 
of an extremely fine textile stiff from the loom, for it had not 
yet been treated to the process of softening and polishing. Oleng 
parted with the material rather unwillingly, at the solicitation of 
her husband who was hard pressed for cash. After receiving the 
money, she asked me to let her have the textile again. On my 
handing it to her, she stepped toward the wall, turned her back 
to us so that she faced the stationary bench of bamboo that ran 
along the wall, and performed the Iwan. Upon the folded textile 
in her arms, she laid one areca-nut and one piece of betel-leaf, 
and said, at the same moment, words to the effect that she was 

* ^ * The crocodile motive is widely used throaghoat Celebes, where it is carted on 
the timbers of the ceremonial house (Lobo) and on the coffin of a chief; it forms also 
one of the decorative designs on the swords of the Toradja. C/. P. and F. Sarasin: 
Reisen in Celebes, vol. 1, pp. 218, 229, 268—270; vol. 2, p. 46. 1906. 



selling her textile, but that she was providing a substitute for it 
which she was going to keep. A pace or two brought her to the 
other end of the bamboo seat, and there lay another textile, a 
perfect duplicate of the one just sold to me except that it had 
been softened, polished and made up into a skirt. Upon this 
garment, Oleng laid the same areca-nut and the same buyo-leaf 
that she had just before placed on my textile. Then she put my 
textile on the bench close to her own duplicate garment, so that 
the one touched the other. Next, she dipped the areca-nut, folded 
in its betel-leaf, into a cup of water and made with it an unbroken 
pass on the two textiles, beginning with the one just sold and 
stroking toward the one to be kept. She stroked in a direction 
away from herself, and with a sort of wiping motion in a line 
several inches long across the textiles. Twice she made the stroke, 
and, at the same time, repeated a magic formula to the effect 
that this act was to keep her from being taken sick. Finally, she 
returned to me the textile she had sold, and remarked: "Now, I 
shall not be sick from selling my bmbul^ but the other, I must 
always keep and never give it away." 

The intention of the rite was apparently to draw the spiritual 
essence from the one object to the other; that is to say, to entice 
the gimokud of the fabric that was leaving her into another fabric 
which in all essentials resembled it, and which would be always 
retained by her, in order that no evil consequences might attach to 
the sale. 

Another illustration of magic substitution is found in the ritual 
attending the sale of a special type of linked brass chain called 
sinkali. Little girls among the Bagobo wear, while very youngs 
nothing but a small pubic shield, which suflSces as clothing for the 
first four or five years of life^or until the child is considered big 
enough to put on a little skirt. The pubic shield (tambibifig) is in 
the form of a triangle and made of cocoanut-shell or, rarely, of brass. 
In two corners are holes through which passes a girdle of hemp 
or a brass chain (sinkali) just long enough to go round the waist. 
A mother, Siye, visiting at my house, consented to sell the shield 
worn by her little daughter, but the linked brass girdle attached 
she reluctantly gave up after much discussion with her friends and 
much persuasion from me. Relinquishing her plan of taking the 
child home before removing the shield, she drew the linked girdle 
down and off over the feet and asked for a little water. I brought 


the water in a glass. Siye took off her own sinkali, which passed 
several times round her waist and had a large bunch of bells at- 
tached. It was made of brass links of the same pattern as the one 
worn by the little girl. The woman laid her own sinkali close to 
the child^s sinkali, dipped her hand in the water and gently rubbed 
the two sinkali and the pubic shield, so that the water touched all 
three objects and stood on them in drops. Then she pressed the 
smaller sinkali into the child's hand, on whose little wrist hung a 
tiny bracelet of brass links like the girdle which was now in con- 
tact with it. The mother lifted the little hand clasping the chain 
to the child's lips, so that she took in her mouth and swallowed a 
very little of the water dripping from the chain. A few drops 
that remained in the child's hand her mother made her drink, 
carefully putting hand to lips as before. Then she gave me the 
pubic shield with its chain and put on her own girdle. My request 
that the ceremony be repeated was readily complied with, but the 
second time there were slight variations in the rite. Siye took off 
her girdle and laid it on the child's left wrist that had on it the 
sinkali-bracelet. She again dipped water from the glass with her 
hand and made passes over her own sinkali as she let the water 
drip on it, after which she put the child's hand on the chain, held 
hand and chain to lips and let a few drops be swallowed as before. 
Next she made passes with water over the child's sinkali, and put 
it to her lips. Finally, having given back to me my purchase, 
Siye again girded herself with her own sinkali. 

The explanation given by the woman and by several neighbors who 
came in during the affair touched the various points of the ceremony 
from different aspects. They said it was very bad to sell the tam- 
bibing and sinkali; that if Siye had not applied water to them, 
the child would have become very sick ; that rubbing sinkali against 
bracelet meant that the bracelet became a new sinkali to take the 
place of the one sold; that the little girl must drink the water to 
keep her from being sick, on account of the sinkali having touched 
the water ; and, finally, that Siye's husband would get another wife, 
if she failed to take off her own sinkali and put it next the child's 
sinkali and to make the strokes with water. 

On later occasions, other pubic shields were added to my col- 
lection, but each of these was worn by its little owner on a girdle 
of hemp, and the closest observation on my part failed to detect 
any ritual function attendant on the sale. One is led to infer that 


a string or braid of hemp forming a mere temporary girdle to be 
replaced when worn or broken, never comes to have the intimate 
association with the human body that the chain of brass links 
acquires. That is to say, the sinkali may become an ikut, while a 
girdle of hemp, or of beaded cloth, may not become an ikut. Siye's 
child had worn the sinkali for about five years, or from birth. 

The following conclusions may be drawn from the nature of the 
rite. The child's chain girdle was an ikut, and its sale was under 
tabu. By a magical device, the child's bracelet of brass links came 
to be regarded as a substitute for the girdle of brass links, so that 
the tabu was removed and the child freed from the curse of sickness. 

The general belief that the sinkali-bracelet becomes, after the 
ceremony, an equivalent to the sinkali-girdle justifies my conclusion 
that what is actually attempted is the coaxing of the gimokud 
or spirit of the girdle into a bracelet of similar pattern, so that 
only the material part of the girdle is sold — the accidents, to 
borrow once more the same theological term — while the spiritual 
substance remains in the family to which the girdle has always 
belonged. The use of the mother's sinkali, in addition to that 
of the child, possibly serves the purpose of a double substitution 

On another occasion, my purchase of a linked brass chain from 
a young man who wore it round his waist to carry his short knife 
was achieved only after a magical rite, which consisted in making 
passes with water upon the brass chain, and on a bracelet of like 
design worn by the same man. 

If no duplicate sinkali is in the possession of the owner, and a 
sale is desired, the sinkali must be cut in two. When Sebayan, 
Ido's daughter, made a trade with me, she divided her brass linked 
girdle in the middle, after her father had measured it exactly. 
One half she sold to me, and the other half she kept, explaining 
that the part of the girdle retained by her took the place of the 
whole sinkali, and kept her from being sick. 

In concluding this section on charms which work by a principle 
of substitution, it should be stated that several elements in the 
native materia medica, mentioned under the caption ^Disease and 
Healing,^** are of the nature of homeopathic cures, and are really 
examples of association by resemblance or substitution, such as the 

•**Scc pp. 228—335. 


application of heated leaves to skin burning from the sting of bees, 
and the use of bile from serpents to cure snake-bite. 

Some mountain Bagobo eat the flesh of monkeys to prevent sores, 
for they say, quoting the myth of "The Buso-monkey," •'**^ that 
the monkey sometimes turns into a buso, and that sores are caused 
by a buso. This appears to be a Bagobo case of the aphorism that 
"like cures like." 

Charms through Association by Contiguity 

We have here a number of magical performances where the psy- 
chological association may be readily understood, and which suggest 
the principle of association by contiguity; that is to say, a clustering 
of elements that belong together is made, with the expectation 
that they will attract some other element which is commonly 
joined to them. Certain magical groupings regularly induce certain 
phenomena; make these groupings and the result is psychologically 
mandatory. Some charms that come under this category suggest 
Frazer's examples of "contagious magic." 

In time of drought, the Bagobo call the rain by washing'*^ the 
chickens, the goats, ^** the clay pots and the dishes, because, they 
say, chickens and goats and pots cannot wash themselves in the river, 
and if these animals and objects get wet it must be from a shower. 

Another charm to call the rain is the following formula: 

*Rain, raia on tagbak tree;*** 
Make mud ver)' wet; 
Kill the little chickens; 
Drops like hasikung.'* 

Here the association suggested is with rain so heavy as to be 
heard pattering sharply on the stiff leaves of the tagbak in drops 
like a round heavy fruit, big enough to kill a chick. 

••»See Jour. Am. Folk-Lore; vol. 26. pp. 46—48. 1918. 

' ^ ' A charm for rain-making was told to Skeat by a Malay woman of Selangor, who 
said that *'if a Malay woman pats upon her head an inverted earthenware pan . . . and 
then, setting it upon the ground, fills it with water and washes the cat in it until the 
latter is more than half drowned, heavy rain will certainly ensue.*' Malay magic, p. 108. 1900. 

' ^ ^ The Bagobo do not keep goats ; the goat's hair used by them is obtained in barter 
from the Bila-an tribe. The inclusion of goats in this charm is perhaps traceable to 
some Bila-an tradition. 

'** Cf, the Selangor charm to bring rain, "Though the stem of the Meranti tree 
rocks to and fro." W. W. Sk£at: op. eit,, p. 109. 


Vlap is a form of black magic employed to send a man to sleep 
in order to rob him. It is said that the ingredients of this charm 
are very hard to find, and that only a courageous person can carry 
the enterprise through successfully. He must go at night to the 
grave of a little child that has been buried during the preceding 
twenty-four hours. He must dig up the baby, open its mouth, cut 
off the tip of its tongue, cut many of the hairs of the eye-lashes 
from each of its eye-lids, and then get away in safety before the 
Buso catches him. The charm is thus compounded : the tip of the 
tongue and the eyelashes are mixed with a certain resin (rfofai), 
and thrown in the flames of a fire kindled under the house of 
the man whom the conjurer intends to rob. The subject gets 
very sleepy as soon as the fire is lighted, and falls into a sort of 
trance. Then the one who is working the magic comes up the 
steps into the house, and asks the sleeping person, "Where is your 
food? Where are your nice things?" The other answers in his 
sleep every question, and his possessions may easily be taken from 
him. This charm more nearly approaches a form of hypnotic sug- 
gestion than any other magical device that has come to my notice. 
The association set up is clearly with three elements — the tongue, 
the eyes, and the lielplessness of an infant — so as to induce a 
certain condition in the subject of the charm. 

It is very difficult to see Buso, but the following charm may be 
used by a brave person. Chips of wood cut from a coffin are taken, 
on the night following the funeral, to the stump of the tree from 
which the log for the coffin was cut, and laid upon the stump. 
First there will be seen swarms of fireflies, sliadows and parts of 
the body of the dead; afterwards Buso will appear, for he will be 
drawn by the smell of the chips of wood, which he associates with 
the dead body. ^*<* 

An efficacious charm to drive away the mythical bird called 
tvakivak^^'^ is the use of a suggestive formula. The wakwak is a 
rapacious bird resembling a crow, but having four legs, two of 
which are covered with claws, and it flies over the country at night, 
hunting for living men as its prey. The magic spell is as follows : 
When you hear the sound of the bird's voice shrieking, ^'Wak-wak! 

•*«See Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, vol. 26, p. 42—43. 191S. 

' ^ ' The wakwak is meutioDcd by Mr. Cole as a bird of ill omen among the Mandaya. 
The wild tribes of Davao district, Mindanao, p. 174. 1918. 


wak-wak!" you must call to him: "I am not fat; I am skinny. 
I eat rotten wood. I eat baguiang,^^ Then the wakwak cannot 
hurt you; but you must speak again, saying, "You go on to Bago; 
there are many fat men there." By means of this spell, such 
unpleasant suggestions are flung at the evil bird as to induce him 
to seek prey elsewhere. If the baguiang leaf is chewed, it is said 
to give itching lips and to leave a bad taste in the mouth. 

Sore throat is cured by hanging round the neck a string which 
has attached to it four bits of wood cut from the trees most fre- 
quently haunted by Buso — the magbo, the benati, the barayung 
and the lawaan. The inflammation of the throat, being itself one of 
the buso, is attracted into one of the pieces of wood and eventually 
returns to the tree from which the wood was chipped. 

A Bagobo man eats the liver of another man reputed for valor 
and worth, presumably in order that he may acquire those qualities 
which he associates with that organ. The liver of a fallen foe 
may be eaten, or the liver of a good Bagobo who is selected for 
human sacrifice. One boy told me that his grandfather had eaten 
the livers of as many as forty brave men. 

A charm to discover lost property is to burn some beeswax 
with a few red peppers, and to note carefully which way the 
smoke goes. This will give the direction where one must go 
in search of the lost articles. It is the S'iring, that troublesome 
wood-demon, who hides one's things, and the smoke behaves in this 
manner because the S'iring is afraid of red peppers and of the wax 
made by bees. It would appear to be the mingling of the S'iring's 
fear with his knowledge of where the things are hidden that turns 
the smoke in a direction to reveal the secret. 

A magical necklace to make a horse run fast consists of narrow 
strips of deer-skin, or of goat-skin, with the hair left on them, the 
strips being pierced and run on a cord. This is called very good 
medicine for the horse, for since both deer and goat are fleet of foot 
the train of associations would naturally set the horse to running. 

A charm for tracking deer consists in a substance that is rubbed 
on the bit and called "medicine to catch the deer." I saw one fine 
old brass bit with cheek-pieces decorated in the casting which the 
owner refused to part with because it had acquired great value by 
reason of this medicine. 

A charm for catching fish {bawi ha sMa) involves the response 
of the fish to suggestion. The fish-line is measured by fathoms 


and may be nine, twenty, one hundred, or any number of fathoms 
in length, but if the catch is to be successful there must be an 
extra measure called kalingi added to the length. The kalingi is 
measured from the left shoulder to the tip of the right middle 
finger, or from the right shoulder to the tip of the left middle 
finger. This shoulder-measure makes the fish react to the bait, by 
impelling it do turn its head back **over its shoulder" to bite. 

As another charm for catching fish, certain kinds of wax are 
stuck in small lumps on the hook. This is done, they say, merely 
to attract the fish, not to stupify it, and while the significance of 
wax in this connection has not been disclosed, its stickiness may 
have a drawing efficacy, since a similar substance is used as an 
attractive force in the following charm. 

A lump of resin (doka) from the marina tree is used in the 
magical spell, ^anting-anting^^'' to draw the dead. The person per- 
forming the charm makes set passes before his face with the hand 
holding the resin, and the ghost thus summoned passes behind his 
seat, but nobody in the room can see the ghost except the old men 
and the person making anting-anting. 

The magnet, of foreign introduction, made a deep impression on 
the Bagobo, who at once saw its possibilities as a tool for conjuring; 
and those old men who can get hold of a magnet sometimes use 
it in preference to doka, or as a substitute for doka, on account 
of its wonderful power of attraction. 

There are a number of other charms where the suggestive 
significance is less apparent, and where we do not know just how 
the appeal to associative memory is made, such as the following: 

Every woman who clings conservatively to tradition puts in her 
skirt a small patch, called tajmng^ of a different design from the 
body of the textile. To make room for this patch, the central strip 
is woven a trifle shorter than the other two strips. The patch is 
a charm against sickness. One of the Talun girls told me that she 
put in the patch because she was obliged to lengthen the middle 
strip in order to match the others; but, in reply to a question as 
to why she had not made it longer, she said that she had purposely 
woven it short in order to add the patch. Finally, she explained 
that the odd piece would keep her from being "very sick," 

The following is a building charm which is enticing by its rich 
though vague suggestiveness. After the frame of a house is erected, 
one of the skirts (panapisan) of the owner's wife is sometimes 


laid on the timbers of the roof, and kept there for a set length 
of time during the process of building. 

Charms having Inherent Virtue 

In the forms of magic thus far considered, associations are set 
up that act as stimuli or as inhibitions to the individual that the 
charm is meant to influence. In most cases, there is a more or 
less conscious play of attention on the part of the subject of the 
charm, in response to the suggestions put forth. 

In the class of charms now to be discussed, the value lies in 
some hidden virtue, some mysterious efficacy, by which the desired 
result is produced directly, without any act of associative memory 
on the part of the subject of the medicine or of the witchcraft. 
Indeed, the person is ordinarily unconscious of being worked upon 
until he begins to feel sick, and then he may not know who or 
what has caused the trouble. On the other hand, the charm may 
serve a beneficial end, and may bring about a valued result by its 
own force, there being here, too, no need of calling out a train 
of associations in the mind of the person who is undergoing the 
magical influence. 

In this connection, it should be noted that there are a few ani- 
mals which are thought to have mysterious qualities, such as the 
flying lemur, the monkey, the crow, ^*^ and to certain parts of their 
bodies a curative power or a magical virtue is assigned — the 
liver and the foot of the crow, the hair of the flying lemur. The 
armature of crabs, of tortoises, of lobsters appears in various mag- 
ical associations. Monkeys {lutung) are regarded with wonder and 
with a vague feeling of unrest that finds expression in little sym- 
bolic acts , or motions. Such expression was called forth one day 
after a number of Bagobo men had been watching, with eager, 
delighted faces, the antics of my pasteboard monkey climbing a string. 
They were turning to go, when one man, almost as an afterthought, 

* ^ ■ The crow was a sacred bird with the Tagal and with some other Filipino tribes. 
Cf. Blair and Robebtson, vol. 12, pp. 265 — 266. 1904. While it might be going too 
far to say that the Bagobo hold this bird as sacred, yet it is clearly regarded as pos- 
sessing a pecaliar magical value. The crow figures in mythical associations; Cf, Jour. 
Am. Folk-Lore. vol. 26, p. 62. 1918. The crow's liver, beak and foot are used as 
charms or as medicine. Handles of guitars are roughly carved in imitation ofa crow's head. 


picked up the toy and passed it once across his forehead. He 
handed it to the Bagobo next him, who also made a pass upon his 
brow; and he was followed by all the rest, though two or three 
men merely pressed the monkey on the eyebrow or above it. They 
said that they did this because it was lutung and that passing it 
over the forehead kept them from sickness and death. It is true 
that, as a matter of precaution, a Bagobo will often perform some 
little ceremony when he wishes to forestall any possible evil effect 
that an occurrence out of the ordinary may involve; but to the 
monkey, in particular, which appears prominently in myth, now as 
the prototype of man and again as metamorphosed into a buso, the 
Bagobo reacts emotionally. 

Particular articles of food taken at special times produce definite 
magical results. A notable instance of this form of magic is found 
in the charm to produce sacral spots on the body of an expected 

A small area of dark pigmentation was present in the region of 
the sacrum in several Bagobo babies that I examined. The women 
told me that all their babies had those dark-colored spots, that the 
name for them was obtul^ and that if any child should be bom 
lacking the obud it would quickly die. Hence great care is taken 
by the mother to produce the sacral spots on her child by means of 
eating certain prescribed vegetable products — also called "o6w//" — 
while saying a magic formula. Early in pregnancy the woman 
must, on seven consecutive days, swallow some of the sweet sap of 
the palma brava and chew with betel-nut a fine rattan known as 
nanga. At the same time she repeats a metrical rendering of the 
list of saps and fruits that should be eaten before the birth of the 
child, closing each verse with the words, **Very good to eat," **Very 
sweet to eat." Among these articles of diet are the tuba, a toddy 
extracted from the inflorescence of the cocoanut palm, the stem of 
baris, the bulla, the fruits of the balisinan, lapisut, tual, kamusi, 
durian and lukka^*^. This medicine will infallibly cause the sacral 
spots to appear on the child, but if any expectant mother fails 
to eat obud and to say the right words she will surely die, and 
her baby also. Other articles of diet are thought to prevent the 
formation of the sacral spots, and after the mention of such articles 
the woman says, **Very bad to eat." 

•*• Edible fruits. See index. 


Many charms of this class are small objects that may be easily 
carried about, and the magical virtue of each charm is ordinarily 
limited to specific qualities assigned to it. The magical result achieved 
by such an object is not due to a spirit that either permanently 
inhabits it, or that temporarily enters into it. It is never worshiped 
or treated with reverence. It produces a given eflfect because of 
some mysterious potentiality that belongs to it. It may therefore 
properly be termed a fetish. 

A number of magical usages of the type now under discussion 
are simply examples of the black art. Gamut is a resinous sub- 
stance or gum extruded from certain trees, a lump of which may 
be carried about the person, tied in the girdle or put in the car- 
rying-bag, when one wants to work witchcraft on some enemy. By 
and by the person will grow thin and soon become sick; white 
worms will appear coming out from his eyes and his head and his 
body; soon he will die. The simple carrying of the gamut with 
the intention of harming the foe appears to be sufficient to produce 
the result, without any magical manipulation of the resin. 

Parayat is the name of another magical substance used in the 
black art. If one desires the death of a childless rich man, with 
a view to seizing his goods, one has only to carry this medicine, 
a performance which will cause the rich man to fall sick and die 
of the disease called parayat. 

The above named charm may be used if a man does not want 
to accept a challenge to fight. If his foe wants to fight him, and 
he, refusing the combat, at the same time holds the parayat, he 
can make his foe sicken and die. 

When a man is fighting, there are magical means of making his 
enemy helpless '*^ without striking a single blow with spear or 
sword. The old man, Butun, brought me an old war-shield that 
had belonged to his father. The peculiar value of the shield lay 
in the magical medicines that were fastened to the handle through 
which the left arm passes, on the reverse side. The first of these 
medicines is pankayang^ a small piece of the skin of an eagle. 
If a man, holding a shield to which pankayang is attached, simply 
stands still and points his spear at his foe, instantly his foe will 

'** A charm with such potential virtue is given the hero of a saga with the instruc- 
tion: "By holding this jewel in your hand you can render ineffectual the best weapon of 
your enemy." Somadeva: Katha Sarit Sagara, vol. 2, p. 101. 1884. 


drop dead. The second medicine is palids^ a bit of the root of the 
tree called by that name. The root is kept in a small tube of bal- 
ekayo tied with a red rag, and the effect on the enemy is like 
that of the preceding, ^^* The third medicine is Mulug-tnulug tnatct- 
din (glaring eyes), magical leaves kept in the same tube with the 
preceding. This charm makes the eyes of him who carries it glare 
at the foe with a fixed, terrifying stare that puts the foe at the 
mercy of the other. Butun gave a dramatic rendering of the efiFect 
of all three charms. 

A charm called palitmi is held by women, and is operated 
to make a man thin and anaemic. They put the paliimi into a 
cup of water, and then throw the water over the men who have 
incurred their displeasure. A girl will sometimes let it be known 
that she is working this witchcraft, and while she is sitting on the 
floor she will say to several boys who are trying to pass her, 
"You cannot pass." Then everybody in the house knows that she 
holds the paliimi. If a boy succeeds in getting by the girl without 
having the water sprinkled on him, the charm is spoiled. Girls 
use the paliimi as a means of repelling familiarity from those young 
men who presume to disregard the old, strict Bagobo customs 
regulating the etiquette that should prevail between the sexes. 
When a boy goes too far with a girl, she may retaliate by putting 
paliimi into the betel she offers him, thus causing him a severe 

Kabibi is a love charm that is rather scarce, as only a few men 
and a few women are known to possess it. When a girl rejects a 
young man and he, in anger, determines to revenge himself for 
the slight, he puts kabibi into the girl's betel, or else lays ka- 
bibi on one of her footprints in the ground. She reacts to the 

'** Of this sort of magic among the Visayan, 1624, a Recollect docament records: 
*'They gloried in knowing charms and in working them, by consulting the devil — a 
means by which some made themseUes feared by others, for they easily deprived them 
of life. In confirmation of this assertion, it happened, according to the recital of one of 
our ministers, that while he was preaching to a great assembly one Indian went to 
another, and breathed against him with the intent of killing him. The breath reached 
not the Indian's face, however, but an instrument that he was carrying, the cords of 
which leaped out violently, while the innocent man was left unharmed. The philosophy 
of such cases is that the murderer took in his mouth the poisonous herb given him by 
the devil, and had another antidotal herb for his own defense. Then, exhaling his breath 
in this manner, he deprived of life whomever he wished." Blaik and Robietson: op, 
eit„ vol. 21, pp. 211—212. 


charm at once, and begins to cry for her lover. Her passion for 
him grows more vehement until she loses her mind, and goes into 
the woods where she weeps continually. The only remedy now is 
for the young man to give her another medicine, usually the liver 
of a crow, to set her right. After this performance, her lover may 
still want marry her, but in one case that came to my knowledge 
a youth after giving a girl, first kabibi, and then ugka (crow's 
liver) afterward married another girl. This same love charm may 
be used by a woman upon a man. 

The coast Bagobo think that the mountain Bagobo put something 
into the betel to make their visitors spit blood, and they have 
a special charm tied in a small cloth to counteract the danger, 
merely by its presence in one's bag. 

A magical virtue inherent in certain medicines operates to punish 
a supposed thief at the same time with the discovery of his guilt. 
This is the hongat^^^^ a word which means trap. When a person 
misses something, — perhaps some of his store of rice, — he gets 
out a bamboo tube in which is kept secreted the magic bongat. 
He lays the bamboo joint in the same place from which the rice 
was stolen, and repeats this formula: 

"Whoever took my rice, 
Curse him with bulging eyes; 8*** 
Make his body swell; 
After that let him die.'* 

This charm makes the abdomen of the guilty one grow abnor- 
mally large ; his eyes protrude from his head ; his strength leaves 
him, and by and by he dies. They say that this way of detecting 
a thief is very simple, because it may easily be seen who gets big 
belly and bulging eyes. 

In connection with the magical punishment of a thief, the test 
used to discover guilt is of interest; although the test or ordeal, 
with its appeal to the gods, belongs rather to the category of de- 
votional performances than to magic arts. 

* * * Father Gisbert speaks of the use of bongat as common both to Moro and to pagan 
tribes, and it is possible that this charm may have been borrowed from the Moro. 
"When the thief is discovered, he may be cured by patting powder from the other joint 
into the water and bathing his body with it." Blaib and Robebtson: op, eit., vol. 48, 
p. 239. 1906. 

I « a* The same conception is to be found in the Atharva-Veda, in the lines, "Make the 
confessing sinner's eyes fall from his head, both right and left." R. T. H. Griffith 
(tr.): op. eit, vol. 1, p. 19. 1896. 


Ordeal or Test 

If two men are suspected of theft, and each man, laying the 
blame on the other, asserts his own innocence, the test called 
"pasihim^ is resorted to. Both men are forced to swim in the river, 
while the people gather on the bank to watch. Just before the 
suspected men go into the water, the owner of the stolen property 
recites the following invocation. 

"Behold, Diwata; 

Like needles your teeth, 

Like lunga-seeds 3W your eyes. 

Whoever stole my /ajj-top, *** 

Send him cursed from the water.** 

Then the guilty one comes out from the river, but the innocent 
man sinks to the bottom like a stone, and lies there all day. In 
the evening, it is said, he is taken out unhurt. If by any chance 
the thief should sink, he would be seized by the Gamo-Gamo people 
who haunt the rivers and be tormented by them. All the river- 
spirits of this class carry sharp iron punches, with which they prick 
and gash the guilty person, but they never touch the innocent. 
As long as the thief is in the water, he feels the torture; yet on 
emerging his body does not show the wounds. 

His guilt now established beyond doubt, there remains for him 
but to make reparation as required. He must give whatever the 
owner of the stolen goods demands — agongs, spears, or what not. 
There is no set ratio between the amount of the theft and the 
compensation insisted on. If a tap-tap worth two pesos has been 
stolen, the owner may, if he please, demand five agongs (the 
equivalent of about one hundred pesos) in satisfaction for the wrong 
done to him. The supposed thief, if unable to pay or to borrow 
the agongs for payment, would in the normal course of events 
become the slave of his creditor. 

Rizal tells us that, "The early Filipinos had a great horror of 
theft, and even the most anti-Filipino historian could not accuse 
them of being a thievish race. To day, however, they have lost 
their horror of that crime. One of the old Filipino methods of 

' * ' A small, black, edible seed, about the size of a mustard-seed. 
' * ^ AgoDgs are beaten with a small wooden hammer called iap'tap, which has a head 
coated with rubber overlaid by cloth. 


investigating theft was as follows: 'If the crime was proved, but not the 
criminal, if more than one was suspected . . . each suspect was first 
obliged to place a bundle of cloth, leaves, or whatever he wished 
on a pile, in which the thing stolen might be hidden. Upon the 
completion of this investigation if the stolen property was foimd in 
the pile, the suit ceased.'^** The Filipinos also practiced customs 
very similar to 'the judgments of God' of the middle ages, such as 
putting suspected persons, by pairs, under the water and adjudging 
guilty him who first emerged.""® 


Ignorant of the nature of metabolic processes in the human body^ 
and unwarned against the ravages of hostile bacteria, a Bagobo, in 
the frankly primitive attitude, accepts pain and sickness as due to 
the manipulations of the buso, or of his own left-hand soul, or 
else he suspects that he has broken some tabu. Some blunder of 
his own may, somehow, have brought on the illness: a failure to 
observe a ritual detail so that some ceremony is spoiled; the doing 
of some forbidden thing, such as eating a limokun pigeon, or 
uttering the name of his dead grandfather, or putting on the cere- 
monial red shirt while he is young. Just as frequently, however^ 
a man is the innocent victim of a buso who gets inside of him, 
or of his evil soul that is playing truant from his body and shooting 
pains into him from some distant point. 

We find, then, that sickness is due to one of the following causes : 
(a) The breaking of a tabu; (b) The attack of a buso; (c) The 
adventures of the left-hand soul, or gimokud tebang. 

Disecises that Result from Breaking Tabu 
The simple fact of falling sick because of the transgression of a 

' * * For magical usages in the Tagal tribes, Cf, J. dk Plasencia : ''Castoms of the 
Tagalogs." 1589. Blair and Robkbtsok: op, eit., vol. 7, pp. 192 — 194. C/. also P. 
CniRiNO: "Relacion ..." 1604. Op. eit., vol. 13, p. 81. For Visayan magic, ef. M. de 
Loarca: "Relacion ..." 1582. Op, cii., yol. 5, p. 163. 

'*" Blair and Robertson*, op, eit., vol. 16, pp. 128 — 129. In Minahassa, the judg- 
ment of God by the water-ordeal was formerly in use, by which test he who could stay 
longer under water was the innocent person. C/, Sabasin: Reisen in Celebes, ?ol. 1,. 
p. 44. 1905. 


tribal custom or mandate is called bogokj but among the specific 
diseases resulting from breaking tabu — and breaking tabu is 
merely a phrase for disregard of old customs — are the following. 

Kataluan is a serious skin infection from which a person suffers, 
it is said, if he sells a pair of old ear-plugs, or any other old 
object that has become an ikut and is ready to be offered to the 
gods. It appears that certain divinities are extremely jealous of 
their ancient rights, and resent the loss of any object that should 
come to the altar. It would seem, however, that this disease may 
be present even in a child, for there is a traditional "small boy" 
of the mythical romance who is covered with the sores called 

Parayat^ or jmraijan^ shows itself in a form of sickness of which 
the symptoms are pain in the eyes, in the wrists and at the elbow 
joints, extreme pallor and emaciation, and profound drowsiness or 
lethargic sleep. This sickness comes upon a woman who sells the 
cloth patterned by over-tying, called biniibbiid^ while it is still in 
the process of manufacture. Parayat may also be brought about by 

Kangulag is a term commonly applied to a person who is weak- 
minded or foolish, but which is used specifically of a girl who is 
eager for the society of men, and is emotionally unbalanced. It is 
generally understood that she has fallen into this condition because 
she has sold a textile before it was finished and ready to be taken 
from the loom. Bagobo custom requires that no woven work be 
sold until fully complete. 

Karatas is a mortal illness in which the body grows thinner and 
weaker until death comes, and which is the expected punishment 
for any young man who presumes to wear the closed shirt called 
luwmbm. This garment is woven of hemp dyed in a solid claret 
tint, and is reserved for old men and old women. 

SakV tankulu^ or tankulu sickness, manifests itself in various 
symptoms not definitely stated, but it is sure to attack a man who 
ties round his head the chocolate colored kerchief called tankulu 
before he has earned this coveted distinction in the customary 
manner; that is to say, by killing somebody. 

Kalairag^ or yellow skin, is a disease that afflicts a person who 
mentions the name of his dead grandfather, or the name of any 
other of his deceased ancestors. The skin turns yellow, the body 
wastes away, and death results. A boy may get kalawag as a 


penalty for another transgression, for the old people tell the children 
that if they should eat the omen bird {litnokun) their skin would 
turn yellow, and they would "get skinny" and die. 

Tulud is the disease to be looked for if the people taking part 
in a rice-sowing festival do not preserve the proper direction of 
movement laid down for the Bagobo by a traditional pattern, that 
is, toward the south. If the direction taken in planting be toward 
north, or east or west, the tulud sickness would come. Just what 
form the disease would take is not stated, but that it would cause 
the patient to grow very thin and die is vaguely surmised. 

Sebullo or nausea, accompanied by excessive vomiting and ending 
in death, is a fearful penalty waiting for one who laughs at his 
reflection in the water, for this image is the manifestation of his 
left-hand soul. ^'^ My informant said: ^'When you laugh at your 
alung in the river, you will die of sebullo, that makes all the food 
come out of your mouth when you eat." 

Katapuk is a disease that attacks a girl who attempts to em- 
broider the scarf called salugboy'^^^ after the ancient manner of 
doing needlework. A young girl may wear the scarf, but the 
privilege of embroidering it is reserved for old women. 

Bogok is any sickness that comes to a girl who winds about her 
waist an odd number of times the girdle of brass links called 
sinkalu It has been noted that bogok is a general term for the 
class of diseases that result from breaking tabu. ^*^ 

Diseases Caused by Buso 

Undefined and hazy is the line of separation between Buso as 
a bringer of disease and the disease itself, which is commonly called 
a buso. Many buso walk the earth under the names of Diseases, 
and actually enter the body of the person who falls sick; other 
buso merely operate from a distance and cause suffering, just as 
does that potential buso, the left-hand soul. The following are a 
few of the sicknesses that are referred directly to the agency of 
evil personalities. 

For sarampian or measles, the Bagobo have only the Spanish 

•*'S©e pp. 45, B8. 61. 
"•See pp. 86—87, 128, 180. 
'••See p. 224. 



name because, they say, it was unknown before the coming of the 
Spaniard. It is very severe and often fatal among the wild tribes. 
A buso is said to enter the body of the child afflicted, and the 
treatment is to hang small charm figures on the neck of the patient, 
so that the buso may be attracted into the figures. One small boy 
told me that he must wear the "little man" for one year after his 
recovery from measles. 

Timbalung is a form of chronic constipation from which the 
people suffer miserably, and which is attributed to a buso that has 
succeeded in getting inside of the human body. The cure consists 
in the ceremonial application of water to the joints of the body. 
This treatment is given by an old priest-doctor, who applies the 
water with a bunch of magical plants, continuing the treatment 
until excrement is voided and the demon at the same time ejected. 
''When Buso has come out from the intestines," they say, "the 
patient feels so light, and immediately gets better." 

Giddiness is caused by a buso named Tagasoro, who in some 
ways invariably makes the person lose his sense of direction. 

Karokung is a common sickness, of which the symptoms are 
fever, chills and a racking cough. It is to be traced to a white 
woman who lives in rivers and is said to be very beautiful. Her 
hair is long and dark; her feet black, or blue and black, while 
her legs, too, are black to a line half-way up to the knees. The 
rest of her body is white. She is very amorous, desiring to em- 
brace every man she sees, and it is this propensity of hers that 
throws men into burning fever. When high fever is running, she 
is said to be putting the man into the fire, but directly afterwards 
she plunges into the river, and forthwith the patient begins to 
shiver. Nobody has ever seen the Karokung woman, but many 
people have dreamed about her, and thus her characteristics are 
completely established. When a Bagobo woman, however, has chills 
and fever, her symptoms are caused by a white man with long 
hair, who also lives in the river and behaves like the Karokung 
woman. In either case, the treatment consists in burning the 
deserted nest of a limokun or of some other bird, and allowing 
the patient to inhale the smoke. Another effective remedy is to 
smell the fumes that come from burning a few wisps of hair cut 
from the coat of the flying lemur, called tungalung] or one may 
simply lay before a god some little agricultural oflFering. These 
disease-bringing river inhabitants have none of the ear-marks of 


the traditional mermaid, who finds her counterpart, at least on the 
morphological side, in the gamo-gamo people who have already- 
been characterized. 

Three other disease-bringers are wom^r, one of whom lives in the 
center of the earth where there is an enormous hole; another 
resides at the rim of the sky, and still another in the middle of 
the sky. 

Several illnesses — chills, cough, skin disease — are brought 
by a mythical individual called ** Sickness that goes round the 
World" and said to travel down the mountain streams. The "Sick- 
ness that goes round the World" is often called by the name 
of Gimtisu — a disease which produces sores. At the time of the 
Ginum at Talun, the gimusu was reported to be in the mountains, 
and on the way to Mati."^®° . 

Furthermore, there are mythical birds and beasts that live in 
the sky or roam over mountain and plain, and that have power to 
bring sickness. These are the so-called "bad animals," among them 
some that were mentioned in our discussion of the various forms 
of the buso. ^^* Those specially noted as disease-bringers are Pung- 
atu, Limbagu, the eight-eyed Riwa-riwa, the swine-like Abuy, 
the chick-like Tulung and the aforesaid Timbalung. There seems 
to be no essential relation between the type of sickness that any 
one of these buso brings, and the zoomorphic form that the demon 
assumes. Almost any buso, indeed, is supposed to be able to "make 
the Bagobo very sick." 

Diseases Caused by the Left-Hand Soul 

When a Bagobo cannot recall having broken any tabu, and is 
unable to trace his sickness to any particular buso, he is likely to 


The tree-hantu, and several other disease-bringers, mentioned by Dr. Martin in 
his discussion of the religion of the Mantra, correspond to the buso diseases of the Bagobo. 

" So Bind vor allem die Krankheiten, von denen der Mantra befallen wird, in 

aeinen angen Damonen, die in den Menschen gefahren sind. Dementsprechend gibt es so 
▼iele Krankheitsdamonen, als der Eingeborene Krankheitsformen zu unterscheiden vermag. 
... die Mantra glanben ... an einen Hantu-Kayu (d.h. fiaum-Hantu), der in jeder art 
▼on Baumen lebt und die Menschen krank macht. Einige Baume sind der Bosartigkeit 
ihrer Damonen wegen besonders gefdrchtet . . .'' Rudolf Martin : Die Inlandst&mme 
der malayischen Halbinsel, pp. 942—948. 1906. 

••» Sec pp. 81, 88—40. 


blame his left-hand soul — his gimokud tebang — who is off on 
an adventure, and, by some form of syfnpathetic magic, is making 
the trouble. The left-hand soul, while absent from the body which 
he tenants, is able to cause suflfering in any part of it that he 
pleases, simply by exploiting ^^'^ a corresponding part of his own 
shadowy structure. When the head aches, the gimokud tebang is 
bunting his head against a tree or a rock, and as long as he keeps 
this up the pain continues. A sensation of nausea means that the 
tebang is drinking poison. Belly-ache comes when the left-hand soul 
jumps into the river; but the pain may be relieved by securing 
the bill of a crow, burning it to ashes, and swallowing the ashes 
mixed with plenty of water. Sore mouth troubles a Bagobo when 
his tebang is drinking boiling hot water. When the left-hand soul 
runs a fishhook into his neck, sore throat comes on, but it may 
be cured by tying in a rag a few hairs of the flying lemur, and 
wearing the rag attached to the necklace. One woman who was using 
this charm told me that she got it from a Eulaman. Sharp pain 
in the foot is experienced whenever the tebang strikes his foot 
against a sharp stone. The medicine is the ashes obtained by burn- 
ing the foot of a crow. The ashes are to be rubbed five times on 
the suffering foot, and this must be done with a gentle, downward 
stroke. Some old women think that one single stroke is better. If 
the tebang chooses to climb in great forest trees and swing him- 
self from branch to branch, he can make the arms lame and sore. 
When the whole body feels lame and bruised, the left-hand soul 
is jumping from a tall tree down upon sharp-pointed stakes of 
bamboo, stuck in the ground like a man-trap. Cold shivers through- 
out the body, with sharp pains, mean that the tebang is swimming 
in the deep sea. 

I noted but one kind of pain that was not attributed to an oc- 
cult cause, — that was sugud^ or the sting of bees. Further investi- 
gation, however, may yet find the sting to be a demoniac element. 
The remedy suggests that "like cures like," for it consists in laying 

" * The impression I received of the left-hand soul was that of a spirit which harts 
the body maliciously, or sportively. Professor Boas has called my attention to the differ* 
ence between this conception, and that commonly held by primitive man, namely, that 
the harm done by the soal is due to accidents that happen in its wanderings. It is 
possible that I misunderstood my informant, and that the implied distinction does not 
actually exist, though the spirit of the folklore would bear me out. 


against the stung face banana leaves that have been heated over 
a flame. 

Methods of Healing Sickness 

Unshaken in his conviction that he must look to the supernatural 
for the source of bodily pain, the Bagobo proceeds, consistently, to 
wrestle with a throng of diseases just as he would strive against 
any other outbreak of hostile demons. The methods recognized as 
efficacious are of three sorts, any one of which may be used either 
by itself or in combination with the other two. A case of sick- 
ness or accident may be treated, or sometimes prevented: (a) By 
an act of devotion; (b) By magic; (c) By native materia inedica. 

By an Act of DeTOtion. A simple act of faith, a devotional 
gift laid upon an altar or on the ground, a prayer asking that 
some god will keep the body strong, or that a buso may be ap- 
peased by a little betel and go away — any one of these acts is 
relied on for help even more than magic, more than curative plants. 
Many a long ceremony with complex ritual may be resolved into 
one straining, pitiful cry for health and freedom from pain. The 
fundamental intention of many of the rites of Ginum is that of 
being kept from sickness and death, and touching appeals are put 
up in individual cases. At the preliminary awas the betel in leaf- 
dishes is offered to the Malaki, who, in turn, is asked to give the 
dishes to the tig-banua, so that those demons may be induced to 
refrain from sending disease to the Bagobo. Again, the priestess 
implores the Malaki to keep the diseases shut up in the leaf-dishes 
until he comes to kill the diseases. The buso that are associated 
with departments of nature are propitiated by offerings, and are 
asked to keep the people in health. At the Pamalugu in the river, 
areca-nuts with betel-leaf are laid before the Malaki t'Olu k'Waig 
and before Tigyama, the protector, with prayers to be kept from 
the Sickness that goes round the World. While the water is being 
poured over the bodies of the candidates, appeals are made to 
Tigyama and to Pamulak Manobo, and to all the anito that they 
will remove sickness and feebleness from each person, and take the 
diseases to the Malaki to be strangled. ^®' Newly-married people 
are taught by the priest to set up a shrine in their house, and when 

'••See pp. 100, 128. 


they are sick, to give an areca-nut to Tigyama, and to ask him to 
take away the sickness. 

It is customary, however, to supplement devotional exercises by 
other means of cure, particularly in those cases where the god is 
slow in giving help. In my journal kept at Talun, I find the 
following entry: ^'Have just given Malik quinine for karokung 
(malaria) — a disease caused by the 'White Lady who lives in 
the rivers.' The medicine recommended by the anito . . . does not 
seem to have done any good, and they have come to me for bawi." 

By Haglc. Much of the material belonging to this division of 
our subject has been discussed under the caption, "Charms and 
Magical Rites;" but the sort of healing which requires magic in 
combination with the use of native drugs will be considered in 
the following section. 

By Native Materia Medica. While a few of the older women 
and men — that is to say, the priest-doctors — are highly skilled 
in the use of curative agents, they by no means hold a monopoly 
in the medical arts, for in every family the mother or grand- 
mother has a store of remedies, and even young people treat them- 
selves with varying success. 

The list of native drugs that are supposed to have a curative 
effect is enormously large, including an uncountable number of 
names of trees, bushes, shrubs, rattans, climbing plants, whose yield 
of fruit or leaf or stem or bark or root, is eagerly gathered 
and carefully preserved by the Bagobo for their primitive practice 
of medicine. The consideration of many such vegetable products 
which have an actual curative value belongs rather to a work on 
material culture than to a monograph on religion. Our interest in 
the present connection does not extend to the probing into the 
actual eflfects of this or of that specific medicine; but we are con- 
cerned with the general methods of treatment, particularly where 
magic is instrumental in producing the desired result. 

A very large number of curative elements consist of spells and 
drugs used in combination, and depending for their effect, in part 
upon the value of the pharmaceutical element, in part upon a 
prescribed ritual of word-charms, of magic passes, of set counts to 
be used with the drug or the lotion. For instance, in rubbing the 
body the stroke must take an upward direction with one curative 
agent, and downward with another; while certain other forms of 
treatment would be futile unless employed simultaneously with 


areca-nuts and betel-leaf. Naturally, then, some of these healing 
remedies might just as properly be catalogued under the heading, 
"Charms having Inherent Virtue." 

The overlapping of magic and medicine is a phenomenon that 
is impressed on anybody who talks with the natives on such sub- 
jects. One becomes distinctly aware of the lack of complete defi- 
nition of such terms as bawi and alang — two words in constant 
use. There is certainly a tendency to use alang for what we call 
a charm or a talisman, and to give the name bawi to drugs and 
to external medicinal applications. This distinction, however, does 
not hold throughout, for certain charms against demons are quite 
as often named bawi ka hmo as alang ka buso] while, contrariwise, 
a medicine to rub on the skin may be alang. One realizes, in 
listening to a Bagobo as he rapidly repeats a list of medicines, 
that he does not distinguish drugs from charm objects; he runs 
them all confusingly together. Any line, too, that we ourselves 
might attempt to draw between the healing by materia medica and 
the healing by spells would be a highly artificial line. **! used to 
be a leper," said one of my boys, ^'but I took an areca-nut, and 
stroked the sores on my skin, and after that I got well very quick." 
Even when a mode of treatment might be termed, from our own 
point of view, a ^'rational" mode, such as inhaling hot fumes for 
a cough, a touch of magic is usually required to make the treat- 
ment work. '^* A fixed number of inhalations is required if relief 
is looked for; two wafts of smoke are to be repeated, say three 
times, for to repeat four or five times would be termed madat^ 
that is, unlucky. 

Among the chief modes of treatment are the following: stroking 
and rubbing ; inhaling of medicinal fumes ; drinking water containing 
the ashes of a burnt object ; wearing a medicine attached to necklace 
or jacket. We may distinguish certain clearly-marked groups, in one 
of which the factor of fire plays a prominent part, (a) The method 
of burning; (b) The method of external use without burning; (c) 
The method of internal use without burning; (d) The method of 
wearing or of carrying the medicine on the person. 

* * ^ Similarly, the Indo-IraniaDt held that sicknets shoald be cured by magical epellB 
and by washing. "In fact, the medicine of spells was considered the most powerful of 
all, and althoogh it did not oast the medicine of . . . drags, yet it was more highly 
esteemed." J. DARMssTniCB (tr.): "The Vendidad." Sacred books of the East, vol. 4, 
pp. Ixxx, 108 et eei. 


Method of Burning. A widely-used method of extracting the 
virtue of a medicinal element is that of burning or of charring. 
Here the Bagobo recognize two distinct methods of manipulation, 
which they set apart from each other by their definition of the 
two terms, tiduk and giiho. (a) To bum with flame is called tiduk\ 
(b) To burn with smoke is called gtiho. 

By the method of tiduk the medicine is burned to ashes, and 
the ashes are either mixed, while hot, with water and swallowed, 
or are applied dry to the diseased part. The ashes of many kinds 
of non-succulent roots, and of various species of rattan, are used 
for sore throat, for cold on the chest and for stomach ache. The 
foot and the beak of the crow, when burned to ashes, are both 
highly esteemed as a cure for pain in the belly and for a number 
of other ailments. 

A very common method of cure is by giibo, which includes all 
medicinal agents that can be readily charred, or from which smoke 
may be drawn. In the charring process, the curative object is held 
in the fire until it is blackened at one end and then the charred 
part is rubbed on the throat, or chest, or other suffering member. 
Sometimes this is done in silence, sometimes with word-charms. 
Favorite objects used for charring are pieces of tortoise-shell for 
bronchial colds; the shell of tobun-tabun nut for pain in the stomach 
and for intestinal disorders; and a great variety of woods, roots, 
barks and leaves, all of which are charred and stroked on the 
painful part of the body in a manner which, for each form of ache 
and pain, is prescribed with more or less definiteness. GhtUs pro- 
duced by insects and forming excrescences on certain trees are 
highly esteemed as a means of cure for sore throat and sore chest. 
The healer holds the gall in a flame for twenty or thirty seconds, 
rubs off a bit of the charred part while it is still glowing, and 
applies it to the chest or the throat with a downward stroke that 
leaves a black mark about two inches long. She does this twice 
three times, while repeating the numbers, "'Usha^ dua^ tolug; usha^ 
duUy tolug.^^ (One, two, three; one, two, three). She must say no 
more, and may make but the six strokes. 

The other form of treatment included under giibo is the use of 
smoke produced by burning vegetable gums, or the hair of the 
flying lemur, or deserted birds' nests ''^^ (particularly the nest of 

* * * Skeat notes the Malay practice of treating a fretfal child by smoking it orer a 
fire obtained from baming the nest of a weaver-bird. Cf. Malay magic, p. 888. 1900. 


the limokun pigeon), or any other object from which fumes regarded 
as curative may be extracted. The patient, or some friend, puts 
his hand near the burning medicine, and wafts the smoke toward 
the nose or the sore chest or the aching head. It is not unlikely, 
though this inference is my own, that this treatment may be assumed 
to smoke out the disease-demon from the body, exactly as wild 
bees are smoked out from their tree-homes while the hunt for wax 
and honey is going on. 

A similar method of treatment, though no actual smoke is pre- 
sent, is that made use of to cure pain all through the body (tapan). 
Numbers of tiny brown calyxes from a plant called sal^ are kept 
strung on a thread of hemp, and alternating with these calyxes 
are little flat, black, glossy seeds known as teling^ also pierced and 
strung. From this flowerlike chain of brown and black, the patient 
takes one calyx and one seed and puts them into the flame of a 
candle or a torch. He then places his hand near the flame, and 
waves it twice toward his face, so that each time the flame will 
bend in his direction, after each of which moves he passes his 
hand over his face from forehead to chin. He is to repeat exactly 
three times the double wafting of the flame and the double stroking 
of the face, for to repeat four or five times is very unlucky. 

Method of External Use mthout Burning. Another class of medi- 
cines include those that are never put into the fire, but are simply 
rubbed on the painful spot, or drawn lightly over the skin. Certain 
fruits and seed-pods are rubbed on the stomach; kamogna root is 
shaped into very small discs, mixed with betel, chewed and spit 
upon the abdomen, the head, or the chest; the fruit of esor is 
chewed with betel and rubbed with three upward strokes on a 
sore chest; vegetable gums furnish a panacea for pains in head, 
thorax, wrists and feet, provided they are rubbed on the part with 
a gentle downward stroke; from strings of seeds that hang from 
the necklace a few are cut off, mixed with betel, spit on the finger, 
and with the finger rubbed on an aching head; selected fruits and 
bits of wood have only to be touched to lame arms and legs, and 
many roots are used in like manner. Leprosy is said to yield to 
a few passes made with an areca-nut on the sores, the magical 
motions being manipulated in this, as in many other modes of healing, 
by the patient himself. 

A panacea for any and every bodily pain was brought to me by 
Aglang. It was a vegetable gum tied up in a cotton girdle, the 


girdle being knotted at intervals so as to present several closed 
pouches that held the gum. Brass rings encircled the girdle, and 
alternated with the pouches. The manner of treatment was to take 
the girdle in the hand, and with it to make passes on the body 
of the patient: three gentle, downward strokes on the neck, three 
down the length of the arm, and one from hip to foot. Possibly 
the disease is thus forced to pass out through the feet. 

MetJiod of Internal Use without Burning. Definite rules are laid 
down for the preparation of medicines to be taken internally, 
according to the class of medicine and the sickness. Certain kinds 
of seeds, grasses, roots and vegetable gums must be boiled in water, 
and the decoction drunk entire; while certain other kinds of roots, 
as well as many varieties of rattan, barks and twigs are to be 
scraped, or minced, dropped into water, sometimes hot and sometimes 
<5old, and swallowed raw. Bile from serpents '^^^ — a good remedy 
for pain in the belly — is put into water and drunk without 
boiling. The liver of the crow will cure a great number of troubles, 
whether eaten cooked or raw. Cinnamon bark and certain roots 
are scraped fine, and eaten dry. 

Method of Wearing or of Carrying Medicine on the Person. The 
last type of curative agents to be mentioned includes all those 
worn about the person or carried in one's bag or basket, the mere 
presence of the object seeming sufficient to secure the benefit. 
One of the most universally-used medicines of this class is the 
decorated neck-band of rattan that bears the name of Umha and 
preserves the wearer from spitting blood, from centipede bite and 
from swollen breasts. Remedies for many illnesses are tied up in 
small rags and attached to the bead necklace or to some part of 
the clothing. Petals of ylang-ylang blossoms are strung for neck- 
laces, and bits of fruit from the biiiid tree are also strung and 
hung round the neck, to prevent pain or to cure it. Hanging from 
the belt or from the jacket of the Bagobo are often to be seen 
bunches of dry, but fragrant, leaves and flowers, and heavy tassels 
fashioned from many strings of seeds or of tiny discs of aromatic 
woods, all in readiness to smell in case of headache, or to dispel, 
by their mere presence, other aches and pains. 

••• The Benoa of the PeninsaU have a cure for fever which consists in wearing hung 
on the neck the gaU-bladder taken from a python. Cf, R. Mabtin: Die Inlandstamme 
der malayischen Halbinsel, p. 965. 1905. 


It must not be forgotten, however, that in many cases a medi- 
cine is worn simply for convenience, so that it may be readily ac- 
cessible when needed in haste for burning or for chewing, while 
one is on a tramp, or making a visit far from home. Some of the 
above-named remedies, while they may give relief by mere contact 
with the person, often are taken off and used like the other classes 
of medicine. The rattan neck-band, for instance, may be removed 
from the neck and a small portion of it burned off, in order to 
secure enough ashes to apply to a centipede sting. From the 
necklace or the tassel or the nosegay, little seeds of teling and of 
kuyo and of simarun, as well as calyxes of salS, are pulled off, 
one by one, just as they are needed either to hold in the fire or 
to swallow. There still remain, however, many curative objects 
that are worn as means of prevention, or merely smelled to relieve 
pain, like the above-mentioned fragrant bouquets. 


In every phase of activity, the Bagobo is boimd up more or 
less tightly by an array of inhibitions that delay or completely 
check the prompt execution of his projects, by arousing in him 
fears, questionings and hesitation as to whether some tradition will 
be trampled upon, or some disease invited by this or that intended 
move. He explains his insistence upon any given tabu by drawing 
attention to a ceremonial restriction, or a social custom, or a known 
experience of a hurt that followed some transgression; but obvi- 
ously present-day explanations give no clue to historical origin in 
any single case. This fact becomes the more evident on observing 
that the practice of the same tabu may be variously accounted for by 
different Bagobo. For example, one person refuses to eat the flesh 
of monkeys because once a monkey turned into a buso; while an- 
other says that to eat monkey would make him very sick because 
long ago, according to myth, monkeys had the form of man; and 
a third Bagobo explains his aversion by pointing out that a mon- 
key has hands like the hands of man, and feet like the feet of man. 

In any attempt to group into classes the different forms of tabu, 
this tendency of the natives to find more than one origin for a 
single custom emphasizes the highly artificial element that neces- 
sarily enters into every classification, for no item belongs in one 
fixed place alone. Yet the natural association of the tabus suggests 


some such grouping as the following: (a) The ceremonial tabu, a 
tabu connected with objects sacred to the gods, or having a cere- 
monial significance; (b) The mythical tabu, a tabu whose coercive 
effect depends upon association with some tradition, myth, or su- 
pernatural mandate, including omens; (c) The class tabu, a tabu 
on privileges reserved for certain social classes; (d) The aesthetic 
tabu, a tabu which derives its force from the juxtaposition of in- 
congruous mental images. 

Cerefnonial Tabu 

The ceremonial tabus are connected particularly with ceremonies 
whose efficacy would be spoiled by the infringement of the tabu, 
of chief importance among which prohibitions are the following. 

It is tabu to sell, or to give away, any article which has been 
placed upon an altar as an offering. In certain cases, such offerings 
must be left permanently upon the shrine; while in other cases 
the objects are returned to the owners at the conclusion of a cere- 
mony, or after one night has passed while these gifts have been 
lying on the shrine. In any case, one must never part with an 
object thus offered to a god. 

It is tabu to sell a weapon, or an ornament, which by reason 
of its age is called an ihitj a term used of certain classes of articles 
when they become old, and are hence ready to be put upon an 
altar. The following objects are called ikut after they have been 
worn or carried for a period of not less than two years and one 
month. The pangiduj a long-handled spear, of which there are 
some thirty or more types; the kampilan^ a valuable one-edged 
sword that is carried in a decorative scabbard; the sundong^ a long, 
two-edged sword of Moro manufacture, that is obtained by the 
Bagobo in trade; the kalasag^ a war shield made of fine-grained 
wood and often elaborately carved; the sinkall, a chain girdle 
of fine brass links worn by wealthy Bagobo women ; the pankis, ^^' 
a general term for several types of brass bracelet; the pa7narang, 
ear-plugs worn by women and made of hard wood inlaid with 
very fine brass wire; the gading^ large ivory ear-plugs worn by 
men. While exceptions may occur, the tendency is to limit the 

*** The armlet cast from a wax mold and forming a complete circlet is preferably 
the ikot. 


classes of objects called ikut to weapons, arms and ornaments of 
metal and of ivory. The interesting point is that the object in 
question automatically attains a ceremonial value just because it 
is old. "Cannot sell; it's old," is the nonchalant and final answer 
to a request for something that is ikut; for the ikut must go to 
the tambara or to the balekdt, or to the parabunnidn. Nevertheless, 
though the god of the field, or the god of the house shrine may 
claim the bracelet, or the ear-plug, or the shield, the Bagobo may 
still continue to wear the ornament, or to carry the arm or the 
weapon, for some time at least, before placing it upon a shrine. 
There seems to exist a sort of tacit understanding between himself 
and the divine being that, sooner or later, the precious possession 
shall pass over to the altar. The question as to whether or not 
an object has yet become an ikut may not rise into consciousness 
until an opportunity for sale presents itself. On one occasion, there 
was some hesitation about selling me a pair of ivory plugs because 
''the gading was old, and perhaps ready for parabunnidn." 

It is tabu to hold the festival of Ginum during the dark fort- 
night of the moon. 

It is tabu to remove from the Long House any part of the 
ceremonial apparatus until the close of the celebration of Ginum. 
This tabu includes articles of food that are brought in for the feast, 
such as meat and salt, and the prohibition extends even to such 
small things as fragments of rattan and parts of torches. The night 
we were stringing bidii nuts on sections of rattan for the illumina- 
tion, I asked to keep a bit of the rattan for a sample, but my 
request was promptly denied. They told me that it would be "very 
bad" to take it until after Ginum. 

It is tabu to cut the end of a c^emonial bamboo that is raised 
at Ginum. It is. better to leave it standing at a slant if it is too 
long to be put in an upright position. 

In the old men's statement of exploits, it is tabu for any man 
to give the correct number of the victims he has slain. He must 
mention only one half the actual number, because if he should give 
the complete count the great bamboo would split from top to bottom 
while his hand clasps it. 

It is tabu to continue the celebration of Ginum if an earthquake 
shock occurs, lest the death of the man who gives the festival 
follow, and the death of every member of his family as well. 

It is tabu to move toward the north or the west or the east 


while sowing rice at the annual festival of Marummas. The pre- 
scribed direction is from north to south, and to go in any other 
direction would cause a Bagobo to "die very quick" of a disease 
called tulud. 

It is tabu to sow rice at any time except during the traditional 
rice-planting season, which covers a period of about three months — 
April, May and June. 

It is tabu to break the spray of rice that is ceremonially placed 
on the altar for the harvest ritual. 

It is tabu for a torch to burn at the night meetings called Many- 
anitOj at which seances not even a flicker of fire is permitted. 

It is tabu for anybody in the house where there is a dead person 
to fall asleep during the death watch. 

Mythical Tabu 

The coercive eflTect of the mythical tabu depends upon its asso- 
ciation with some tradition, myth, supernatural mandate or omen, 
as the following examples will illustrate. 

It is tabu to continue a journey if an animal belonging to any 
member of the party dies on the road, or if any animal dies at a 
house where the party is stopping or waiting on the road. 

It is forbidden to laugh at one's reflection in the water. 

It is tabu to laugh at small animals. Whoever laughs at a mouse 
or a monkey or a lizard or a fly, or at any other little creature, 
will have his head turned round by the Thunder-god, so that he 
will face backward. 

To kill a cat is tabu^®® because, according to the myths, the 
cat on two or three occasions gave timely warning to the Bagobo 
when they were in danger. 

The killing of a snake, though perhaps not carrying a direct 
prohibition, is regarded as unwise, in view of the attitude which 
the snake community might assume toward the offender. My 

'**The Peninsular Malays consider it lucky to keep a cat in the house. Cf. W. W. 
Skiat: Malay Magic, p. 190. A passage quoted by Skeat from Hugh Clifford's "In 
Court and Kampong" (p. 47) reveals a like superstition. "It is a common belief among 
Malays that if a cat be killed he who takes its life will in the next world be called 
upon to carry and pile logs of wood as big as cocoannt trees, to the number of the 
hairs on the beast's body. Therefore cats are not killed but if they become too daring in 
their raids on the hen-coop or the food rack, they are tied to a raft and sent floating 
down stream to perish miserably of hunger." Ibid., p. 191. 


mountain guide, Ayoba, on catching sight of a poisonous black 
Yiper on the trail, uttered a startled exclamation, then cut a stick, 
picked up the reptile carefully and tossed it into the jungle. They 
told me at Bungoyan's home that if the snake had been put to 
death all its relatives and its friends might have come to bite us. 

There is a tabu on eating monkeys, on the ground that once a 
monkey turned into a buso. Another tradition quoted for the origin 
of the inhibition is that of the primitive peopling of the earth by 
monkeys that had the form of man. It is said, again, that after 
the earth was occupied by human beings, a few persons were 
metamorphosed into monkeys. 

To mention the name of a deceased ancestor comes under the 
tabu called Ziio^, a transgression to which severe penalties are 
attached. One often hears from the Bagobo remarks like the 
following: **! must not tell his name: he was my grandfather;" 
*I cannot speak my father's name, because he is dead." I am 
inclined to think that some Bagobo are afraid to mention the names 
of any dead persons, whether they are related to them or not. 
Once or twice I have heard it said that "a Bagobo does not speak 
the name of the dead; it is very bad to do so." It is probable 
that the mention of the name would be held as an equivalent to a 
summons to the ghost to appear, and the care with which cere- 
monial is performed to prevent the spirits in Kilut from so much 
as giving a thought to those on earth shows how great is the anxiety 
of the Bagobo to shut off the possibility of ghostly apparitions. ^^^ 

Among mountain Bagobo, there is a tendency to avoid mentioning 
their own names that suggests the existence of a generally prevalent 
tabu at an earlier period. A chieftain educated strictly under the 
old Bagobo system, like Imbal of Tubison, if asked his name will 
motion to a companion to answer for him. There is an evident 
feeling that one's own name is a precious and personal thing, not 
to be tampered with by others. 

Certain special circumstances appear to set in motion a name-tabu 
called bi/zs'j e.g. a man docs not mention the name of a girl whom 

'** Dr. Fumeu says of tabu on names ia Borneo: ** Among the Kayans and Kenyahs, 
as far as I know, the restriction on the utterance of names of relatives extends only Xo 
the fathers-in-law of a married couple, whose names must not be mentioned by either 
the husband or the wife. Again, it is most ill-omened for a son to mention his dead 
lather's name; and, of conrse, neither man nor woman dare pronounce their own name; 
this a downright conrting of all conceivable disasters and diseases." Op, eii. p. 17. 


he has seduced; the names of two boys who are desperately at 
odds may be luas to each other. 

It is tabu to mention the name of the god of fire, lest such 
mention act as a summons to Buso. 

In building a house, it is tabu to place the floor at a level be- 
tween the waist and the head of the builder. The floor must be 
either in the same horizontal plane with the waist of the builder, 
or else be raised to a height above his head. If the floor should 
be at the height, say, of the shoulder, the house would inevitably 
fall and crush the family. 

In digging a grave, the depth must be such that the top of the 
walls be at a point about midway between the waist and the breast 
of the digger. It is tabu to dig a grave deeper or shallower than 
this measure. 

Among mountain Bagobo, there is a rigid tabu against the sale 
of unfinished textiles or other handiwork that is still in process 
of manufacture by the women, such as carrying bags, embroidery, 
and over-laced work. To break this tabu will make the women 
too eager for the society of men. Of such an emotional disturb- 
ance, the dignified and self-controlled Bagobo woman is in deadly 
fear; and it was only after much discussion among the old people 
in regard to possible substitutes and medicines that I could secure 
an article in process of making. 

Class Tabu 

The class tabu defines the limits of privileges reserved for cer- 
tain classes. This type of tabu may, perhaps, have become oblig- 
atory as a means of social control, or imder the pressure of group 
interests. By this, I do not intend to give the impression that 
there has been any formal reservation of valued privileges for the 
old people, or for other classes of individuals distinguished for ex- 
ploit or by their ancestry; but merely that in single cases, through 
some historic accident, such a tabu might easily have originated, 
and later have become fixed as a social obligation. In the nature 
of things, this class of tabus would be small, for the social system 
of the Bagobo is frankly democratic, and most good things are 
shared by all; yet here and there, though rarely, a young man 
who has performed no exploit, or a woman, on account of her sex, 
is at a disadvantage. 


It is tabu for a youth who has never killed a man to eat the 
flesh of the limokun pigeon. The boys are taught that if they 
should dare to eat it they would feel very sick, that their skin 
would turn yellow, and that they would grow thin and die; but 
the man who has killed other men may safely eat this pigeon, for 
the reason that the limokun is the king of birds. There seems to 
be no feeling of hesitation about killing this bird on accoimt of 
its sacred association with omens, but only as to making it common 
food. Limokun is set aside for those who have achieved renown, 
just as certain articles of dress are reserved for old people and for 

The wearing of the head-cloth called tankulu is tabu to any man 
who has never killed another man, for the tankulu is a ceremonial 
badge, indicating that the wearer has given Mandarangan human 
blood to drink. This much-valued kerchief is made by women 
specialists, who employ a method of over-lacing cotton or hemp cloth 
before dyeing it. After coloring, the binding threads are removed 
and, wherever the dye has not penetrated, a decorative design in 
cream-color is left on a dark red background. The color varies from 
a claret tint to a dark chocolate shade in a progressive series, the 
lighter tints indicating that the wearer has killed but few men, 
the darker tints that he has killed many. 

This beautifully decorated tankulu cloth, which gives the appear- 
ance of having been stamped with pattern blocks, is often made 
up into shirts, trousers and carrying-bags for the men, and into 
short waists and separate sleeves for the women. The use of this 
cloth is tabu, however, to all except those who have won the right to 
wear the tankulu kerchief and their near relatives. For example, 
a young man who has never taken life, but is nephew to a datu 
or other brave man, is often seen wearing the tankulu but a 
youth who has no distinguished relativcjs must earn his own exploit 

Another textile,, the use of which is prohibited to young men 
and to young women, is linombus^ a hemp fabric tliat is dyed a 
solid color in the rich claret dye extracted from the root of the 
sikarig tree, and made into closed, tight shirts for old men and 
women. It is said that in former times, before cotton cloth was 
imported at the coast, all Bagobo women, young and old, wore thc^ 
linombus waist. At present, there is an attempt to i)reserve the 
ancient colors in the short waist of shop cotton, with its body of 



bright scarlet and sleeves of dark blue, which is worn by young- 
women and girls. The old women keep for themselves the firmly- 
woven hemp waist, with its long black sleeves and dark wine- 
colored body. Younger women save themselves time and trouble 
by securing cotton stuflf that can be bought at the coast and quickly 
sewed together; but just when the tabu on the use of linombiis by 
the young originated we do not know. That a custom which has 
passed out of use from unmistakably economic causes should now 
be prohibited under an ethical category is interesting to note. As 
for the young men, I heard no statement to the effect that they 
ever wore the closed linombus^^^^ shirt. Their present short jacket, 
open in front and made of hemp woven in fine checks, may have 
been the historic garment. Only the sons and nephews of chief- 
tains are permitted to wear the closed, claret-colored shirt of the 
old people, and for them it is frequently embroidered very beauti- 
fully and decorated with pearl discs. It is possible that the linombus 
shirt, like the kerchief of brave men, was formerly associated with 
rank and prowess, and that later it came to be reserved for old 
people only. 

It is tabu for women to eat the sacrificial food which, under the 
name of taroanan^ ^'* is offered upon the altar at Ginum. 

It is tabu for young women to embroider the wide closed scarf 
called miaya^ which is worn by mothers to support the baby as it rests 
upon the hip. This scarf passes over the right shoulder, across the 
chest, and under the left arm, and is covered with highly decorative 
figures embroidered with a special needlework that is now almost 
a lost art. Only aged women are permitted to do this embroidery, 
and now there are but few old women who understand the art. ^^^ 

The ivory ear-plugs called gading seem once to have been tabu 
to married men. It is said that these splendid discs of ivory are 
distinctive of men who are malaki, or virgin, but the tabu is cer- 
tainly not now strictly preserved. 

It is tabu to men and women who are not unmarried and chaste 
(malaki and daraga) to wear the wide, solid shell bracelet called 
pangolan. I remember having seen but one married man wearing 

*^*In the Bilt-an tribe, yoang men freely wear both jacket and trousers of linom- 
bns cloth. 

•^'See pp. 79, 104, 188. 

*'>See the illustration in Amcr. Mus. Jour., vol. 11, p. 166. May, 1911. This scarf 
ii called also salupboy. 


this armlet, and that was Antis, brother of Datu Ido. Possibly the 
tabu is lifted for relatives of chieftains. 

jEsthetic Tabu 

The aesthetic tabu derives its force from the juxtaposition of 
incongruous mental images, often associated with some real or fancied 

The few tabus to be found in existence among the Bagobo 
on eating the flesh of certain animals are in nowise traceable 
to any totemic origin; nor are they based on supposed hygienic 
grounds; nor is there any scruple against taking the life of an 
animal, as such; nor, except in the single case of the limoknn, is 
there a religious sanction involved. Rather does the mention of 
eating this or that animal suggest a train of mental images that 
stimulates a feeling of distaste or repugnance. The tabued animal 
in said to be like some other animal which is never eaten; or it 
resembles man in some character; or the visual or the gustatory 
image is unpleasant simply because it is inhibited by Bagobo custom. 
This group of tabus is by no means so generally binding as those 
of the two preceding classes, and the Bagobo who fails to observe 
them is gently derided rather than censured. The only animal 
food that I have heard spoken of as likely to produce death is the 
flesh of the goat. 

The civet cat is tabu, the only reason given being on the ground 
of custom. 

The carabao, or water-buffalo, is tabu for food, possibly because 
the animal is utilized for dragging loads, and for riding bareback. 

Mountain Bagobo of the truly conservative type refuse to eat beef. 
On my offering a share in a can of corned beef to some old women 
at Talun, who had very little food, they said that they could not 
eat it because the cow was ^'like the carabao."^" 

**'To the moaotain Bagobo, cows are known only by an occasional glimpse at the 
▼ery few herds kept by an occasional Spaniard at the coast. Rinderpest is so widespread 
a disease in the district of Davao that the attempt to introdace cows has met with 
little success. *The universal preference for the flesh of the Buffalo to that of the Ox in 
Malay countries is evidently a prejudice bequeathed to modern times by a period when 
oow-beef was as much an abomination to Malays as it is to the Hindus of India at the 
present day." W. W. Skeat: Op. cii., p. 189. As above noted, however, the Bagobo 
women objected to cow-flesh on the ground that it suggested eating buffalo-meat. 


Goat's flesh is tabu, for "it would kill a Bagobo to eat it." I 
saw no goats under domestication with the Bagobo, but I was told 
that the Bila-an people kept goats. Whether this tabu has arisen 
through unfamiliarity with the animal, or because of the economic 
value of goat's hair for decorative purposes, or through some Bila-an 
tradition borrowed by the Bagobo cannot be determined until the 
Bila-an tribe is better known to us. 

Reptiles, including snakes, monitor lizards and agama, are almost 
universally tabu among the Bagobo. Although some Bagobo will 
eat the flesh of the monitor lizard and of certain snakes, the 
aesthetic repugnance that leads to the prohibition is pretty general. 

Nearly all Bagobo, young and old, show disgust and abhorrence 
at the mere suggestion of eating the flesh of monkeys. While the 
story-teller accounts for this widespread feeling by reference to some 
mythical or other episode where the monkey figured as a chief 
character, most Bagobo explain th(^ tabu by pointing out the r(»- 
semblance which an ape bears to a human being. From boys and 
girls, from old women and old men, one hears such remarks as 
the following, uttered with manifest signs of horror and shrinking. 
"The monkey has two feet like man's feet; he has two hands like 
man's hands; I could not eat the monkey." "A Tagakaola can eat 
monkey; a Bilia-an can eat monkey; a Kulaman can eat monkey." 
"Very few Bagobo can eat monkey, because monkey is like man." 
I have known two or three Bagobo boys who frankly admittini to 
eating monkey-meat, "because it is like deer," or "because it is 
like chicken," but these boys were ridiculed by the other young 
people present. Doubtless, under stress of famine, which so often 
comes when the rice crops fail, any tabu that limits the food supply 
runs a risk of being broken. 

The Bagobo say that other tribes eat animals proscribed among 
themselves. The Tagakaola are said to eat civet cat and lizards, 
while the Bila-an and the Kulaman are accused of eating monkey. 
No doubt the tabu on certain classics of foods is subject to con- 
siderable local variation, but of course each tribe regards its own 
customs as more or less distinctive. One dav there were ten or 


more Bila-an men at my house when we were talking of food 
tabus, and they all admitted readily that it was their custom to 
eat monkey-flesh. 




Closely related to the entire subject of tabu is the belief in 
omens, signs and dream portents, some of which phenomena indicate 
a line of behavior to be followed out, while others foretell un- 
avoidable disaster, or simply serve to announce an event that has 
already occurred. The greater number of omens noted by the 
Bagobo as significant are believed in pretty generally by other 
tribes in the Philippines, and are of a nature that requires no par- 
ticular consideration. Many of the signs and portents that are here 
briefly listed together have already been mentioned in our previous 
discussion, in association with the various subjects which they concern. 
A number of conditions observable in natural phenomena are inter- 
preted as omens. 

When the western sky has a lurid or reddish aspect on a cloudy 
afternoon, it is a sign of misfortune for the world, and it especially 
foretells the appearance of the sickness called pamaliu There is a 
saying among the Bagobo, "When the sky is red, trouble will come." 

^'Maluto langit, madat e banua/' 
Red sky, bad is world. 

It is said that at rare intervals the sun at noon seems to 
have the shape of an umbrella, and that this timolud sun is an 
omen of terrible import. It foretells the calamity of an incestuous 
union between a brother and sister in some family, followed by 
the death of the guilty individuals. 

An eclipse of the moon is a sign that the mammoth bird Mino- 
kowa has swallowed her, and that the sun and all the people on 
the earth will be swallowed by the same bird, unless the Minokawa 
can be induced to open its mouth and disgorge the moon — a 
result which is regularly brought about by the shouting and 
screaming of men, and the beating of agongs. 

The so-called spots on the moon are actually a white monkey 
sitting on a tree; but to distinguish the form of the monkey is a 
portent of death to him that sees it. 

Crashing peals of thunder augur sickness and death, for the zoo- 
morphic thunder demon is emitting growls and roars, a sign that 
he will immediately drop down upon earth and devour somebody, 
unless spells be performed with lemons cut up in water. 


A shower falling within a few days after the death of any 
Bagobo is to be interpreted as a sign that the dead person is weeping 
for a companion to follow him. Some one of his relatives or near 
friends, therefore, will be smitten with mortal illness, failing the 
performance of the proper spell to charm away the lingering spirit. 

A dire portent is the occurrence of an earthquake during the 
celebration of Ginum, for it fortells the death of the host and of 
all his family. 

A journey must be given up, or postponed, if an animal belong- 
ing to any one of the expedition dies on the road, for this is a 
sign that to go on would be dangerous. 

The sound of an insect chirping in a house at night is a sign 
that somebody has just died, and this faint singing is the voice of 
the right-hand soul (gitnokud takauanan) making the announcement 
of its departure from the earth. 

The sound of a rotten tree crashing to the ground at night, when 
no man is near to fell it, is an augur of death, for it means that 
the evil ghost which was the left-hand soul {tebayig) is striking his 
head against the trunk to show that he wants somebody to die 
and be his comrade as he prowls about at night. ^^* 

The limokun^^^ is recognized by the Bagobo as the omen bird, 
whose voice must be listened to carefully for indications of suc- 
cess or ill-luck. Opinions in regard to the precise manner of the 

' ' ^ Father Gisbert records several omens that I did not happen to hear mentioned as 
significant phenomena. In a letter dated February 8, 1886, he says: "When the Bagobos 
have an evil presentiment, for which it is enoagh for them to see a snake in the house, 
or that the jar breaks in the fire, etc., they hasten to their maianomt in order to have 
him conjure the misfortune by means of his great wisdom. . . . Sneezing is always a bad 
omen for them, and accordingly if anyone sneezes by chance when they are about to set 
out on a journey, the departure is deferred until next day.'* Blaib and Robertson: 
op, eii., vol. 48, pp. 237—238. 1906. 

>'*The limokun {Calcopkaps Indica) is a species of turtle dove, or wood pigeon, having 
green and white plumage, with red feet and beak. It is a large and beautiful bird 
that Bagobo children love to catch and tame for a house pet, and this they do freely, 
notwithstanding its character as an omen bird. The boys snare it by laying a slip-noose 
on the red pepper plant, whose fruit the bird comes to eat. The string of the slip-noose 
is tied by its other end to the slender branch of a tree or bush, so as to work by a 
simple form of trigger release, the branch bending down and springing back when the 
bird steps into the noose. In about two nights, a boy told me, the limokun, imprisoned 
in a little cage of split bamboo, has grown fairly tame. The decoy note for limokun is 
made by whistling between the two thumbs held in contact, vertically and close to the 
lips, the four fingers of the right hand being clasped over those of the left, with a tiny 
crevice left for an air vent. 


augury vary somewhat, though the postponing of a journey or the 
abandoning of the expedition is usually involved. A Bagobo told 
me that if the limokun were heard to whistle the journey must 
be abandoned for that day. Either a return home, or a mere wait 
on the road, will avert the threatened disaster. Certain other in- 
vestigators ^'® have recorded that the advance or retreat of the party 
must be determined by the direction whence the limokun's voice 
comes — whether from the right hand or the left hand side of 
the path.'" 

Omens of life and of death, of wealth and of poverty, are read 
in the lines on the palm of the hand by Bagobos skilled in such 

Among my acquaintances were two young men and one old chief- 
tain who understood a little of palmistry. The long curved line 
that follows the direction of the attachment of the thumb is called 
the lawa^ which, when it ends proximally in many fine roots, means 
that the person will have a long life. The well-defined line 
running across the hand below the fingers is the kulili^ which, if 
strong and deeply-marked, signifies that the individual will grow 
rich and possess many things. The line running transversely be- 
tween the kulili and the lawa is named the tidalan, but I am un- 
able to state its meaning, as my note on this line is broken off. 
A faint line passing lengthwise over the middle of the palm, and 
crossing the tidalan and the kulili, is to be seen in the hands of 
some persons; this is the hera kamati^ and its presence indicates 
that one is the last of the family, that all of the other members 
are dead. The short line near the wrist, running obliquely from 

*** Father Gisbert wrote, in 1886, as follows concerniDg the limokaa aogar among 
the Bagobo: "The »ong of the limocon is for them the message from God. It is of good 
or e?U augary according to circumstances. Accordingly, when the limocon sings every 
Bagobo stops and looks about him. If he sees, for instance, a fallen tree, the limocon 
sdTiaea him not to advance farther, for the fate of that tree awaits him, and he turns 
back. If he sees no particular thing which indicates or prognosticates any ill, he con- 
tinues, for then the song of the limocon is good." Blair and Robertson: op, cit., vol. 
48, p. 288. 1906. 

*'* Bishop Aduarte, writing in 1640 of the inhabitants of Nueva Segovia, probably 
refers to the limokun in this passage. ''If they heard the singing of a certain bird 
which they regarded as a bad omen, they did not go on at all with what they had 
andertaken, even though they had traveled for many days, and even in the case of an 
entire army in war. They acted in the same manner if the bird came or flew toward 
their left hand, or if it turned its bill in such or such a direction." See his ''Historia. . ." 
Blaib and Robertson, vol. 80, p. 287. 1905. 


the lawa to the bera kamati, is called the bangan^ and means that 
men will kill the sister of the possessor of the hand, or will kill 
his sister's husband. The koris is a short line branching upward 
from the bangan; but koris may be used also as a general term 
for the lines in the palm. The phrase madat palad signifies that 
your lines are unlucky, that you will have a short life, and that 
your wife, too, will soon die. ^'® 


Dreams are of two distinct types, which may be called exploit 
dreams and warning dreams. 

The exploit dream is characterized by adventures, hairbreadth 
escapes, strange encounters — all of which are actual exploits per- 
formed by the evil left-hand soul, which has escaped, temporarily, 
from the body in which it lives and is wandering about the earth. ^''-^ 

The vision, or warning dream, is one in which a person who is 
living under some stress of anxiety or suffering is visited by a 
heavenly messenger, who tells him what to do to obtain relief. 
Several myths illustrate this type of dream, such as the following. 

*"" Parallel beliefs in the valae of signs and portents for the determination of behavior 
are foand in many tribes throaghout the Islands. For example, Aduarte says of the 
Filipino of Nneva Segovia, in 1640: "If the Indians left their houses, and happened to 
meet anyone who sneezed, they went back home again even though they had gone a 
day's journey, as if the sneeze had been something in the road. Sometimes they went 
on, and returned without delay from their destination. If the same thing happened 
when they began to work, they immediately desisted from their labor. . . On the con- 
trary, they were very much encouraged and very joyful when the augury was a good 
one; and although a thousand times the event was opposite to what the augury — had 
threatened or promised, they never lacked an excuse for remaining in that error. . ." 
"Historia. . ." Blaie and Robsbtson: op. eit., vol. 30. pp. 287—288. 1905. 

One of the pioneer Jesuit missionaries in Mindanao, Francisco Combes, says: **What 
they believe in thoroughly are omens, which are almost general in all the islands. There 
are many of them: of birds, like the limocoa ; of insects, like the lizard [sic.^\ of acci- 
dental occurrences, like sneezing; of happenings, like deaths and earthquakes; of obser- 
vances, at times of sowing, and of reaping, and of the hunt — all of those have their 
observances which they fulfil in order to have luck in the work; for they believe that 
without these it will be unlucky and without any profit." ''Historia de Mindanao, Jolo, 
etc." 1667. Blaib and Robertson: op, cit., vol. 40, p. 184. 1906. 

Cf, also, the following references as typical of many such to be found in the Indian 
sagas. ''After he had set forth he saw an evil omen presenting itself in front of him." 
Somadeva: Katha sarit sagara: tr. by C. H. Tawnet, vol. 1, p. 283. 1880. ''An evil 
omen presenting itself to people engaged in any undertaking, if not counteracted by delay 
and other methods, produces misfortune." Ibid., vol, J, p. 285. 

* '• See pp. 68—60. 


During a legendary famine that afflicted the Mona, the traditional 
ancestors of the Bagobo, a little boy with white hair appears to 
the old man, Tuglay, in his sleep and warns him to stay no longer 
where there is so little food, but to go to the land of the water- 

A mother whose son has been bewildered by the wood demon, 
S'iring, and lured to his death, sees at night a dream-boy who 
stands beside her and bids her perform certain devotional rites that 
will procure the restoration of her son. *®^ 

An allied episode is that in the story, ^'The Sun and the 
Moon,"^®' when a white-haired boy tells the Sun, in a dream, that 
the Moon mother has hidden away her girl-baby in a box to save 
her from the. cruelty of the Sim. ^®* 

*•• Cy. Jour. Am. Folk-Lore; vol. 26, pp. 24—52. Jan.— Mar., 1918. 

••»C/. ibid., p. 17. 

* * * For a discQBsioii of magic, taba and treatment of disease in certain Melanesiao 
tribes, see Dr. C. 6. Seligmanm's "The Melanesians of British Nev7 Gainea," pp. 136 — 140, 
167—193. 1910. 

The subject of divination, magic and omens among the Todas of Sonthem India is 
examined by Dr. W. H. R. Rivers, in his "The Todas," pp. 249—273, 459 — 460. 

See also Dr. A. C. Haddon's Notes on the Omen Animals of Sarawak, in his "Head- 
Hunters, Black, White ond Brown," pp. 381—393. 1901. Cf. Reports of the Cambridge 
Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, vol. V, VI, 1904 — 1908, for an analysis 
of the magic and religion of the western and eastern islanders. 

Part IV. Problem of Sources of Ceremonial and Myth 

It is only during the last half century that the Bagobo have 
come to the knowledge of the western world. We do not know how 
early they came into contact with the Chinese, but Dr. Laufer, ®'' 
who has made a careful investigation of those Chinese sources which 
contain accounts of the Philippines, mentions no Chinese record of 
the wild tribes of Mindanao. 

When we turn to the Spanish writers, we find as early as 1521 
descriptions of the Filipino and of the Moro peoples, '^* and from 
the end of the sixteenth until the close of the nineteenth century 
the work of the priests progressed in Mindanao ; yet for some time there 
is no mention of Bila-an or of Kulaman, of Tagakaola or of Ba- 
gobo. Although as early as 1546 Saint Francis Xavier ^^^ preached 
in Mindanao; although missions were established on this island by 
the Jesuits in 1596, ^^<^ and by the Recollects in 1622;=*" although 
in 1655 the number of christianized natives under the care of Jes- 
uits and Recollects in Mindanao was reported ^^® to have reached 
70,000, the mountain tribes of the southeast were not known to 
the missionaries until two centuries later. It was along the coast 
line from the northeast to the southwest, and in the immediately 
adjoining territory of the interior that their numerous churches and 
convents were established. One may search in vain the maps of the 
early cartographers for any place-names along the gulf of Davao. 
Even fairly detailed maps such as that by Sanson d'Abbeville, '^** 

**' Q^. ''The RelstioDB of the Chinese to the Philippine Islands." Smithsonian Miscel- 
laneous Collections (Quarterly issue), yol. 60, p. 248 — 284. 1907. 

'**See Blair and Robbktson: op. eit., yol. 83 — 84; vol. 41, et cetera. 

••* Cf. ibid., vol. 27, pp. 800, 804. 1905. 

'*• Cf. ibid., vol. 28, p. 840. 1905. See also vol. 41, p. 284. 1906. 

'*' Cf. ibid., vol. 21, pp. 214—288 et teq., 802 et teq. 1905, See also vol. 13, pp. 
48, 86. 1904. See also vol. 28, pp. 840, 844. 1905. See also vol. 41, pp. 137—157. 

«•• ty. ibid., vol. 86. p. 67. 1906. 

•••See ibid., voL 27, pp. 74—76. 1906. 


dated 1654; of Archivo general de India, ^^ 1683; by Murillo Ve- 
larde, ^»» 1749; by Nicol,^^^ 1757^ and that from the "Complete 
East India pilot" *^^ of 1794, indicate nothing in this region except 
the situation of Mount Apo. It was not until 1847 — 1848 that the 
conquest of Davao gulf was accomplished by the Spaniard Oyang- 
uren, who by 1849 had the Moros of the entire coast of the gulf 
subdued, and was turning his attention to the interior. ^^* 

Our first descriptions, from Spanish sources, of the religious 
customs of the pagan tribes of the east and west sides of Davao 
gulf appear in that invaluable series of letters published under the 
title of ** Cartas de los PP. de la Compaiiia de la Mision de Fili- 
pinas,'' in 9 volumes, Manila, 1877 — 1891. We do not know the 
precise date when the Jesuits began to work in the pueblos along 
the gulf, but it was some time during the third quarter of the last 
century. An undated letter from Padre Heras, Superior of the 
Mission, that precedes a letter of 1876 in the first volume of the 
Cartas,*^* mentions the little village of Davao as having a good 
church and a school, and names several of the wild tribes, including 
the Bagobo, which would come within the jurisdiction of the mission. 
In 1877, Padre Mor^ and Padre Puntas were working in Davao 
and were making visitations at neighboring Bagobo rancherias. ^^^ 
Padre Mateo Gisbert was there as early as 1880 and remained until 
his death in 1905, while Padre Juan Doyle came several years later 
than Gisbert. ^^^ It is the letters of these four last-named missionaries, 
therefore, that are of particular ethnological interest in relation to 
the Bagobo and their neighbors. 

When found by the Spanish fathers, the Bagobo were practising 
a religion, the essential elements of which had been well-developed 
for a considerable period. The genealogy of one of the head datu, 
Manip of Sibulan, had been carefully preserved by means of oral 
recitation, and it ran back for eleven generations to his famous 

•••See Hid,, vol. 64, p. Bl. 1909. 
••>See ibid., vol. 48, frontispiece. 1907. 
•••See ibid,, vol. 48. p. 281. 1907. 
•••See ibid., vol. 41, frontispiece. 1907. 

**^ Cf. Qairico Mor<: ^'Letter . . . Jan. 20, 1885." Blair and Robertson: op. eii., 
Tol. 43, p. 194. 1906. Quotes Montero y Vidal: ''Historiapirateria," vol. l,pp. 882— 408. 
••* C/. Cartas, vol. 1, pp. 18—19. 1877, 

••• C/. Cartas, vol. 1, pp. 66, 81. 1877. Ibid., vol. 2, pp. 47—60. 1879. 
••' C/. ibid., vol. 8, p. 104. 1880. 


ancestor, Salingolop. '^® According to Bagobo tradition, human sacri- 
fices were offered to Mandarangan while Salingolop ruled, in the 
same manner that they are offered to-day. It will be seen, then, 
that no Spanish document can throw light, by contemporaneous 
record, on the nature or the form of the Bagobo ceremonial of 
two or three centuries ago; still less, on the processes by which it 
grew to its present condition of complexity. Any attempt, there- 
fore, to trace the mythology and the ritual customs to their sources 
must analyze them on a comparative basis. Here, too, the lack of 
detailed ceremonial material from a large part of the Malay area 
permits only rather general comparisons; still, it is possible to 
arrive at some sort of answer to the question: "To what extent is 
the religion of the Bagobo identical with that of other peoples in 
the Malay country, and in how far is it unique?" 

In such a discussion, two or three lines of cultural development 
on the religious side would suggest themselves; none of which, 
however, should be considered as excluding the others. (1) The 
ceremonial of the Bagobo may represent in some of its aspects 
an independent local development; (2) Some elements of the cere- 
monial may have been brought into the Philippines by one tribe, 
or have taken shape in some one locality, and thence, as from a 
cultural center, have been superimposed on other groups; (3) The 
fundamental ceremonial factors may be considered as the common 
heritage of the wild tribes and the Filipino, and as having undergone 
merely such local modifications in each group as slight variations 
in cultural conditions would give rise to. 

Scanty as is the descriptive material that has thus far been 

*** Manip was the father of Tongkaling, who is data of Sibulan at the present time, 
and Salingolop appeal's to be the earliest ancestor known to this line. The genealogy 
referred to was recorded first by Father Mateo Gisbert. in a letter dated July 26, 1886; 
and a few years later it was given, without change, by Father Juan Doyle in a letter 
dated May 80, 1888. See Cartas, vol. 8, p. 206. 1889. Father Gisbert's letter, as trans- 
lated by Blair and Robertson, runs as follows: ''The Bagobos of Sibulan usually show 
their antiquity by the following genealogies. Manip, the present datu, had for father 
Panguilan ; Panguilan was the son of Taopan ; Tadpan, son of Maliadi ; Maliadi, son of 
Banga; Banga, son of Lumbay; Lumbay, son of Basian; Basian, son of Boas; Boas, son 
of Bato; Bato, son of Salingolop. They say that of all their ancestors, Salingolop was 
the most powerful, and his name was always preserved among all his descendants. Before 
him there were already Bagobos with the same customs as those of today, that is, they 
were heathens and slaves of the great Mandarangan or Satan, to whom it appears that 
they always sacrificed homan victims." Op. eit., vol. 43, pp. 245 — 246. 1906. 


gathered by observers of religious rites as celebrated by pagan tribes 
in the south, yet even in such records as we have, certain well- 
marked characteristics in ritual appear in the same setting in several 
different tribes. A number of the ritual elements that are found 
to be the common property of two or three or more mountain 
tribes of Mindanao will be mentioned briefly, not at all as a com- 
plete list, but rather as suggesting a line along which a full 
comparison might be extended. 

We note, first, a close similarity in the essentials of sacrificial 
rites as practised by the Bagobo and other peoples of Mindanao. 
The offering of human victims seems, at present, to be peculiar to 
the Bagobo, the closely allied Guianga and the Tagakaola; but the 
manner of sacrificing animals in other tribes is in many points 
identical with the Bagobo paghuaga. The intention and the tech- 
nique of the bloody sacrifice is much the same, whether the victim 
be a man, a hog or a cock. In the brief but trenchant description 
given by Pastells^^^ of this rite among the Mandaya, we learn 
that the sacrifice is performed at the signal of drums and agongs; 
the official sacrificers wear claret-colored shirts and ceremonial 
kerchiefs; the victim is tied to some structure of recognized form; 
a peculiar dance is performed about the victim before the attack; 
definite ritual words are repeated to Mansilatan or to Badlao — gods 
that answer to Mandarangan; the privilege of giving the first stab 
is awarded beforehand to a particular individual; a feast following 
the sacrifice is shared in by great numbers of people. The Buquidnon, 
similarly, offer sacrifices of swine and fowls, '*^**' having old men as 
celebrants of the rites, with the accompaniment of songs, dancing 
and prayers. Besides the bloody sacrifice, the Mandaya, the Bu- 
quidnon and many other tribes, make agricultural offerings of areca- 
nuts and buyo and various products of the soil. *'*^ Antiphonal 
songs relating the achievements of ancestral heroes are sung on 
festival occasions by the Buquidnon, as well as by the Bagobo. 
The shrines of the Buquidnon answer, structurally, to the Bagobo 

*•• "Carta... al R. P. Superior de la Mision, Catel, 8 de Juiiio de 1878." Cartas de 
lo8 PP. de la Compatlia de Jesus de la Mision de Filipinas, vol. 2, pp. 138 — 189, 
144. 1879. 

••"J. M. Clotet: "Letter ... Talisayan, May 11, 1889." Blair and Robertson; op. 
eii., vol. 43, p. 296. 1906. 

*•» Pablo Pastells: loc, di. Cartas, vol. 2, pp. 139—140. 1879. See also Clotet's 
letter {ut supra). Blair and Robertson: op. cit., vol. 43, p. 296. 


tambara;*"^ the Bila-an have a rice-altar (parabunni&n) in form of 
a little hut much like that of the Bagobo. *^' 

Turning from the formal ceremonial to religious responses of a 
more informal nature, it appears that throughout the mountain tribes 
of Mindanao communication is set up with the gods through the 
medium of priestesses. The Mandaya meeting, in particular, as 
described by Pastells, corresponds in certain aspects to the manner 
of giving an oracle among the Bagobo — the emotional disturb- 
ance, the silence preceding the utterance, the behavior of the 
medium. *°* 

Valiant men, who have slain other men and have therefore 
received the title of bagani (or magani)^ are everywhere entitled 
to the same privileges: the wearing of a closed shirt dyed in solid 
red, the ceremonial kerchief, and a costume graded (at least among 
the Bagobo, the Mandaya and the Manobo) by the number of per- 
sons the wearer has killed — from the kerchief to the full costume 
of encarnado.^^^ Among the Mandaya, the Manobo, the Bila-an, 
the Tagakaola and the Bagobo, and presumably in all of the neigh- 
boring tribes, these "brave men" hold a position of great impor- 
tance, both from the ceremonial and the social point of view, and 
they exert a profound influence in the tribe. 

Many of the popular beliefs ^'^^ found among the Bagobo are cur- 
rently accepted throughout the entire island. The appeal to con- 
stellations to determine the proper time for burning over the ground 
and for sowing; the cause of an eclipse; the danger of continuing 
a journey when a slain animal is encountered on the road; the 
position of limokun as the omen bird and the interpretation of its 
cry; the sacredness of thicket growths; the haunting of the baliti 
and of various other trees associated with evil spirits — all these 
beliefs are held by many, if not all, of the tribes. Beliefs essen- 

*•* J. M. Clotkt: loe. cit, p. 296. 

•••See p. 98, footnote. 

*•*?. Pastells: loc. eii. CarUa, vol. 2, pp. 189, 140. 1879- 

^^'^ *'LoB baganis se distiDgaea en su vestido segun el numero de sas asesinatos. De 
cinco It diez maertes, llevan en la cabeza pafluelo encarnado, de diez ^ yeinte pafiaelo 
y camisa colorada, de veinte en adelante pafiaelo, camisa y pantalon encarnado." P. Pas- 
TELT^; loc. cit.. Cartas vol. 2, p. 144. 1879. (^. also, Santiago Puntas: Carta. .. Butuan, 
19 Diciembre, 1880. Cartas, vol. 4, p. 37. 1881. Cf. also, F. Combes: "Natives of the 
soaihern islands." Blair and Robertson: op. eit., vol. 40, p. 159. 1906. 

*•• cy. Cartas, vol. 2, p. 141 el seq. 


tially similar regarding death and burial are widely diffused through* 
out the northern, the eastern and the southeastern regions of Min* 
danao; such as the journey of the soul to another world, the impor- 
tance of placing food for the soul to eat on the way, *°^ the burial 
of rich clothes *®® and other possessions with the dead and, often, 
the desirability of forsaking a house in which there has been a death. 
Names of demons, such as Busao, Tagamaling, Tigbanud, appear 
in other tribes, but sometimes with traits other than those that 
characterize these evil personalities among the Bagobo. The as- 
uang*^® of the Mandaya is clearly borrowed from the group of 
Visayan situated on the Pacific coast. The Mandayan Busao,. 
however, is not identical with the Bagobo Buso, for the former spirit 
is conceived to be a sort of intangible out-going from the good 
gods, Mansilatan and Badlao; it is believed that the bagani or brave 
men have the spirit of Busao given to them to make them strong^ 
and valiant.*®^ Thus the Mandayan Busao is functionally identical 
with the Bagobo Mandarangan, who enters into the heads of brave^ 
men and fills them with a desire to shed blood. Padre Pastells- 
states that the Mandaya had a Tagamaling, a being of gigantic 
stature*^® (thus differing from the Tagamaling of Bagobo myth). 
Again, the name of Tagumbanua is mentioned as "a god of the fields" * ' ^ 
among the Bukidnon; but, here, it seems highly probable that this 
spirit may be found to be identical with the Bagobo demon, for 
the missionaries may have been misled by the composition of the word. 
In general, however, I think that we ought to be very hesitant 
about rejecting the records of the Religious in regard to the char- 
acteristics of the supernatural beings. Their notes on demons have 
a peculiar value on account of the sympathetic attitude of the priests 
when the natives brought to them accounts of supernatural visita- 
tions. Believing, as many of their letters show, that the spirits 
called bmao, asuaftg, and so forth, were actual apparitions of the 
real devil of theology, they listened to the weird stories of the 
people in a spirit that encouraged confidence.**^ 

*•* Cf, P. Pastklls: op. cit. Cartas, vol. 2, p. 142. 1870. 
*•• Cf, P. Pastells: ibid. Cartas, vol. 2, p. 143. 1879. 
*•• Cy. P. Pastells: ibid,, Cartas, vol. 2, p. 138. 1879. 
• » • Ibid., p. 148. 

^" J. M. Clotct: loc, cit. Blair and Robertson: 09D. eit., vol. 43, p. 294. *'Bana& 
means *'the earth" in the sense of "the world," in Bagobo. 

* ' * As the following passage and a number of others demonstrate, the missionaries 



Certain of the religious beliefs that have been mentioned, such as 
the reverence for haunted trees, are widespread throughout the 
world and might easily have arisen independently in different Malay 
groups; but we find also such forms and customs as the sacrificial 
dance and the dress of the baganis that have a certain amount of 
complexity, and since they occur in neighboring groups they point, 
unmistakably, to contact and diffusion, for a completely inde- 
pendent growth of ritual phenomena so essentially alike is highly 
improbable. The chances for dissemination of religious culture from 
island to island, and within each single island, must have been 
good at all times, especially where Malay people are concerned, 
who are both sea-farers and land-trampers. 

The hypothesis of one cultural center in Mindanao from which 
ritual practices have radiated is not an impossible one, although 
at present there is not sufficient evidence to determine which 
of the tribes has ever been in a position to impose its myth- 
ical prepossessions on the rest. To determine such a center of 
radiation, it would be necessary to have access to records of the 
full ceremonial and the stories of each tribe — records which are 
not available. What we do know is that there must have been a 
general interaction among all of the ceremonial groups, and that 
borrowing of myths and of ceremonial details has undoubtedly been 
going on for a very long time, especially among groups that inter- 
marry and that hold toward one another relations that are fairly 
friendly — such groups as the Bila-an, the Tagakaola, the Guianga 
and tlie ]Jagobo — though we do not know just how recently 
such friendly intercourse has come about. We have, indeed, de- 
finite evidence from Spanish writers, as well as from the accounts 

did not regard the stories of demons as mere fictions of the imagination. In the writings 
of Fray Casimiro Diaz, 1638 — 1640, we find an account of spiritual apparitions among 
the natives of Panay. "During the time when this apostolic minister Mentrida was 
preaching in the mountains of Ogton, there were visible apparitions of the devil, standing 
upon a rock and teaching superstitions and giving laws to a great number of Indians, 
who, deceived by him, followed him. Even at this day these hideous monsters are wont 
to appear to the Indians, some of whom remain in a demented condition for months from 
the mere sight of them; others go away with the demons, and are lost for a long time, 
and then will return in a terrified and fainting condition, few of them failing to die 
soon afterward. I would have much to tell and relate if I should stop to mention what 
has occurred with such monsters, who have been seen not only in the mountains of Ogton 
and Ponny, but very frequently in the province of Taal." Blair and Robertson: o^j. 
cit., vol. 20, pp. 200—270. 1905. See also, Aduabte: Historia. Op. cii., vol. SO, pp. 
178—180. 190B. 


of the natives themselves, that an attitude of hostility between 
many of the pagan peoples has been very common, and that along 
with this hostility has flourished the practice of slave-taking and 
the other accompaniments of intertribal warfare. Nevertheless, 
there is always much communication even between hostile tribes, 
with innumerable opportunities for the transmission of folklore 
and myth, particularly through the wide distribution of slaves. 
Hostile or friendly, these mountain tribes of Mindanao must have 
borrowed much from one another. Yet, while the opportunities for 
the spreading of myth, either by direct grafting or through gradual 
dissemination, cannot be emphasized too strongly, there need not be 
excluded the hypothesis of a premigration development of the basal 
structure of that ceremonial which prevails throughout the mountains 
of Mindanao to-day; and the probability for such a common basis 
is the stronger in view of the similarity we find in groups separated 
by natural barriers difficult to cross. The question can be consid- 
ered only in the light of ceremonial material from the other is- 
lands of the Philippines. 

Turning from the wild tribes of the south to the now Christian 
races of the Visayas and of Luzon, we are at once confronted by 
the problem as to whether the pagan peoples of Mindanao form, 
in any sense, a cultural unit composed of similar ceremonial groups 
that show essential differences to the Filipino of three centuries ago. 
What material do we find among Tagal and Visayan tribes to favor 
a hypothesis for such a religious isolation? So far from discovering 
ceremonial evidence that would corroborate this view, a comparison 
of the rites and beliefs of the Bagobo, say, as typical pagans of 
the south, with the rites and beliefs of the early Filipino shows a 
close parallel at almost every point. 

Here in the north and in the west there is much more available 
material than in the south, for the Spaniard came into immediate 
contact with the Tagal, the Pintados, the Bikol, the Ilokano and 
the other peoples that now compose the Christian population of the 
Islands ; and, from the Relation of Pigafetta, *^^ who was the chron- 
icler of the Magellan voyage, in 1519 — 1522, down to the sketch by 
Jos^ Nufiez*'* of vestigial superstitions among the Filipino in 1905, 

*" "First foyage roand the world ... 1519 — 1522. ms. ea, 1525. Blair and Robert- 
son: op, eU., Tol. 33; vol. 84, pp. 1—180. 1906. 
*** C^. cU., ▼ol. 48, pp. 310—319. 1906. 



records of great value on the religious customs of the natives have 
been made by missionaries, by explorers and by Spanish officials. 
Many of these observations, especially on ceremonial rites, are 
fragmentary; many, isolated as single sentences in the midst of an 
ecclesiastical document, or in a discursive narrative of a voyage; 
many are tainted by religious bias; the majority are impressionistic 
and non-critical, yet they are priceless records, as being contem- 
poraneous accounts of religious practices now almost completely 
vanished, simply and truthfully taken down without any attempt 
to present evidence for a pre-conceived ethnological theory, and as 
having been secured before the Filipino had been contaminated by 
intercourse with higher cultures. In some cases, we are able to 
check the observations of one writer by frequently repeated state- 
ments of other writers in not distant localities — all of which 
records leave us with the distinct impression that the Tagal and 
the Yisayan of .the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries worshiped 
and worked magic and sacrificed slaves in pretty much the same manner 
as the Bagobo do to-day. 

The Tagal people used to set apart three days or four days 
annually, before the sowing, ^'^ for a solemn feast which, in cere- 
monial details as well as in fundamental character, closely re- 
sembled the Bagobo festival of Ginum. The large house of the 
chief was divided into definite compartments for the occasion,**''' 
and during the four days of the feast it became the temple or 
ceremonial house, whither the entire baranguy, or group of rela- 
tives and dependants of the chief, came together for worship and 
for feasting; percussion instruments of various sizes were brought 
in and played on at intervals throughout the four festival days; 
torches of special types were put at set places in various parts of 
the ceremonial house ;**^ a sacrifice of a hog or of a cock was made, 
the animal being put to death after a peculiar dance had been 
executed around it,**® and its flesh distributed to the people as- 
sembled;**^ the music of drums and bells accompanied the sacrifice; 

*** (y. Aduaete: "Historia, 1640.** Blair and Robertson: op, cit., vol. SO, p. 287. 

*»•(/. Plasencia: "Relation of the worship of the Tagalogs, 1589.'* Blair and 
Robertson: op, ci(„ vol. 7, pp. 185 — 186. 1903. 

*'' Loe. eit. pp. 186—186. 

**• Cf, Chibino: "Relacion . . . , 1601—1604." Op. eit., vol. 12, p. 270. 1904. 

^'* 6/. ZtifiiGA: The people of the Philippines," 1808. Op, eit,, vol. 43. p. 126.1906. 


liturgical songs that had been passed down from generation to 
generation, and that narrated the achievements and the fabulous 
genealogies of tribal heroes and of divinities, were sung or chanted ; *'^^ 
offerings of material things*^* had to be made by everybody who 
hoped to obtain the benefits of the sacrifice; priestesses acting 
under strong emotional stress gave oracles from gods who entered 
their bodies, though the term mangariito was not confined to this 
phase alone of the religious functions for the entire celebration 
had the equivalent name naganito ; *^^ a special ceremonial liquor, **^ 
fermented from sugar cane and well-aged, was reserved for the 
festival, and finally the religious activities were followed by a big 
feast and drinking that closed the celebration. 

The Pintados (Visayan) held a somewhat similar festival when they 
began to till their fields,*-* and on special occasions, such as in 
sickness, before building and before going to war. At the Visayan 
festival, human victims seem to have been sacrificed*^* much more 
frequently than among the Tagal, though the killing of slaves for 
the service of the dead was common everywhere. The Recollect 
priests mention the Visayan custom of having antiphonal chanting *^® 
at their festivals, the alternation being between a number of men 
and a number of women. 

Among the Filipino tribes in general, both men and women *^^ 
oificiated as priests, just as with the wild people now, and the 
altars at which the rites were performed could not have been very 
different from those which are found in use among the Bagobo and 
other pagan groups of the south. Offerings to the gods were laid 
in little houses, and these hut-shrines *^^ were placed at the entrance 

*»• (y. BoBADiLLA.: Relation..." 1640. Blair and Robertson: vol. 29, pp. 282—283. 
1905. See also "Early Recollect Missions." Op. cit., vol. 21, pp. 187—138. 1905. 

*»»(/. Chiriko: "Relacion . . ." Op. cit., vol. 12, p. 270. 

*** (y. Plasencia; "Relation...," 1689. Op. cit., vol 7, p. 186. 

•>» C/. Aduabte: "Historia...," 1640. Op. cit., vol. 80, pp. 186. 243. 1905. 

^*^ Cf. M. DE Loakca: "Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas," 1582. Op. cit., vol. 5, p. 
165. 1908. See also, "Early Recollect Missions," 1624. Op. cit., vol. 21, p. 203. 1905. 

*" Cf. A. DE Saavedba: "Voyage... 1527—1528." Op. cit., vol. 2, p. 42. 1903. See 
also, "Early Recollect Missions." 1624. Op. cit., vol. 21. p. 203, 1905. 

*«• €/. "Early Recollect Mission," 1624. Op. cit., vol. 21. p. 203. 1905. 

•*' (y. D. Aduaete: "Historia . . . ," 1640. Op. cit., vol. 30, p. 248. 

See also, "Lcgazpi expedition," 1564—1568. Op. cit., vol. 2, p. 189. 1908. 

See also, "Early Recollect Missions," 1624. Op. cit., vol. 21, p. 203. 1905. 

»*• €/. P. Chirino: "Relacion . . . ," 1601—1604. Op. n7., vol. 12,p. 268. 1904. Seealso, 


to the villages, or in retired places in the forest. The essential 
character of another kind of shrine was the white bowl or dish*'-^ 
that must have been very widely used in ceremonial. Aduarte, 
the Bishop of Nueva Segovia, lays great stress on having destroyed 
a great amount of fine earthenware that had been consecrated to 
the uses of pagan worship, but was finally brought to the fathers 
by converted Tagal natives. In 1604 — 1605, Chirino speaks of the 
little plates that were used in making sacrifices at Tatai, near 
Manila. At the rites of the Visayan, white china may have been in use 
at least four hundred years ago, for Pigafetta, in his account of the 
Magellan voyage, 1519 — 1521, describes a funeral ceremony at Cebu 
where fragrant gums were burned in the dishes. **There are many 
porcelain jars containing fire about the room, and myrrh, storax, 
and bezoin, which make a strong odor through the house, are put 
on the fire."*3o 

In Mindanao, the use of good crockery for sacred purposes by 
mountain tribes, whose own hand-made pottery is of the roughest 
sort, strikes the investigator as a remarkable phenomenon, especially 
when one notes how old and smoke begrimed the dishes are, and 
how different in shape from those which are now sold to natives 
in foreign shops at the coast. The earthenware in use at Bagobo 
altars is of a heavy quality, though always white ; whereas Aduarte 
seems to have found fine porcelain used at Tagal shrines."*^* 
The Filipino tribes of the north were the first, presumably, to 
acquire such dishes from Chinese traders, who came often with 
merchandise to the Islands. Later, the use of china bowls and 
saucers as receptacles for offerings at shrines may have been eitlier 
transmitted by the Filipino to more southern tribes, or introduced 
directly by the Chinese at the coast of Mindanao. Such dishes would 
quickly have supplanted for ceremonial use the rough black ware 
or the cocoanut-shell bowl. 

We find records that betel was offered at Filipino shrines, though 
it is not stated whether the areca-nuts were placed in the white 
bowls. Manufactured products, as has been noted, were also cere- 
monially presented to the gods. 

ibid., vol. 18, p. 72. 1904. See also D. Aduaete: "Historia.' 1640. Op, eit., vol. 81, 
p. 155. 1906. 

^** Op. cit., vol. 80, pp. 186, 248. Sec also, P. CniRiNO: loe. cit., p. 72. 

*»• Cy>. eit., vol. 84, pp. 178—175. 

^*^ Op. cU., vol. 80, p. 243. 


As for the places at which the informal ceremonial was conducted, 
anything like a permanent temple seems to have been rare. Morga *^* 
and others state that every person organized his family worship in 
his own house. Little rooms especially dedicated to anito were found 
by Chirino, *'' and records of oratories in caves were brought to 
light by Rizal. *»* 

The term anito was in use among the Visayan as far back as 
the voyage of Saavedra, 1527 — 1528,*^^ and for how many cen- 
turies before that time, we do not know. We have already men- 
tioned various interpretations of the word anito, as understood by 
the Tagal, the Visayan and the wild tribes. One interesting point 
in this connection is, that the care of the Bagobo to have all 
torches extinguished at manganito*^^ is echoed in a note by a 
Recollect Father, who says that the Visayan had a tabu against 
lighting fires when a priestess entered for official purposes.*^' 

Turning from the ceremonial to popular beliefs and customs, we 
find the names of a number of demons that are identical with those 
feared by the mountain tribes. The Patianak^^® represented either 
the spirit of an unborn child, or of a woman who had died in 
childbirth, and consequently was conjured at the time of a woman's 
trial. Wood-demons identical with the Bagobo S'iring were be- 
lieved to bewilder people in the woods and to leave them half 
dead."*^^ The Tigbalag, or Tigabalang, *^" of the Filipino answers 
exactly to the Tigbanua of the Bagobo. The asuang is not found 
among the Tagal, but even to-day is dreaded by the Visayan, 
Catholic though he be, and, as has been shown, the asuang*** is 
almost identical with the Bagobo buso. Sacred thickets ^^'^ and single 

*«> Cy. •"Sucesos," 1609. Bi^ir and Robertson: op. ait., vol. 16, p. 132. 1904. 

*»»(7. -Relacion . . . ," 1604. Op. eit., vol. 12, p. 267. i904. 

***(?/: Rizal'8 note to Morga'8 "Succsos'*, op. eit., vol. 16. p. 182. 

*»• Cf. -Voyage of Alvaro de Saavedra." Op. cit., vol. 2, pp. 36—48. 1908. 

*'*See pp. 195, 202 of this paper. 

"'^ Cf. "Early Recollect Missions," 1624. Blair and Robertson: op. a/., vol. 21, 
p. 207. 1905. 

*»• (y. J. M. DE ZuAioa: "The people of the Philippines." 1808. Op. cit., vol. 43, 
pp. 125—126. 1906. See also T. Ortiz: "Superstitions and beliefs of the Filipinos," ca. 
1781. Ibid., vol. 48, p. 107. See also J. de Plasencia: "Customs of the Tagalogs," 1589. 
IHd., vol. 7. p. 196. 1908. 

••• Cf. D. Aduarte: "HUtoria . . . ," 1640. Op, cit., vol. 30, p. 298. 1906. 

*•• Cf. J. M. DE ZuNiQA, loe. cU., p. 126. 

*^* See pp. 40, 42 — 48 of this paper. 

^** C/*. P. Chirino: "Relacion de las Islas Filipinas." 1604. Blair and Robertson: 


trees were pointed out by all Filipino as objects appropriated by 
some divinity or by some demon, and the baliti held a unique place 
among other trees. 

The omens regarded throughout Mindanao used to be of equal 
concern to the Tagal and Visayan : such as the cry of limokun ; **^ 
the chance meeting with a lizard or a snake;*** a sneeze at the 
beginning of an undertaking ; **"* the significance of an eclipse **® of 
the moon, and so on through a long line of folk traditions. The 
crow**^ and certain other birds**® were regarded by the Tagal as 
sacred. The place where lost articles were concealed**^ could be 
discovered by the bending of a flame in that direction. The con- 
stellations were referred to for setting dates. *^^ The ordeal was 
resorted to for proving guilt and innocence.*'^ Vital parts of a 
slain man were eaten to secure qualities of strength and valor. **'^ 
The use of magical spells,*^' the black art, the carrying about the 
person of small objects with which to harm a foe, the counteracting 

op. cit.t Tol. 13, p. 72. 1904. See aUo Tarioas references in *" Early Recollect Missions," 
1624. Ibid., vol. 21. 1905. See also pp. 115—116 of this monograph. 

''^* C/. D. Aduarts: "Historia . . . ," 1640. Blatb and Robeetson: op. cii., vol. 80, 
p. 287. 1905. See also "£arly Recollect Missions/' 1624. Uid., vol. 21, p. 2C5. 1905. 

'"'" C/. J. DE Memdoza: "History of the great Kingdom of China,** 1586. Op. cit., 
vol. 6, p. 147. 1908. See also, P. Chirino: "Relacion . . ." 1604. Ibid., vol. 12. p. 267. 

*** Cf. P. CHiBrao, loc. cit. See also M. de Loarca: "Relacion . . . ,** 1582. Op. cit., 
vol. 6, p. 166. See also D. Aduarte: "Historia . . .'* 1640. Ibid., vol. 80, pp. 287—288. 

**• C/. T. Orttz: "Superstitions and beliefs of the Filipinos.** ca. 1731. Op. cit., vol. 
48, p. 112. 1906. 

**' Cf. P. Chirino: "Relacion '* 1604. Op. cit., vol. 12, p. 265. 1904. 

"^^ Cf. P. Chieino, loc. cit. See also "Early Recollect Missions,** 1624. Op. cit., vol. 
21, p. 138. 1905. 

**• Cf. T. Ortiz: "Superstitions...," ca. 1731. C^. cit., vol. 43, p. 109. 1906. 

*••(?/■. M. DE Loarca: "Relacion....** 1582. Op. cit., vol. 5, p. 165. 

*»» ty. J. RiZAL (note to Morga's "Sucesos.*') Op. cit., vol. 16, p. 128. 1904. 

*•* ^. A. Piqafetta: "First voyoge round the world, 1519—1522.** Op. cit., vol. 33, 
p. 248. 1906. See also, J. de Plasencia: "Customs of the Tagalogs,** 1589. Ibid., vol. 7, 
p. 193. 1908. 

^^* Cf. the following and many other references. M. de Loarca : "Relacion ...,'*! 589. 
Op. eit., vol. 5, p. 168. 1908. 

L. DE Plasencia: "Customs of the Tagalogs,'* 1588—1691. Ibid., vol.7, p. 192. 1903. 

P. Chirino : "Relacion...** 1604. Ibid., vol. 18, p. 81. 1904. 

"Early Recollect Missions,** 1624. Ibid., vol. 21, pp. 211. 814. 1905. 

D. Aduarte: "Historia . . ." 1640. Ibid., vol. 30, pp. 179—180. 1906. 

T. Ortiz: "Superstitions and beliefs...," ca. 1781. Ibid., vol. 43, pp. 109—110, 1906. 


of one spell with another — these are recorded of the Filipino 
everywhere, and survive among the Tagal, at least, to-day;*** but 
of course only the details of such magical arts would have any 
value in comparison, since magic is found the world over. 

The accounts of Chirino, ^^^ of Loarca, *'^ of Aduarte **^ and others, 
show that both Tagal and Visayan buried the dead in the ground, 
either under the house or in the open field; that clothing, food 
and valuables were buried with the dead for their use in the lower 
world and in the journey thither; that slaves were regularly slain 
at the death of chiefs and of other distinguished individuals, or, 
more commonly, the slave was buried alive with the body of his 
master.**® The soul was thought to go down below to a good 
place,**® where a desirable existence without either reward or 
punishment *^^ could be expected. On memorial occasions, food in 
small bamboo boats was sent to the dead — apparently, in real 
miniature vessels that were actually let loose in the water. *^* 

We have no record of the details of religious ceremonies at mar- 
riage among the early Filipino, but social regulations in regard to 
marriage seem to have agreed, in many respects, with those that 
exist among the Bagobo: such as the generally prevailing monog- 
amy, except in case of chiefs; regulations in regard to dowry or 
marriage price; conditions attached to the division or the return of 
property in case of divorce, the crucial point being that the one 
who initiates the separation, or is found at fault, is at a great dis- 
advantage in the property settlement. *^^ We are not here consid- 

*^'' Cf. J. NufiE7.: ''Present beliefs and superstitions in Lazon." 1905. Blaib and 
R0BEBT8ON: op. cU., vol. 43, pp. 810—319. 1906. 

*»» Qp. eU., vol. 12, pp. 802—303. 1904. 

*»• C^. ciL, vol. 6, p. 186. 1908. 

*»^ 0/1. cU., vol. 80, pp. 292—298. 1905. 

^^^ Cf, D. Abtieda; "Relation of the western islands...," 1573. Op. eit,, vol. 8, p. 
199. 1903. See also, Leoaspi: Ibid., vol. 2, p. 132. 1903. See also, J. M. de ZuAioa: 
"The people of the Philippines." 1803. Ibid., vol. 43, pp. 126—127. 1906. See also, 
J. DE Plasencia: "Customs of the Tagalogs," 1589. Ibid., vol. 7, p. 195. 1908. For 
other references, see p. 189 of this paper. 

*••(/. D. DE Abtieda, loe, eii. 

*•• ^. J. M. de ZufliOA, loc. eit. 

^•^ Cf, "Early Recollect Missions," 1624. Op. eit., vol. 21, p. 209. 1906. 

^•* C/.T. Chibino: "Relacion..." 1604. Op.cit., vol. 12, pp. 293—296. 1904. "Early 
Recollect Missions," 1624. Ibid., vol. 21, p. 211. 1903. A. de Moboa: "Sucesos..." 
1609. Ibid., vol. 16, pp. 124—125. 1904. M. de Loabca: "Relacion . . ." 1582. Ibid., 
▼ol. 6, pp. 177—178. 1903. D. Aduabte; "Historia . . ." 1640. Ibid., vol. 80, p. 297. 


ering social regulations, or ethical factors; but were such to be 
listed we should at once note that the blood-feud,**^* the attitude 
of the community toward theft, *^* customs of rinsing the mouth, ^^ 
of filing the teeth, **^^ and so forth, are common to the Filipino 
and the Bagobo, and many such customs might be checked up. 

The Filipino, too, had the equivalent of the bagani, for the 
Tagal man of valor was set off by special marks of distinction, 
particularly in the wearing of the red kerchief called potong^ the 
use of which was permitted to him only who had killed at least 
one man, special prowess, as well as chieftaincy, being indicated 
by the color of the cloth. Probably the word translated as "color" 
means shade or tint, a rendering that would bring this use into 
harmony with the prevailing custom in the south, where the number 
of men killed is indicated by the darker or lighter shade of the 
chocolate-colored tankulu. **^' 

In certain directions, however, the Filipino had developed his 
religion along lines distinct from those followed by the Bagobo. 
Foremost in importance was the universal usage of making images ^^^ 
of stone, wood, bone, gold, ivory and crocodile's teeth, and of 
setting up such images in shrines or in houses to serve as permanent 
idols which were afterward passed down by inheritance; whereas 
the Bagobo custom is to carve rough images from soft wood just 
as they are needed for each ceremonial occasion. Furthermore, 
these images do not parallel the idols of the Filipino, for those, as 
many documents show, were made in representation of the anito, 
and as such received homage, while the Bagobo figures have a 
purely magical function, and that a temporary one. 

The custom of tattooing, ^^"^ which may have had a magico-reli- 

*•■ ^. "Early Recollect Missions.*' Blair and Robertson: he, cit., p. 208—209. 

*•* Cf. D. Aduartf.: "Historia..." 1640. Op, eit., vol. 82, p. 200. 1905. 

»•• (y. P. Chirino: "Relacion . . ." 1604. Op, cii., vol. 12, pp. 186—187. 1904. 

*•• (y. P. Chirino, he, eii,, p. 187. 

*•' ^. J. RiZAL, note to Morga's "Sacesos." Op, cii., vol. 16, p. 76. 1904. Sec also, 
D. Aduarte: "Historia . . ." 1640. Uid,, vol. 80, p. 296. 1905. See also, "Early Recollect 
Missions," 1624. Ibid,, vol. 21, p. 218. 1905. 

"** Cf. the following passages. 

A. Pioafetta: "First voyage ... 1619— 1522." Op, eit,, vol. 88, pp. 166. 167. 1906. 

Mendoza: "History of... China," 1688—1688. Ibid., vol. 6, p. 146. 1903. 

P. Chirino: "Rclacion . . ." 1604. IHd., vol. 12, pp. 266—270; 272—275. 1904. 

"Early Recollect Missions." 1624. Ibid,, vol. 21, pp. 814-316, et cet. 1906. 

***€/. P. Chirino, loc. cii. vol. 12, pp. 205 — 206. D. Aduarte, loc, eU., vol. 80, 
p. 292; A. MoRGA, loc. eit., vol. 16, p. 72; Artieda, loc, cit„ vol. 8, p. 200. 


gious significance in all cases, as we know it to have had in the 
painting of certain figures, was so widespread a custom among the 
Visayan that the Spaniards gave them the name of Pintados. In 
my work with the Bagobo, I saw only a few cases of tattooing, 
and they said that an Ubu (Ata) man, from a place in the far 
north, had done the work. 

In many Filipino groups, there was a more distinctly devotional 
attitude toward the sun, the moon and the stars *^® than we find 
among the Bagobo, so far as is indicated by the attention given to 
certain constellations, to which they look for the setting of times 
and seasons, and to which they give offerings at certain times. 
The Filipino is said to have paid worship to the sun, the moon 
and the stars, but the records are brief. 

There seems, also, to have been a tendency toward some forms 
of ancestor worship among the early Filipino of a more distinct type 
than the mere placing of a few areca-nuts for the ghosts, with the 
intention of driving them away. It is possible that the stronger 
influence of the Chinese in the north may have been a factor in 
directing this tendency. It may be, however, that the impression 
gained by Spanish missionaries in regard to the extent of ancestor- 
worship throughout the Islands would have to be modified if all of 
the facts were at our disposal. One of the Recollect Fathers says 
of the inhabitants of the Visayas: ^'When they became sick, they 
invoked their ancestors to aid them, as we do the saints." *^^ Now 
the custom of placing offerings at shrines in order to induce the 
dead to keep away from the living might easily lead astray an 
observer with a theological bent of mind. *^^ In fact, the dividing 
line between ancestor-worship and magical spells intended to influence 
the dead is so hazy that perhaps it is hardly fair to name this 
custom as one peculiar to Filipino usage. A belief, perhaps unique, 

*'*(y. Mendoza, loc, ciL, vol. 6, p. 146; A. Morqa, loe, cU., vol. 16, p. 181; 
Recollect Missions, loc. eit., vol. 21, pp. 188, 202, 814. 

*** Blaol and Robertson: op. eit., vol. 21, p. 207. 1905. 

^**Warneck seems to ase the term as the Spanish writers used it; for he finds 
ancestor-worship and soul-calts and fear of ghosts to be central elements in the religion 
of all Malay people. He says: ''Die Religion der heidnischen Bewohner des Indischen 
Archipels zeigen im wesentlichen einen Typos. Mogea Zahl, Namen und My then der 
Ootter differieren, bei alien malaiischen Volkern ist der Abnen- nnd Oeisterdienst, auf- 
gebant aof animistischen Seelenvorstellnngen, der gleiohe; in alien ist Seelenkult nod 
Geitterfnrcht, das Zentrale der Religion." Joh. Warneck: Die Religion der Batak, p. 1, 


was found by Aduarte among the Tagal, to the effect that their 
departed ancestors would come to life again, and that they would 
look to find the people faithful to old religious customs.*^' 

While methods of treating the sick show a general similarity, 
one peculiar custom seems to be local to Nueva Segovia — that 
of killing a young child and bathing the sick person in its blood, 
or of anointing the patient with the blood of a bird in place of 
the infant's blood. *^* 

The above points are noted as fairly representative of numerous 
religious customs and beliefs that doubtless could be cited as 
evidence of variation from that great body of tradition which prob- 
ably dominated the entire archipelago in prehistoric times. In 
spite, however, of local differences and even of important peculiari- 
ties, there still remains the fact of the existence of a mass of 
ceremonial rites and magical usages common alike to Filipino and 
Bagobo, and perhaps to a great number of mountain tribes in the 
north and in the south. A range of ceremonies that reaches from 
central Luzon to southeastern Mindanao, through groups where 
transfusion of ideas would be an easy process, surely casts doubt 
upon any hypothesis of independent local development in single 
groups. The student is impelled to look for some common origin 
that may date back even to a pre-migration period, and to recog- 
nize, also, a development modified by a marked degree of dissem- 
ination within the Philippines of ritual forms and of religious 
practices. In this connection, Rizal's historical comments on the 
interrelations between the tribes in Spanish times are in point. 

"This fundamental agreement of laws, and this general uniformity, 
prove that the mutual relations of the islands were widespread, 
and the bonds of friendship more frequent than were wars and 
quarrels. There may have existed a confederation, since we know 
from the first Spaniards that the chief of Manila was commander- 
in-chief of the sultan of Borneo. In addition, documents of the 
twelfth century that exist testify the same thing." '*^'* 

In any attempt to trace the mythology and rites of these island 
tribes back to a common origin, we are at a profound disadvantage 
because of our great lack of native Filipino documents. Although 

*" 6/. D. Aduaete: "Historia . . ." 1640. Blaie and Robeetson: op. cii,, vol. 30, 
pp. 290, 292, 298. 1905. 

*'* C/. D. Aduaete: "Historia . . .»' 1640. Op. cit„ vol. 82, pp. 42—48, 55. 1906. 

"''^ Blaie and Robeetson: op, cit,, vol. 16, p. 121. 1904 (a note by Rixal to Morga's 


the Tagal and Visayan were possessed of an alphabet, and were 
accustomed to writing with a point of metal on palm-leaves and 
on the inner sheath of bamboo, they had preserved few, if any, 
written records of their mythology and ceremonial practices. *^^ It 
was largely by oral tradition that each generation became acquainted 
with ancestral myths, and under the tremendous pressure of the 
new religion let down on them by Spain these oral traditions were 
slowly smothered. Origin myths disappeared; folk-stories vanished, 
and tribal narratives that might have thrown light on the historical 
development of the ceremonial passed out of existence. *^' In ref- 
erence to this unfortunate situation, Rizal says: "The ancient 
traditions made Sumatra the original home of the Filipino Indians. 
These traditions, as well as the mythology and genealogies men- 
tioned by the ancient historians, were entirely lost, thanks to the 
zeal of the Religious in rooting out every national pagan or idol- 
atrous record. *^^ 

The material before us indicates that the religion of the pre- 
Spanish Filipino and that of the present day Bagobo have more 
points of essential agreement than of difference, and may point to 
a common origin. From the Bagobo, we get no help in seeking 
for the source of the ceremonial, for according to Bagobo tradition 
both their own tribe and the neighboring tribes were aboriginal to 
Mindanao. Here, again, a comparative study alone may throw 
light upon the problem. Throughout the present discussion, various 
tjrpes of religious behavior among the Bagobo have found their 
analogies in the peoples of the mainland on the other side of the 
south China sea, as shown by the accounts of Martin, Skeat and 
others. The geographical position of the Philippine Islands, as well 
as manifest resemblances in material culture between the Islands 

"''* C/. E. 6. Bourne: Historical introduction to Blair and Robertson: The Philippine 
Islands, vol. 1, p. 44, and footnotes from Spanish and French documents. 1908. 

**' Since writing this paragraph, there has come to hand Beyer's **Origin Myths 
among the Mountain People of the Philippines/' in which be calls attention to the dis- 
covery of ancient Filipino manuscripts in a cave in Negros. He says: "Until recent 
years, it has been believed that all ancient records written in the syllabic alphabets 
which the Filipinos possessed at the time of the Spanish conquest had been lost. It is 
now known, however, that two of these alphabets are still in use, to a limited extent, 
by the wild peoples of Palawan and Mindoro; and ancient manuscripts written in the 
old Bisaya alphabet have lately been discovered in a cave in the island of Negros. 
Many of these Negros manuscripts are written myths, and translations of them are 
shortly to be published." Philippine Jour. Sci., vol. 8, p. 85. April, 1913. 

^" An annotation by Rizal to A. Morga's '"Sucesos." Op, cit,, vol. 16, p. 74. 1904. 


and the peninsula of Malaysia, suggests a brief comparison of the 
religious elements in the two areas. 

Certain constant factors in worship that appear pretty regularly 
in the religious system both of the Bagobo and of several penin- 
sular tribes seem to indicate a relationship — that is to say, so far 
as those religious practices that are fixed below the veneer of Islam 
are concerned. In addition to the points that have already been 
noted in our treatment of Bagobo ceremonial and mythology, other 
similarities may now be considered. 

Observances in sowing*'^ and in reaping *^'^ and the magical spells 
employed to ensure the success of rice crops in Malacca, w^hile 
forming a much more elaborate complex than the simple Bagobo 
ceremonies, carry the same spirit and offer a like plan in the 
general form. We may note, in particular, the following details: 
the necessity of planting rice in early morning*®* and at a set 
season of the year ; **- the platform altar erected in the rice-field 
for offerings, *®^ and the branches surrounding it for magical pur- 
poses; the gifts to the gods of textiles, rice, etc., *^* at harvest; 
the ceremonial use of yellow rice stained with saffron;*^* rules 
regarding exactness in posture, movements **^^ and so forth. Of 
course, a Malay ceremonial in Malacca is so overlaid with Moham- 
medan ritual that the analogy is to be found rather in the whole 
animistic attitude toward rice culture than in identity of rites. 
Perhaps the sacrifice of blood that Filipino tribes offered shortly 
before the sowing, or at the time of tilling the fields, finds its 
counterpart in the peninsular custom of sacrificing a goat*®^ to the 
earth hantu at the rice sowing season. 

The ceremony of purification by water, which plays such an im- 
portant part in Bagobo ritual, is common among peninsular Malays, 
who have ^annual bathing expeditions . . . which are supposed to 
purify the persons of the bathers and to protect them from evil." *®^ 

*»»W. W. Skeat: MaUy magic, pp. 218—228, 228—286. 1900. 

*•• (y. ibid., pp. 286—249. 

••» Cf, ibid., pp. 218. 

"'*€/, ibid., p. 219. 

*••(?/: ibid., p. 281. 

* • * Cr. ibid., p. 287. 

*••(?/. ibid., p. 248. 

^••Cf. ibid., p. 848 et teq. 

'*•'' Cf. ibid., pp. 232, 288—284. 

*•• C/. ibid., p. 81. 


Like the Bagobo, they resort to lustration in cases of sickness; at 
weddings the ceremony of bathing the bride and the bridegroom is 
present, and the essential ceremonial object in purification is a 
medicine-brush made up of a wide variety of magic plants by 
means of which rice-paste is applied to the candidate, **^ just as 
water is poured from the green sagmo bouquet in the Bagobo rite 
of Pamalugu at the river. At first sight, perhaps it might seem 
that lustration by water held no noteworthy place in Filipino rites, 
or some record of such custom would have been made by the 
missionaries; yet it is also true that purification ceremonies might 
not have come forcibly to the attention of the Fathers for the 
reason that ritual bathing, if it were like the same rite among 
wild people, would not have involved accessories of permanent value, 
such as religious zeal was hunting down for destruction. A bunch 
of magic twigs and leaves would hardly be brought to a priest, 
along with a white china dish. 

That peculiar form of shrine called tambara that is used every- 
where by the Bagobo, and apparently was a frequent type of altar 
among some of the Filipino groups in their pagan days, consists 
of a slender rod of bamboo split at the upper end to hold a dish 
for offerings. A shrine of essentially the same type was found by 
Sir W. Maxwell at several krainaU in Pcrak, the shrines being 
formed by little stands made of bamboo rods, one end being "stuck 
in the ground and the other split into four or five, and then opened 
out and plaited with basket work so as to hold a little earth," on 
which incense is burned. *^'^ From this account, it would appear 
that if the dish were ever an element of the shrine, it has now 
gone out of use. Small pieces of white cloth are used by the Perak 
Malays as votive offerings, just as white cotton textile is a favorite 
gift to Bagobo gods. 

Regarding the nature of the soul, the Bagobo and the peninsular 
Malay, like primitive groups all over the world, fancy the soul of 
man to be a tenuous, imsubstantial image or phantom**'^ that sep- 
arates itself from the human body in sleep, in trance and finally 
at death, and that functions during these absences like the physical 
body. The Malay notion, however, of the soul as a manikin, or 

'••W. W. Skeat: Malay magic, pp. 77—80. 

*•• or. ibid., p. 67. 

* • » QT. ibid., pp. 47—50. 


thumbling, is absent from Bagobo ideas, for they, on the contrary, 
identify the soul with the shadow cast by the body. Skeat says 
that the number of souls recognized by peninsular Malays is seven 
in each human body; while animal and material objects are sup- 
posed to have souls *^* — a belief common to all Malays. Like 
details in funeral customs may he noted : the arraying of the body 
in fine material ;*^^ the observance of the wake; the measuring the 
depth of the grave on the body of the digger;*^* the placing of 
the corpse with head toward the north ; ^^^ a burial exhortation 
addressed to the deceased, to which he is supposed to listen with 
close attention ;*^^ the funeral feast following the burial. 

Popular folklore regarding sacred trees that are set apart as the 
abode of hantu *^^ is practically the same in Malacca as through the 
Islands. Current beliefs concerning the nature of patianak {mati- 
anak)\^^^ the vampire {penangalayi) that sucks the blood of children; 
the significance of omens drawn from earthquakes, from eclipses, 
from thunder, from lizards and snakes, *^^ from the cries of certain 
pigeons, of night-owls and of other birds that suggest traditional 
associations'^^ — these are but few of the great number of portents 
and popular traditions that differ little in the two areas that we 
are considering. We find also in Malaysia the use of the ordeal 
by water, from which the thief is forced to emerge in proof of his 
guilt. »o» 

Bagobo custom in the matter of boring the ears of children 
agrees with the peninsular Malays rather than with Sumatra, for 
the ears of Bagobo babies less than a year old are pierced. If it 
were ever a ceremony of adolescence, it is not now so regarded. 
Concerning this matter, Skeat says: "The ear-boring ceremony 
(bertindek) appears to have lost much of its ceremonial character in 
Selangor, where I was told that it is now usually performed when 
the child is quite small, i. e. as the earliest, when the child is some 

*•« W. W. Skeat : Malay magic, p. 62. 
'•* Cf, ibid., pp. 897—398. 
*•• C/. ibid., p. 406. 
*•* C/. ibid., p. 401. 

Cy. ibid., pp. 406—408. 
•'•' Cf. ibid., pp. 208—217. 

C/. ibid., pp. 820, 825—327. 
C/. ibid., pp. 682—686. 
•• C/. ibid., p. 864. 


ftO 1 

Cf. ibid., pp. 542-644. 


five or seven months old, and when it is about a year old at the 
latest, whereas in Sumatra (according to Marsden) it is not performed 
until the child is eight or nine."**^^ The filing of teeth in Ma- 
laysia is purely an adolescent ceremony, but the Bagobo boy under 
ten years old may often be seen with filed teeth. The discarding^ 
of ear-plugs by a girl at marriage is the custom in Malaysia, but 
it is not so in the Bagobo country, for I knew many married 
iwromen who wore their ear-plugs. 

Attention has been called, during the present discussion, to cere- 
monial and myth and religious customs throughout the East Indies 
— in Sumatra, in Nias, in Sarawak, in East Borneo, in Minahassa 
and elsewhere in Celebes — which correspond very closely with 
Bagobo ceremonial and myth and religious customs, or are even 
identical with them. ^^^ In particular, the pagan tribes of Sarawak 
have a ceremonial of peculiar interest for the present question. 
Among the Berawan, slaves are killed at the death of a chief, and 
the sacrifice is made a group sacrifice, just as with the Bagobo, 
everyone present being allowed to give a spear-thrust to the un- 
fortunate victim. Certain ceremonial details that characterize the 
Bagobo Ginum, and which are not mentioned in the accounts of 
Filipino rites, are noted by Furness of the proceedings at the return 
of a Kenyah and Kayan war expedition.*'**^ Among these ritual 
details are the decorating of the ceremonial poles by shaving off 
the outer sheath into curled frills that extend down the entire length 
of the pole; the cooking of rice in bamboo joints by a steaming 
process, and the tabu on earthen pots for this ceremonial cooking; 
the substitution of the blood of a fowl for a newly-taken head; the 
placing of wooden effigies by the path near the festival house; the 
declaration of exploits by the warriors; the festival songs and the 
dances and feasting. All of these elements, and others that have 
previously been considered, give the impression of a celebration not 
at all unlike the Bagobo Ginum. 

Were it possible to make a full comparative analysis of rites and 
myths that would be representative of the entire Malay area, it 
might be discovered that no single religious custom or belief is 
peculiar to the Bagobo. At present, there are many myths and a 

••» C/. ibid., p. 859. 

''<>*See pp. 88, 37> 45, 47, 64, 75, QO, 94, 96, 107, 118—114, 160, 161 of this paper. 

••* C/. W. H. Fu&NESs: The Home Life of Borneo Head-hanten, pp. 90—92. 1902. 


number of ceremonial elements characteristic of Bagobo tradition 
and Bagobo worship that have not as yet been reported from other 
Malay peoples. 

Perhaps the most striking of these characteristic elements is the 
treatment of the sugar cane liquor at the agong ceremony, and also 
on the last night of Ginum, during the rites before the balekdt. 
The old men stir the balabba with a green spray and dip out a few 
drops with a leaf spoon having a knotted handle. The officiating 
functionary offers the sacred liquor to the gods with these words: 
**Do you take the first draught, and we will drink the rest." The 
part which balabba plays in the ceremonial suggests tlie cult of the 
soma in Indian rites, and the Iranian cult of the sacred haoma. 
Many passages in the Vedas and in the Avestas contain allusions 
to ceremonies associated with the sacred liquor.**®"' 

Another feature of Bagobo worship that has a distinctly Indo- 
Iranian flavor is the use of a cluster of medicinal branches and 
leaves for the lavations at the river. Lines of frequent occurrence 
in the Vendidad refer to the bunches of sacred twigs bound up 
with a vegetal tie. This is the Baresma^^^^ which is one of the 
essential instruments in the purification of the body, at the offering 
of sacrifice and when reciting the prayers. This element of puri- 
fication occurs also, as has been noted, in Peninsular rites ; but there, 
too, it may have a non-Malay origin. Swettenham inclines to the 
opinion that seven hundred years ago the faith of Malaya was a 
form of Brahmanism, which had succeeded the original form of 
spirit worship. ^"^ 

Other ceremonial elements which may, perhaps, hark back to 
an Aryan source are the attitude toward the creator of the world 
and of man ; ^'^^ the importance of making the agricultural or blood- 

••* 6/. J. Dabmesteter (tr.) "The Zend-Avesta: pt. 1, The Vendidad." The sacred 
books of the East, vol. 4, pp. 61, 74, 126, 169, 212, 289. 1895. C/. also, P. Petebson 
(ed.): Hymns from the Rig?eda, pp. 26, 46, 57. 119. 1888. 

^^* Cf. J. Darmesteter (tr): op. cii., p. 22. (Editor's note): "The Baresma (now 
called barsom) is a handle of sacred twigs which the priest holds in his hand while 
reciting the prayers." Cf, also ibid., p. 215. "The priest shall cot off a twig of 
Baresma . . . The faithfal one, holding it in his left hand, shall keep his eyes upon it 
without ceasing, whilst he is offeriofc up to the Ahura Mazda ... the high and beaatiful 
golden Haomas..." See also p. 150. "You shall wash your bodies three times, you 
shall wash your clothes three times . . . you shall bind up the bundles of Baresma, you 
shall bring libations to the good waters..." See also pp. 214—215, 867 et cei. 

*^'' Cf. Malay sketches, p. 192. 1908. 

*•• Cf. J. Darmesteter (tr.): op. eU., p. Ixiv. 


less offering, as well as the bloody sacrifice ;^^^ the virtue of the 
sacrifice for curing sickness and for securing material goods ;**° the 
cleansing and generative power of the waters;'** the celebration of 
a festival during the bright fortnight of the moon. These and 
other ritual aspects make one feel that the last word has not been 
eaid when all the single Malay characters in worship have been 
exactly compared and checked up. 

Yet, after all, it is in hearing Bagobo songs recited and in 
listening to Bagobo romantic tales that one is conscious of a pre- 
vailing Hindu atmosphere. Without going too much into detail in 
the direction of the myths, since a careful analysis of episodes 
cannot be included within the limits of this discussion, there may 
be named a few constantly recurring elements: such as methods of 
magical manipulation ; certain regularly appearing personalities ; 
distinguishing marks of exalted individuals; the character of con- 
ventional incidents that are repeated so often as to form the woof 
of mythical situations — all these methods of literary treatment 
characterize Bagobo song and story as they characterized the Sagas 
of ancient India, though the respective settings are very different. 
As illustrations of this characterization, we might name, particularly, 
the stress laid on the distinction of chaste men and of virtuous 
women, from whose bodies rays of light emanate, and on whose 
heads are halos inseparable from them;'*^ the auspicious marks on 
the bodies of semi-divine heroes;'*^ the essential coordination be- 
tween rich apparel and a pure and lovely character;'** the dis- 
appearance of thirst and of hunger on attainment of the divine 
nature;'*' the appearance of celestial women from trees in which 
are cities or palaces ; '^^ the growth to partial maturity at the moment 
of birth ;'*^ a magical covering of physical distance by flight through 
the air, '*^ or in response to a mental suggestion; the summoning 

••• C/l J. Darmesteter (tr.)i op, eii., p. Ixii. 

» * • C/. iSid., p. 87. 

*»» Cy. ibid., pp. Ixxx, Ixxxi, 87, 232. Cf. also, R. T. H. Griffith (tr.): The hymn* 
of the Atharva-Veda, vol. 1, pp. 37—38, 43-— 44. 

•** Cy. SoMADEVA: The Katha sarit sagara; tr. by C. H. Tawnet, vol. 1, pp. 121^ 
166, 415, 418; vol. 2, p. 246. 1880—1884. 

*»• Cy. ibid,, vol. 1, pp. 25—26, 189; vol. 2. p. 141. 

*»* Cf. Hid., vol. 1, p. 333; vol. 2, p. 159. 

» » » C/. ibid., vol. 1 , p. 36. 

»»• C/-. ibid., vol. 1, pp. 121, 229, 674; vol. 2, p. 150. 

**' Cf. ibid., vol. 1, pp. 119, 156. 

**• C/". ibid., vol. 1, pp. 142, 278, 337, 328, 344, 346, 457. 494. 



of another by a mere thinking of him, '*^ and the accomplishing 
of great exploits by a simple wish; the importance of auspieious 
omens at the beginning of an enterprise ; ^-^ metamorphosis into 
other shapes;'^* the slaying of hundreds by one having magical 
endowment ^*- and magic weapons ; "'^^ the averting of evil spirits by 
conjuring the four cardinal points; the role of the bewildering charm 
possessed by forest deities ; *'* the behavior of the flesh-eating demons 
called Bdkshasa ; the characteristics of rapacious birds that have lances 
for teeth and that prey upon man, and of demons that lose all poAver 
on the approach of day, being dazed by the sunlight. *^^ One might 
extend such a list to great length. 

This unmistakable Hindu tinge to Bagobo mythology seems ti> 
imply a rather intimate association w4th Indian myth at some time 
in Bagobo history, and suggests that the ancestors of the Bagobo 
received their mythical impressions through indirect transmission 
from Hindu religious teachers; and that, while clinging steadfastly 
to the simple spirit worship or demon worship that probably under- 
lies all Malay religions, they came to borrow, to assimilate and to 
modify, until the complete fusion of Malay, Hindu and Buddhist 
elements gave a new religious complex that was not all Malay, and 
very far from being pure Indian in any phase. 

Some of the elements just mentioned are obviously present, as 
well, in Filipino myth and tradition, and that we fail to find there 
such a deep impress of Indian influence as in Bagobo myth and 
tradition may be due, wholly, to the extremely fragmentary character 
of those vestiges of ancient religious practices which the Filipino now 
possesses, and to the scantiness of the mythology recorded by the 
missionaries. Diego de Bobadilla, writing in 1640, says: ^All the 
religion of those Indians is founded on tradition, and on a custom 
introduced by the devil himself, who formerly spoke to them by 
the mouth of their idols and of their priests. That tradition is 
preserved by the songs that they learn by heart in their childhood^ 

•*• Cy. Somadeva: op. cit, vol. 1, pp. 421, 436, 567. 

*»» Cf, ibid,, vol. 1, pp. 127, 288, 285, 465, 490; vol. 2, pp. 160. 162. 

**» Cf. ibid., vol. 1, pp. 46, 179, 389, 525; vol. 2, p. 168. 

*»» (y. ibid., vol. 1. pp. 84, 455, 456. 

*>» Cf. ibid., vol. 1, pp. 69, 503, 559; vol. 2, pp. 150, 164, 172, 527. 

*»* Cy. ibid., vol. 1, pp. 337, 439; vol. 2, p. 150. 

*** Cf. ibid., vol. 1, pp. 47, 00, 70. 167, 210, 263, 265, 338, 363—364. 572; vol.2, 



by hearing them sung in their sailing, in their work, in their 
amusements, and in their festivals, and, better yet, when they 
bewail their dead. In those barbarous songs, they recount the 
fabulous genealogies and deeds of their gods . . ." ^*® A record to a 
like eflfect was made by a Recollect Father in Zambales, on the 
west coast of Luzon. ** Besides that adoration which they give to 
the devil, they revered several false gods — one, in especial, called 
bathala mey cajjal^ whose false genealogies and fabulous deeds they 
celebrated in certain tunes and verses like hymns. Their whole 
religion was based on those songs, and they were passed on from 
generation to generation, and were sung in their feasts and most 
solemn assemblies."*-' 

The failure of the Filipino to preserve in written form their 
mythical epics and ceremonial recitations, coupled with the almost 
complete extermination of the songs and stories that had passed 
by word of mouth down through a great number of generations, ^^^ 
leaves us no means of drawing a comparison between the religious 
literature of the Tagal and that of the Bagobo. We do not know 
but that the vanished romantic myths of the Tagal, and of the 
Visayan too, were characterized by the same literary quality as 
the ulit and the ogan^*-'-^ that are sung or recited by the mountain 
Bagobo of to-day. 

If the wild tribes and the Filipino received the fundamentals 
common to them all from the Indian archipelago, with wliich area 
they share so many cultural traits, both material and religious, some 
infiltration of Hindu elements into their rites and myths would 
naturally be looked for, in view of the long occupancy of the 
southern Malay islands by people from the mainland of India. 

The more or less mythical chronology of the Javanese dates the 
introduction of the Hindu religion into Java as far back as 149A.D., 
or even earlier, since the first Indian prince is reputed to have 
arrived at Java in the Id^^ year of our era. ^^'^ Crawfurd regards 
these dates as presumably fabulous, and suggests the sixth century 
as the earliest period to which, with any high degree of proba- 

»*«BiJire and Robertson: The Philippine Islands, vol. 29, pp. 282—283. 1905. 
**'iAirf., vol. 21, pp. 137—138. 1905. 
***Sce, however, footnote 477, on the Negros manuscript. 

***The ulit is an epic, or long mythical romance; while the o^an is a short song, 
often accompanied by the guitar. 

*»» f/. T. S. Raffles: History of Java, vol. 2, p. C7. 1817. 


bility, the introduction of Hinduism into Java can be referred. ^^* 
He states, also, that western Sumatra was the first Malay insular 
region to be influenced by the religion of India. *^^ Clifford has 
reached the conclusion that the Hindu settled both Java and Sumatra 
not later, probably, than the fourth century of our era. *^^ 

However traditional the period of first occupancy, and however 
uncertain the dates given by native historians and the dates of the 
inscriptions on the monuments, there must have been a gradual 
extension of Indian influence for a very long time, and an enormous 
opportunity for the dissemination of Hindu myth and of ceremonial 
elements, even so far as those remoter parts of Java and Sumatra 
that are said to have remained in "a state of complete savagery." '^* 
For many ages, the dominant influence in the southern Malay is- 
lands was Hindu, for Mohammedanism was not established in the 
western part of the archipelago until 1320;^^' while Java, where 
Hinduism had made the deepest impression, resisted the encroach- 
ments of Islam successfully until the fall of her last capital in 1478. ^^^ 
The period of Hindu rule in the Malay islands could not have been 
less than six centuries, and probably covered a period of more than 
ten hundred years. "^^^ 

A number of scholars have put forth the theory that the Philip- 
pines, as well as the more southern islands, were anciently peopled 
by an Aryan stock — an argument based on the physical type of the 
mountain tribes, and on the fact that numerous Sanscrit words are 
found in various of the dialects of the Philippines. Another piece 
of evidence sometimes quoted to establish this hypothesis is a paper 
by the Chinese official, Chao Ju-Kua, who wrote, in the thirteenth 
century, of the finding of numerous copper statues of Buddha 
scattered in the forests of Luzon. ^^'^ 

**^ Cf. A descriptive dictionary of the Indian Islands and adjacent countries, p. 185. 

•»* Cy. ibid., p. 160. 

***€/. Clifford's article, "Malays." Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11 ed., vol. 17, p. 475. 

••* Cy. K. G. Jayne: "The Malay archipelago." Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11 cd., 
vol. 17, p. 469. 1911. 

*•* Of, J. Ceawfurd: History of the Indian archipelago, vol. 2, p. 221. 1820. 

**• Ibid., vol. 2, p. 85. 

* ' ' Raffles says that in the ninth century the records of the native historians begin to 
correspond in all essentials. Of. History of Java, vol. 2, p. 64. 1817. 

**• (y. Chao Ju-Kua's "Description of the Philippines." (from his '^Geography," ch. 40 
ea. 1280.) Blair and Robertson: op. cit., vol. 34, p. 185. 1906. 


This entire question, of course, is one that must be left to oriental 
scholars; but, whatever the final conclusion in regard to a hypo- 
thetical occupation of the Philippines by an Indonesian people, we 
are in no wise dependant upon this theory for an explanation of 
Indian elements in Bagobo myth, or for the presence of such ele- 
ments in the religion of any other tribe in the Philippines. Even 
setting aside the possibility of premigration influences, there are 
records showing that a few centuries ago a much more intimate 
relation ^'® held between the Philippines and the East Indies than has 
been the case since the Spanish occupation. More than that, if these 
interrelations had been much less close, there would still have been 
abundant opportiinity for the diffusion of religious tradition and 
story, from the most southern of the Spice islands to Mindanao, to 
the Visayas and to Luzon, so that we would surely look for a 
blending of Malay and Indian material in the customs and the 
ceremonies of these peoples of the Philippines. 

Diffusion of myth and of ceremonial rites is a cultural phenom- 
enon found occurring all over the world, throughout very extended 
areas, and, as Professor Boas has repeatedly pointed out, diffusion 
of any sort requires no large movements of peoples, but only such 
continuous transmission of cultural elements through the agency of 
individuals as may give opportunity for imitation, borrowing and 
permanent assimilation. 

As for the Bagobo, whatever the time and manner of their emi- 
gration, they and the neighboring mountain tribes were in possession 
of Mindanao long before Islam dominated the southern coast, and 
the way was open for communication with the southern archipelago. 
Their Malay heritage may easily have been enriched by increments 
from Hindu Buddhism, during the long centuries that the great 
Indian empire flourished in Java, in Sumatra and the adjacent islands. 

The entire problem is an intricate one, and must remain open 
until further research work in the Philippines and among the wild 
tribes of the southern Malay islands shall have secured such de- 
tailed records of ceremonial and such full collections of songs, 
stories and folklore as to make possible an intensive study of this 
entire area. A few general conclusions, however, may be drawn 
from the material that has been presented in the preceding pages. 

The religious culture of the Bagobo is essentially like that of 

*'*S€e footnote 475. 


the entire Malay region, and in ceremonial usages, magic rites and 
folklore there is to be observed a marked rt^semblance to the cere- 
monial usages, the magic rites and the folklore of other pagan 
tribes in the Philippines, in the interior of the Malay Peninsula 
and on the islands of the Indian archipelago. 

The close correspondence of Bagobo ceremonies and popular 
beliefs to those of many other mountain tribes in the Philippines, 
and to those of the Filipino in the times of pre-Spanish culture, 
points toward a common origin in the fundamentals of religion, 
and also to a very wide diffusion of religio-cultui'al elements through 
a long period of time. Both the complex character of certain cere- 
monial factors, and a geographical situation that would lend itself 
to ease of diffusion, negative the hypothesis of parallel development, 
as well as that of convergence.*^'^ 

Many Bagobo rites and myths answer, very closely, to corres- 
ponding rites and myths in Celebes, East Borneo, Sarawak, Sumatra 
and Nias. In particular, the higher ceremonial of the Bagobo, on 
its sacrificial side, finds its counterpart in the ceremonial of several 
tribes of Borneo. 

There are still some peculiarities in ritual details and in a number 
of other forms of religious response among the Bagobo that, with 
our present knowledge, seem distinctive to this tribe and would 
indicate a considerable degree of local variation that has proceeded 
independently of* the continuous transmission of cultural elements 
from without. Only after we become acquainted with the detailed 
ceremonial of the various groups concerned in our discussion, shall 
we be able to pick out what is peculiar to one group and what is 
common to all. 

Several ceremonial factors offer a strong presumption of derivation 
from Hindu sources; while in the mythical romances or epics, that 
are recited by the Bagobo, there appears a literary quality sug- 
gestive of an appreciable Indo-Iranian infusion. 

The influence of tlie Chinese seems to have been less apparent 
on the Bagobo than on the northern ti'ibes, although the white 
dishes in use at shrines are referable to the Chinese. 

Contact with the Moro has given mythical episodes, perhaps, 

**" Cy*. Dr. Goldenweiser's discussion of parallelism and convergence in his "The 
Principle of Limited Possibilities in the Development of Culture." Jour. Am. Folk-Lore ; 
vol. 20, pp. 251)— 290. 1913. 


which have been incorporated into Bagobo tales, while a few be- 
liefs and magical practices may be referable to Moro influence; 
but, considering that this contact has lasted for three or four centuries 
and has had a decided effect on the material culture of the Bagobo, 
it is remarkable that there has been no weakening of the ancient faith, 
and no concession to Islam. ^** 

Spanish Catholicism had no effect at all upon the mountain 
Bagobo, and at the coast the ancient faith of the Bagobo has under- 
gone but a superficial disturbance, while ceremonial observances 
have remained fairly intact. 


Benedict. Laura Watson. Bagobo Fine Art Collection. Am. Mus. Jour., 
vol. 11, pp. 164—171. New York. May, 1911. 

. Bagobo Myths. Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, vol. 20, pp. 13 — 63. New York. 

Jan.— March, 1913. 
Beyer, H. Otley. Origin Myths Among the Mountain Peoples of the Phil- 
ippines. Philippine Jour. Sci., vol. 8, pp. 85 — 117. Manila. April, 1913. 
Blair, Emma Helen and Robertson, James Alexander (eds.). The Philippine 
Islands, 1493—1803. 54 vols. Cleveland. 1903—1909. 

In this collection, the following are of special value for ceremonial, 
and for religious tradition and customs. 
Vol. 2. Voyage of Alvaro de Saavedra, 1527—1528. 
Vol. 3. Artieda, Diego de. Relation of the Western islands called 

Filipinas. 1573. 
Vol. 5. LoARCA, Miguel de. Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas. [Arevalo. 

Vol. 7. Plasencia, Juan de, 0. S. F. Customs of the Tagalogs. Manila. 

Vol. 12 — 13. Chirino, Pedro de, S. J. Relacion de las Islas Filipinas. 

Roma. 1604. 
Vol. 15 — 16. Morga, Antonia de. Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, Mexico, 

1609; with notes from Jos^ Rizal's edition. Paris. 1896. 
Vol. 21. San Nicolas, Andres de (and others). Karly Recollect missions 

in the Philippines... 1624. 
Vol. 29. [Bobadilla, Diego de, S. J.] Relation of the Filipinas Islands. 

Vol. 30. Aduarte, Diego de, 0. P. Historia de la provincia del Sancto 

Rosario de la Orden de Predicadores. Manila. 1640. 

^^^ Warneck foand a like sitaation among the Batak of Sumatra. He says: ''Im 
Oegensatz za vielen Volkern der hinterindischen loBelwelt haben sie ihre politische and 
religiose Selbstandigkeit gegenuber dem von alien Seiten auf jene Volker eindringenden 
Mohamniedanismus zu bewahren gewasst." Die Religion der Batak, p. 1. Leipzig, 1909. 


Vol. 33—34. PiGAFKTTA, Antonio. First Voyage Around the, World, 

1519—22. ms. ca 1525. 
Vol. 40. Colin, FrancIsco, S. J. Native Races and Their Customs. 

(From his Labor evangelica. Madrid. 1663.) 
Vol. 40. Combes, Francisco. S.J. The Natives of the Southern Islands. 1667. 
Vol. 40. San Agustin, Gaspar de, 0. S. A. Letter on the Filipinos. 1720. 
Vol. 40. San Antonio, Juan Francisco de, 0. S. F. The native peoples 

and their customs. (From his Cronicas. Manila. 1738.) 
Vol. 43. Clotet, Josfe Maria, S.J. Letter . . . Talisayan, Mayll, 1889. (From 

Cartas de los PP. de la Compafiia de Jesus. Manila. 1889.) 
Vol. 43. GiSBERT, Mateo, S.J. Letters . . . Diivao, Jan. 4, Feb. 8, Feb. 20, 

July 26, Dec. 24, 1886. (From ut supra.) 
Vol. 43. Martinez dk ZuiIiga, Joaquin, O.S.A. The People of the Phil- 
ippines. (From his Historia de las Islas Philipinas. Sampaloc. 1803.) 
Vol. 43. MoRifi, QuiRico, S.J. Letter . . . Dilvao, Jan. 20, 1885. (From ut supra, 

Manila. 1887.) 
Vol. 43. NuiiEZ, Jos6. Present Beliefs and Superstitions in Luzon. Dec. 

6, 1905. El Renacimiento; Supplement. Manila. Dec. 9, 1905. 
Vol. 43. Ortiz, Tomiis, O.S.A. Superstitions and Beliefs of the Filipinos. 

(From his Practica del ministerio. ca. 1731.) 
Vol. 43. Pastells, Pablo, S.J. Extract from a letter . . . Manila, Apr. 20, 
1887. (From Cartas de los PP. de la Compafiia de Jesiis. Manila. 1887.) 
Vol. 43. RosELL, Pedro. S.J. Letter... Caraga, Apr. 17, 1885. (From ut 

Vol. 47. Perez, Domingo, 0. P. Relation of the Zambals. Manila, ms. 1680. 
Vol. 48. Mozo, Antonio, 0. S. A. Later Augustinian and Dominican 
missions. Madrid. 1763. 
Blumentritt, Ferdinand. Die Bagobos. Globus, vol. 42, pp. 219 — 222. 
Braunschweig. 1882. 

. Vocabulario mitologico. 1895. (Bound with Retana, W. E. : Archivo 

del bibliofilo filipino, vol. 2. Madrid. 1896.) 
Brinton, Daniel G. Professor Blumentritt*s Studies of the Philippines. 
American Anthropologist, n. s., vol. 1, pp. 122 — 125. Washington, 1899. 
Cartas de los PP. de la Compafiia de Jesus de la mision de Filipinas. 9 vols. 

Manila, 1877—1891. 
Clifford, Hugh. In Court and Kampong: being Tales and Sketches of 

Native Life in the Malay Peninsula. London. 1897. 
Codrington, Robert Henry. The Melanesians: Studies in Their Anthropol- 
ogy and Folk-lore. ^ Oxford. 1891. 
Cole, Fay-Cooper. The Bagobos of Davao Gulf. Philippine Jour. Sci., vol. 6, 

pp. 127—136. Manila. 1911. 
. The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao. Field Museum of Nat- 
ural History; anthropological series, vol. 12, n^. 2. Chicago. 1913. 
Combos, Francisco, S. J. Historia de Mindanao y Jolo, obra publicado en 
Madrid en 1667, y que ahora con la colaboracion del P. Pablo Pastells 
saca nuevamente a luz W. E. Retana. Madrid. 1897. 
Crawford, John. History of the Indian Archipelago. 3 vols. Edinburgh. 


Crooke, William. The Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India. 
New ed. 2 vols. "Westminster. 1896. 

Darmesteter, James (tr.). The Zend-Avesta, part I: The Vendidad. 2d ed. 
Oxford. 1895. Sacred books of the East, vol. 4. 

Favre, Paul. Dictionnaire malais-fran^is . . . Vienne. 1875. 

Forbes-Lindsay, Charles H. A.: The Philippines under Spanish and Ame- 
rican Rules. Philadelphia. 1906. 

Foreman, John. The Philippine Islands. 2d ed. New York. 1899. 

FoxwoRTHY, Fred. W. Indo-Malayan woods. Philippine Jour. Sci., vol. 4, pp. 
409—592. Manila. Oct. 1909. 

Furness, Wiluam Henry. The Home-life of Bonieo Head-huntei's. Phila- 
delphia. 1902. 

Gardner, Fletcher. Philippine (Tagalog) Superstitions. Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, 
vol. 19, pp. 191—204. New York. 1906. 

. Tagalog Folk-Tales. L Ibid, vol. 20, pp. 104—116. 1907. 

GiSBERT, Mateo, S.J. Diccionario espafiol-bagobo. Manila. 1892. 

Goldexweiser, a. a. The Principle of Limited Possibilities in the Develop- 
ment of Culture. Jour. Am. Folk-lore, vol. 26, pp. 159 — 290. New York. 
July— Sept., 1913. 

Graebner, F. Kulturkreisen in Ozeanien. Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie, Bd. 37, 
pp. 28-53. Berlin. 1905. 

Griffith, Ralph T. H. (tr.). The Hymns of the Atharva-Veda. 2 vols. 
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. (tr.). Hymns of the Rigveda. 2 vols. Benares. 1890—1897. 

H addon, Alfred C. Head Hunters, Black, White and Brown. London. 1901. 

. Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, 

vol. V, VL Cambridge, 1904—1908. 

Hein^ Alois Raimund. Die bildenden Kunste bei den Dayaks auf Borneo. 
Wien. 1890. 

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Landor, a. Henry Savage. The Gems of the East. New York and London. 

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Washington. 1907. 

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libro de aniterias. Madrid. 1894. 
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2 vols. London. 1896. 
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Department of the Interior. The Ethnological Survey: Publications, vol. 4, 

part 1. Manila. 1905. 
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1902—1903. 2 vols. Wiesbaden. 1905. 
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and Blagden, Ciiaples Otto. Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula. 

2 vols. London. 1906. 
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1896—1901. vol. 1, 4th rev. ed. 1901. 
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INDEX. '« 

Names of Authors and other Persons in Heavy-face Type. 
Titles of Pai)ers in small caps. 

Abaca, Musa textiliSy see Hemp. 
Abbeville, Sanaon d', Map by, 250-251. 
Abog, god of the hunt, 23, 199. 
Abuy, myth animal, 40, 62, 227. 
Adolescence, Ceremonies of, 270-271. 
Aduarte, Diego de, O. P., cited, 36, 39, 
41, 80, 247, 248, 256, 258, 259, 260, 
261, 262, 263, 264, 266, 279 (bibl.). 
.'Esthetic interests, 72-73. 

tabu, 243-244. 
Agong altar, see Sonaran. 

ceremonial, see Sonar, Kite of. 
containing water, 126, 127, 128, 

used as unit of barter, 84. 
Agongs, Description of, 83-^. 

in marriage ceremonv, 181-182, 

183, 184, 185. 
Illustration of, 146. 

Agongs, Manner of playing, 84-85. 
Names of, 133, 146. 
References to, 77, 98, 101, 102, 
103, 104, 117, 144, 163,164,175, 
176, 222, 245, 253. 
Agricultural offerings, 8, 11, 89, 220, 

253, 272-273. 
Alang, a charm, 204, 231. 
Alat, a charm, 182, 183, 184,204,207. 
Ali, Datu, References to, 4, 5. 
Altar shelf, 77, 91, 103. 
Altars, see Shrines and altars. 
American government,Bagobo attempts 
to please, 97, 166, 186-187. 
lady, First at Talun, 203. 
Museum of Natural History, 208. 
rites, Questions concerning, 110. 
Americans ascend Apo without charms, 

^ ^ ' Bagobo words used in this paper are accented on the penultimate unless an accent 
mark is placed on some other syllable. The stress is usually very slight. The vowels have 
in general their continental sounds (a as in ah, etc.), but n before a final m (ginum) is 
regularly short, as in English numb, and unaccented a before final n is almost lost. When 
marked short, ci, ?, t, 6, u are broadly equivalent to the same short vowels in English. 
As for the diphthongs, ai is sounded as in aisle; ti as in eight, au like ow in now. 
Initial T in proper names (Yting) is like / spoken rapidly and with little stress, or slurred 
over; medial y is like English y, but is kept well back in the throat. All final vowels are 
sounded. In regard to consonantal phonetic values, the surds i, p and k, and the sonants 
d, b and g are given much as in English, but k and b are uttered rather eiplosively. 
Velars, while stressed and explosive, are not sounded very lew down in the pharynx. An 
initial velar seems often to be cut off by stopping the breath. M and n follow the usual nasal 
type. The combination ng is like ng in wing; under no circumstances is it sounded like 
ng in single, unless a second g is added, as in the exclamation "Oh manggo!" ("Yes, indeed"). 
X is given from the tip of the tongue, and with stress. B, tends to be trilled. S is as in 
the initial of sill. W is soft, as in bower. No attempt is made in this outline to indicate 
by exact symbols the finer shades of Bagobo phonetics. 



Americans created by Pamulak Manobo, 
Labor demands of, 5. 
not wanted at Ginum, 202. 
protected by Bagobo gods, 21, 29, 
Amulets, 206, 207. 

Ancestors, Filipino beliefs concerning, 
33, 63, 193, 194, 265. 
Myths of Bagobo, 65-74. 
Tabu on using names of, 239. 
Animals, Death of, an omen, 98, 238, 

Domestic, 6, 41. 
Fabulous, 31, 38-40, 227. 
Magical potency of, 41, 217. 
Souls of, 64, 270. 
Tabu relating to, 45-46, 64, 238, 
Animistic conceptions, 18, 43-45, 268. 
Anito addressed in worship, 115-116, 
123, 125, 129. 

Characteristics of, 28, 193-194. 
Filipino ideas of, 39, 193,194,261. 
Head of all the, 15, 110. 
References to, 39, 100, 102, 103, 

126, 159, 170, 204, 264. 
seance, see Manganito. 
Ankermann, B., 67. 
Ansig, Datu, 169. 
Anthropomorphic forms of Buso, 29, 

Anting-anting, 216. 
Antiphons, 82, 184-185, 253, 259. See 

also Ceremonial chant. 
Antlers of Buso deer, Illustration and 

symbolism of, 113. 
Apo, Mount, 25, 31-32, 34, 168, 251. 
Archivo g^ni^ral I)E India, Map in, 

Arcca nut as medicine, 196^ 231, 233. 
buried with body, 53-54, 190. 
Ceremonial use of, 11, 30, 53, 62, 
77, 88. 89, 90, 92, 93, 98, 101, 
102, 103, 104-113, 119-120, 143, 
151, 154, 168, 174, 177, 183, 184, 
198, 209. 
chewed by gods, 15. 

Areca nut. Dead restored to life by, 6 
References to, 09, 165, 166. 
Spiritual essence of, 53-54. 
Areca palm, Areca catechu, 80. 
in lower world, 55. 
Sprays of, used ceremonially, 
117, 120, 135, 159, 198. 
AiTows offered to the god, 23, 197, 1 
Artieda, Diego de, cited, 170, 263, i 

279 (bibl.) 
Aryan elements in Bagobo myth, se-^ 

under caption, Indian. 
Ashes as cure, 231, 232. 
Association, Charms by, 205, 208-2 ly 
Asuang, Visayan demon, 40, 42-43 

255, 261. 
Ata tribe, 29, 86, 105, 150, 265. 
Atharva Veda, Citations from, 34, 221 , 

A VESTAS, Citations fi'om, 20, 120, 189, 

231, 272, 273. 
Awas, Rite of, 62, 98, 102, 103, 104, 
115, 198, 229. 
Main, Account of, 111-113. 
Preliminaiy, Account of, 105-111. 
Supplementary, 105, 144. 
Awi, 148, 149, 162. 
Ayo, Datu, 78. 

Babies carried in scarf, 86, 242. 
grow tall magically, 72. 
not found in timeofthe Mona, 66. 
Sacral spots on, 218. 
suckled in lower world, 56-57. 
Tongue and eyelashes of, used for 

charm, 213^214. 
Weaning and feeding of, 57, 164. 
Bagani, brave men, 10, 132, 144, 145, 

254, 255, 256, 264. 
Bagobo culture, .3-6. 

genealogies, 251-252. 
history, 5, 161-162, 251-252. 
intermarriage with other tribes, 

185, 186. 
literature, 13, 69-74,273-274,275, 
277. See also Ulit. 
Bagobo Myths, Citations from, see 
Benedict, Laura Watson. 


Bst^obo objects not to be sold, 199. 
Characterization of, 6, 8-12. 
Indo-Iranian elements in, 272- 

Lines of development of, 252. 
Polytheistic character of, 13-29, 

Sacrificial character of, 8. See 

also. Sacrifice, Human. 
Similarity of, to Filipino relig- 
ions, 257-267, 278. 
Similarity of, to other wild tribes 
of Mindanao, 253-257. 
songs, 17, 18, 23^ 69-71, 72, 164- 
165, 192, 271, 273, 277. See also 
Ceremonial chant; Chanting at 
cited, 16, 31-32, 73-74. 
References to, 7, 16, 35, 192, 277. 
Typical features of, 69-73. 
tradition. Dawn of, 73. See also 
Salanan, vessels for sugar cane liquor, 

103, 149. 
Balekdt, hanging altar, 90-91, 104, 
135, 137-138, 152, 163,200,201,237, 
Balekayo, a variety of bamboo, 88, 99, 
103, 114, 116, 120, 125,126,135-136, 
149, 164. 
Balinsugu, a demon, 29, 36-37, 199. 
Baliti tree, Ficus, 33, 43, 48, 86, 254, 

Bamboo, Bambusa (Bagobo Kawayan). 
Boxes and rice cases of, 42, 209, 

Ceremonial poles of, 10, 27, 76, 82, 
83, 103, 104, 131-135, 147, 149, 
152, 158-159, 162, 164,198,237, 
Digging sticks of, 172-173. 
Fence around shrine of, 174, 207. 
Filipino ceremonial boats of, 63, 

Furniture of, 72, 100. 
Sheath of, for writing, 267. 

Bamboo, Trap of, 191, 228. 

Use of, for shrine, 88, 269. See 

also Tambara. 
Use of, in house const]*uction, 67, 

90, 96. 
Varieties of, 27, 131-132. 
Vessels of, for ceremonial food, 
76, 79, 103, 138, 139, 141, 149, 
Water flasks of, 101, 124. 
Bamboos, All-knowing One of the, 199. 
Banana, Mttsa sapientum, leaf a cure 
for stings, 228-229. 
not used for ceremonial dishes, 81. 
References to, 49, 63, 67,188,191. 
trunk substituted for corpse, 32-33. 
Bansag, 132, 147. 
Bansalan, Bagobo town, 7, 95, 162, 203. 

Datu of, 141, 148. 
Bauua, the world, 255. 

country of the dead, 54, 56-57. 
Baranguy, 4, 258. 
Baris, a plant, 198, 218. 
Bark as medicine, 232, 234. 

clothing, 66-67. 
Barter, 84, 167. 
Batak tribe, 47, 279. 
Batatas edulis, see Camote. 
Bathing (padigus), 183. For ceremonial 

lavation, see Pamalugu. 
Bawi, medicine, 204, 231. See also 
Charms and magic; Disease and 
Bed for guests, 100, 152. 
Bees, Myths of, 22, 23. 

smoked out by Bagobo, 163, 233. 
sought for as food, 22-23. 
Souls of, 64. 
Sting of, 213, 228. 
Beeswax, 22, 69, 163, 215. 
Bejuco, see Rattan. 
Bells, Ceremonial use of, 172,198,258. 

References to, 22, 69, 184. 
Benedict, Laura Watson, cited, 7, 16, 
17, 30, 33, 35-36, 39, 40, 42, 43, 46, 
47, 54, 57, 58, 61-62, 65, 67, 68, 69, 
71, 72, 74, 88, 181,192,199,208,213, 
214, 217, 242, 249, 279 (bibl.) 



Benua, peninsular tribe, 234. 
fierawan, tribe of Sarawak, iOO, 171, 

Betel, Pipet' betel, box, 22, 53,54,176. 
juice for embalming, 189. 
buried with body, 53-54, 190. 
Ceremonial use of, 11, 30, 31, 
53, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93, 103, 104- 
113, 119-120, 151, 154, 165, 
166, 168, 174, 175, 176, 177, 
183, 184, 191, 192, 198, 229, 
References to, 80, 117, 126, 188. 
Ritual over, 80-81, 104, 153. 
Spiritual essence of, 53. 
Use of, in healing and charms, 
196, 203, 218, 220, 231, 23:^. 
Beyer, H. Otley, cited, 41, 45, 46, 47, 

71, 267, 279. 
Bia, First born daughter of the Mona 
called, 67. 
Noble lady of the myths called, 

69, 70, 73. 
Senora called, 199. 
Biaii nuts, 77, 100, 103, 139-140. 
Bier, 189, 192. 
Bikol tribe, 257. 
Bila-an altar, 93, 173-174. 

tribe, 46, 105, 118, 126, 150, 165, 

185, 192, 242, 244, 250,254,256. 

Bile of serpents as medicine, 213, 234. 

Bird, Blood of a, to anoint the sick, 


dances, 86. 

Metaphorical reference to, 71. 
Nest of a, as medicine, 226, 232. 
Rain called by a, 71. 
Birds, as omens, 270. See also Limokun. 
Fabulous, 31, 40, 47, 74, 214-215, 

245, 274. 
Souls of, 64. 
Black magic, 213-214, 219-221. 

men at the door of the sun, 67. 
river of the lower world, 54, 55, 
56, 59. 
Blacksmith, Shrine at forge of, 27. 
Blair, Emma Helen and Robertson, 

James Alexander, cited, 4, 10,16,19, 

22, 26, 28, 33, 34, :M\ 37, 39, 41, 49, 
57, 58, 63, 66, 70, 80, 88, 92, 95, 116, 
162, 167, 169, 170, 171,175,178,179, 
185, 188, 189, 192, 193,206,217,220,. 
221, 223, 246, 248, 250, 251, 252, 253, 
254, 255, 256, 257. 258, 259, 260, 261, 
262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 275, 276, 
279 (bibl.) 

Blood, Bia not of Bagobo, 199. 

feud, 10, 264. 

of a bird, 266. 

offered to a god, 11,161,169,2-41. 

Spitting of, 221. 
Blumentritt, Ferdinand, cited, 10, 19, 

23, 29, 33, 37-38, 280 (bibl.) 
Boas, Franz, references to, 134, 188, 

228, 277. 
Boat, in Visayan rites, 03, 263. 

shaped dishes, 81, 104, 106. See 
also under Leaf dishes. 
Bobadilla, Diego de, S. J., cited, 57, 

259, 274-275, 279 (bibl.) 
Bohol island, 40, 170. 
Bongat, a charm, 221, 
Borneo, Myths and traditions of, 33, 
37, 45, 65. 

Rites and sacrifices in, 160, 171, 

271, 278. 
Sultan of, 266. 
Tabu on names in, 239. 
Taking heads in, 160,161,171,271. 
See also Sarawak. 
Borrowing of material objects, 182, 185. 
of cultural elements and myth, 

173-174, 256, 257, 277. 
See also Diffusion. 
Bourne, E. G., cited, 267. 
Bowls and plates used in worship, 

see Ceremonial dishes. 
Boy, Dead body of, left in the house, 

White-haired, appears in dream, 
Boys, Ceremonial food for, 1i38, 140-141, 

Digging stick used by, 173. 
Filing teeth of, 271. 


Boys, Help given to Singan by, ii7. 
Part in sacrifice taken by, 77, 169. 
Tabu on limokun for, 225, 241. 
Bracelets of brass and shell 
as charms, i08, 206. 
as offering or gift, 154, 174, 184, 

References to, 147, 199, 242-243. 
Brass industry, 6, 27-28, 69, 73. 

wire, 69, 198. 
firinton, Daniel G., 280. 
Bronze, 6, 83-84. 

Buddha, Statues of, in Luzon, 276. 
Bulla leaf, 71, 77, 142, 156, 176, 218, 

253, 255. 
Bukidnon, Rites of the, 253, 255. 
Bongoyan, 99, 238. 
Burden basket, 176, 191. 
Burial, Filipino modes of, 189, 263. 
Place of, 189, 192. 
Rites attending, 9, 186-192. 
Burning of medicine, 232. 

over of the ground, 6, 171-172, 254. 
Buso, Charms associated with, 102, 116, 
187, 206-209, 214. 

Classes and chai'acteristics of, 29- 

43, 187. 
Diseases brought by, 123, 194, 223, 

Graphic representations of, 38. 
OiTeriogs and prayer to, 93, 104, 

112, 116. 
Presence of, endangering ceremony, 

92, 94, 96, 98, laS. 
References to, 9, 11-12, 24,25-26, 
27, 45, 48, 49, 59, 67, 70, 71, 
92, 107, 110, 161, 163, 169, 186, 
187, 192, 207-208, 255. See also 
Buso>child, 208. 
Buso-deer, 113. 
Buso-ghost, 60-61, 62, 63. 
Buso-house, 30, 34, 80, 92, 108. 
Buyo leaf, see Betel leaf. 

Calamianes tribe, 22, 25, 58, Oil 
Calamus, see Rattan. 
Calcophaps indica, see Limokun. 

Cambridge Anthropological Expedi- 
tion TO Torres Straits. Reports, 
Camote, Batatas edulis, sweet potato, 

6, 55, 63, 191. 
Campbell, William, 83-84. 
Cannibalism, 170. 
Carabao, 6, 41, 64, 243. 

Mythical, 39, 73. 
Cardinal points, 99, 110, 119,173,274. 

See also Directions, F]*escribed. 
Canning bag, 53, 54, 188, 190. 
Cartas de los PP. de la Compania 
DE Jesus, Citiitions from, 251, 252, 
253, 254, 255. 
Carving in the round, 187. 
Cat, Folklore and myth concerning the, 
31, 41, 64, 72. 

Mantianak's voice like a, 37. 
Tabus relating to, 45, 238. 
Caves, Burial in, 192. 

Filipino oratories in, 261. 
Cebu, 28, 66, 170, 189. 
Celebes, Bark clothing in, 66. 
Ceremonial house in, 90. 
Ritual usages in, 90, 107. 
References to, 33, 161, 209, 271, 
Centipedes, charm against sting of, 234. 
Ceremonial apparatus. Tabu on re- 
moval of, 237. 

bamboos, see Bamboo, Ceremonial 

pol<»s of. 
behavior, 75-93. 

chant, 9, 77, lai, 102, 104, 144, 
147, 155, 156, 158, 169,171,183. 
characterized as a ceremonial 

element, 82-83. 
Types of, 162-166. 
dishes, 87-90, 92, 120, 125, 126, 
129-130, 137, 154, 168, 175-176, 
177, 183, 184, 260, 269, 278. 
elements, 78-87. 

food, 76, 79, 91, 103, 104, 137, 
138-139, 140-144, 149-150, 152, 
153, 15<3, 176, 242. 
Formal, 75-166. 
(ieneral character of, 75-78. 



Ceremonial groups, 256, 257. 
house, 75, 151-153, 165. 
liquor, 77, 79-80, 91, 98, 101,102, 
103, 104, 126, 129-130, 136-137, 

142, 145, 150-151, 179, 181, 1&3, 
259, 272. 

official, 9, 76, 77-78, 129-130,142- 

143, 178-179. 
percussion music, 83-85. 
reactions, 75. 

seat, 102, 140, 141, 152. 
spoon, 80, 272. 
tabu, 236-238. 
Ceremonies, Modification of, by inter- 
marriage, 186. 
Detailed accounts of, 93-192. 
Motive for, 12, 78. 
Place and time for performing, 

Spoiling of, by presence of demons, 

92, 94, 96, 98, 103, 114. 
Variation in performing, 74. 
See also under names of cere- 
monies: Ginum, Rice sowing, etc. 
Ceremony, A, as a magical method, 

Chanting at seance, 128, 195-203. 
For other types, see under Cere- 
monial chant. 
Chao Ju-Kua, cited, 276. 
Charms and magic, Discussion of, 205- 
Healing by means of, 114-116, 208, 

References to, 12, 27, 30, 32, 34, 
41-42, 53, 69, 163, 203-223,245- 
246, 258. 
Chastity, 70-71, 273. 
Chicken as ceremonial food, 138-139. 
Chickens, Washing of, to call rain, 

205, 213. 
Chief, Bagobo, see Datu. 

Filipino, Mode of burial of, 170, 189. 
Child born to Bualan, 201. 

Killing of, to annoint sick with 

blood, 266. 
marriage unknown among Bagobo, 

Child may have sores, 224. 
unborn. Spirit of, 261. 
Child's part in ritual with brass chain, 

Children, Boring ears and filing teeth 
of, 270-271. 
Buso not to listen to noise of, 119. 
Dead, under Mebuyan's care, 55, 

Drawings by, 38, 167. 
get yellow skin from eating limo- 

kun, 225. 
Magic growth of, 273. 
not born in days of Mona, 66. 
Part of, in human sacrifice, 168, 

participate in ceremonial, 8-9, 77, 

Place of, in lower world, 56-57. 
wear figures as charms, 208-209, 
Children's ideas of death, 63. 
Chills, Supernatural cause of, 196, 226. 
China sea, 267. 
Chinaman, Myth of a, 31-32. 
Chinese as importers and traders, 84, 
90, 260. 

Influence of, 265, 278. 
sources, 250, 276. 
Chirino, Pedro de, S.J., cited, 39,170, 
189, 223, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 
263, 264, 279 (bibl.) 

References to, 33, 92, 261. 
Christian natives in Mindanao, 250. 
Christman, Irwin, 109, 146. 
Cinnamon, 56, 234. 
Circle, Magic, 41-42, 206-207. 
Civet cat, 31, 243. 
Clappers, 172. 
Class tabu, 240-243. 
Clay pots made by Miyanda, 99. 

not used for sacred food, 79,271. 
Clififord, Hugh, cited, 238, 276, 280(bibl.) 
Clotet, Jose Maria, S. J., 253, 254, 255, 

280 (bibl.) 
Clothing, Decoration of, 73, 242. 

Discarding of, at marriage, 181, 


Clothing, Fine, associated with virtue, 
70, 273. 
Metamorphosis caused by change 

of, 72. 
of bark and sheath, 66-67. 
offered at the altar, 125-131, 176. 
worn at festivals, 86-87, 117, 118, 
124, 126, 165. 
Clouds, Myths of, 48. 
Cock, Feathers of, for decoration, 172. 
offered in sacrifice, 97, 103, 137, 

253, 258, 271. 
Soul of, in Gimokudan, 55, 64. 
Cocoanut for festival and ceremonial 
food, 79, 87, 98, 102, 138-139, 147, 
176, 177, 178. 

leaves, to influence growth of rice, 

References to, in song and myth, 

49, 55, 66-67, 69, 164. 
for offerings, 88. 
for pubic shield, 210. 
for seed rice, 173. 
Toddy from, 218. 
Codrington, Robert Henry, cited, 204, 

280 (bibl.) 
Coffin, 42, 187-190, 209, 214. 
Cogon, native name for any rank, coarse, 

high-growing grass, 22, 67, 173. 
Cole, Fay-Cooper, cited, 14, 19, 22, 
27, 29, 37, 49, 58, 84, 95, 161-162, 
167, 169, 171, 175, 214, 280 (bibl.) 
Colin, Francisco, S.J., cited, 193, 280 

Combes, Francesco, 248, 254, 280 (bibl.) 
Complete East India Pilot, Map in, 

Conclusions, 277-279. 
Constellations, 29, 75, 93, 167, 171, 

175, 254, 262, 265. 
Contact in cultures, 256-257. 
Contagious magic, 205, 213. 
Contiguity, Charms working through 

association by, 205, 213-217. 
Continuation theory, 55. 
Conventional episodes, 273. 
Convergence, 278. 

Corn, 6, 55, 101. 

Coronel, cited, 170. 

Corpse, 32-33, 186-192. 

Corypha umbraculifera, sago palm, 164. 

Cosmogonic myths, 46-49. 

Costumes for festival, 86-87, 146-147. 

Cotton textiles, 176, 241-242. 

Country of the dead, see Gimokudan. 

Courtship, 180. 

Cows in myth, 73. 

Flesh of, not eaten, 243. 

Crab shell as charm, 42, 217. 

Crabs on ceremonial food, 177, 178. 

Crawfurd, John, cited, 275-276, 280 

Creator, 11, 15, 44, 46, 65, 105, 272. 

Crockery, see Ceremonial dishes. 

Crocodile as charm pattern, 42, 187, 
Teeth of, 264. 

Crookc, William, cited. 57, 281 (bibl.) 

Crow, 214-215, 217, 262. 

Crow's beak, foot and liver as medi- 
cine, 221, 228, 232. 

Cultural center, 252, 256. 

elements, Trans mission of, 277, 278. 

Culture, Limited possibilities in 
DEVELOPMENT OF, 278; sec Golden- 
weiser, A. A., 

Cuyo islands, 58. 

Dance at ceremonies and festivals, 9, 
23, 63, 77, 98, 101, 102, 103, 104, 
126, 144-145, 147, 183, 271. 
at human sacrifice, 168, 253, 256, 

Characterization of the, 85-87. 

Daraga, a virgin, 16, 70-71. 

Darag6, identified with Mandarangan, 
26, 162, 169. See also Darugo. 

Darkness, Folklore and myth con- 
cerning, 33, 34, 61, 70. 

Darmesteter, James, (tr.), 281. For ci- 
tations, see AvKSTAS. 

Darugo, god for women, 26. See also 

Datu, 4, 9-10, 52, 78, 84, 104, 166. 




Davao, Gulf of, 4, 23, 197, 250, 251. 

Village of, 42, 161, 166, 251. 
Dead call fi*iends by showers, 49, 246. 
Cult of, and offerings to the, 62, 

93, 104, 107, 125. 
not summoned at Manganito, 194. 
Place of the, see Gimokudan. 
Return to life of the, 61-62, 266. 
Tabu on names of the, 239. 
Death and burial, Rites attending, 186- 
192, 254-255. 
Cause and signs of, 50-51. 
Myth and folklore concerning, 52, 

60-61, 63-64, 67, 68, 255. 
Omens portending, 52, 60. 
Decorative art, 72-73, 86, 165, 172, 186, 

Deer, Chai'm to catch, 215. 
Fabulous, 31, 39, 113. 
Tagamaling protector of, 24. 
Defense, Charms by, 205, 206-208. 
Dega-dega, see Ceremonial seat. 
Demons, Bagobo, see Buso. 

Filipino, 42-43, 261, 274, 275. 
in other Malay myths, 64, 68, 255. 
Devotions for healing of sickness, 229- 

230. See also under Ceremonial. 
Diaz, Fray Casimiro, cited, 34, 256. 
Diffusion, 14, 17-18,46,51,73,256,277. 
Digas, a village, 100, 162. 
Digging stick, 6, 172-173. 
Dios, Use of word, 18-19. 
Directions, Prescribed, 99, 173, 225, 237- 

238. See also Cardinal points. 
Disappearance of myth and records, 

267, 275. 
Disease addressed in prayer, 116. 
and healing, 10, 169,223-235,266. 
Ceremonial cure of, 9, 21, 88, 90, 
93, 94, 104, 112, 121, 123, 171, 
203, 273. 
drawn into manikin, 208-209. 
Magic branches set to influence, 

Prevention of, 79, 93, 94, 107, 112, 
113, 154, 168, 182, 185,190. See 
also Charms and magic, 
shut up in leaf dishes, 107. 

Disease strangled by Malaki t'Olu 
k'Waig, 21, 100, 123, 199, 203, 229. 

Substitution charms against, 211- 

Supei*natural causes of, 8, 11-12» 
29-30, 39-40, 50, 60, 67, 68, 78, 
176, 199, 202, 223-229, 246. 

Three methods of cure of, 229-235. 

Warnings of, 27, 99. 

See also Sickness. 
Diseases, Spirits of, functioning as 

anito, 194, 196-197, 199, 202-203. 
Dissemination of religious culture, 256, 

257, 266. 
Divorce, 264. 
Diwata, a general term for the gods, 14. 

Kilut the horse of, 48. 

Lumabat becomes a, 15, 08. 

of the nine heavens, 15-18, 28. 

Offerings to, 89, 93. 

References to, 63, 175, 194, 222. 

riding the heavens, 17. 

Shrines for, 87-92. 

TarabumS called, 22. 

term for creator, a, 19. 

Uan's description of, 29. 
Documents, Filipino, 266-267, 275. 
Dog, Bahau tabu on ridiculing, 45. 

domestic animal, a, 6. 

Folklore concerning, 31, 41, 49. 
Dogs of Ubog, 197. 
Dowry, 264. 

Doyle, Juan, S. J., 251, 252. 
Dream-boy, 249. 

Dreams, 50, 56, 58-60, 62, 248-249, 274. 
Drugs, 230. See also Disease and 

Drums, 85, 253, 258. 
Duma-tungo, a god, 21, 164. See also 

Duplicate, Substitution of a, 209-212. 
Durian, Durio zibethinus, D, C, 164, 

Dyeing of bark in Celebes, 66. 

of hemp and rattan, 6, 68-69, 74. 

of patterns in bamboo, 172. 
Dying persons attacked by Buso, 32» 

Treatment of, 42, 186. 


Ear plugs, 86, 224, 236, 271. 
Ears, Boring of, 270-271. 

Human, as trophy, 162. 
Earth, Center of the, 197. 
Creation of the, 11, 15. 
Myth of the sky close to, 46-47. 
Shape of the, 46. 
Earthquake, 24, 44, 97, 103, 110, 111, 

113, 194, 202, 237, 246, 270. 
East Indies, 271, 275, 277. 
Echo, 36. 

Eclipse, 40, 47-48, 245. 254, 262, 270. 
Eggs on altar food, 177, 178, 179. 
Egianon, 8, 174. 

Eight agongs played on by head per- 
former, 85. 
clusters of shavings on bamboo 

poles, 133-134. 
clusters of shavings on garong,141. 
curves for altar fence, 174. 
dishes for special guests, 148. 
men go out to cut sacred poles, 

sticks run through sacred pole, 

swords offered at Sonar, 127,154. 
times two pieces of betel on altar, 

years on journey in song, 165. 
Embroidery, 22, 69, 100, 117, 118, 126. 

See also Tambayang; Salugboy. 
Emotional disturbance 

of Bagobo medium, 198 e^ seq. 
of Filipino priestess, 224, 240. 
Encamado costume, 254. 
Endogamy not found, 185-186. 
Environment, Interpretation of phy- 
sical, 43-49. 
Epidemics, 194. See also Disease and 

Episodes in myth, 273, 278-279. See 

also Ulit. 
Ethical factors, 264. 
Ethnological material, how secured, 6, 

Exhortation to the newly married, 183. 

Exhortation to the soul departed, 190- 

192, 270. 
Exogamy not found, 185-186. 
Exploit badge, 132, 241, 264. See also 
dream, 248. 
Exploits accomplished by a wish, 274. 
Ceremonial recitation of, 76, 104, 
148-149, 162, 163, 198, 271. 
External application of medicines, 233- 

Eyes, Bulging, of thief, 221. 

Staring, at foe and at corpse, 188, 
190, 220. 

Facing backward, fixed position of, 238. 
Family living next to grave house, 192. 
relations, 13. 
worship, 9, 261. 
Famine, 244, 249. 
Fast before feast, 87. 
Favre, Paul, cited, 14, 281 (bibl.) 
Feast as a ceremonial element, 87. 
Eating of the, at Ginum, 148. 
Preparation and serving of, 77, 98, 

104, 140, 147-148, 164. 
References to, 9, 03, 172,181,183, 
191, 271. 
Fees, Ceremonial, 10-11. 
Fence around rice-altar, 174, 207. 
Festivals, see under specific name of 

the festival : Ginum, Harvest, etc. 
Fetish, 205, 219. 
Fields, Cultivation of the, 6, 164,171- 

174, 254. 
Fighting brought into festivals by 
Buso, 114, 199. 
Charms to use in, 219-220. 
Figures of wood used magically, 76, 
103, 104, 112-116, 209, 226, 264,271. 
See also under Tanung. 
Filing of teeth, 264, 271. 
Filipino ceremonial and myth, 41, 57, 
72, 92, 257-267, 274r275. 
ceremonial house, 95. 
culture. Resemblance of, to Bagobo, 
257-267, 278. 



Filipino custom of human sacrifice, 

mode of embalming and burial, 
189, 263. 

popular beliefs, 261-263. 

records. Destruction of, 267. 

sacred thickets, 116. 

Test for theft used by, 222-223. 
Fire, Spirit of, 24-25, 240*. 

stones, 72, 153. 

worship not found, 24-25. 
First fruits of harvest, 93, 177. 
Fish, Charms to bait, 215-216. 

Dried, 87, 98, 100. 

placed on ceremonial food, 177, 
178, 179. 

traps, 163. 
Flame, Discovery of lost things by, 262. 

Wafting of, as cure, 233. 
Floor, Structure of, in Long House, 

Prescribed height of, 189, 240. 
Floral decoration of altar vessels, 142. 

of brave men, 132. 

of ceremonial poles, 134-135. 
Flutes, 163, 183. 

Folklore, 31-32, 65, 68, 208, 270, 277. 
Food, Festival, 87, 98, 147-148, 152. 

given to dead, 188, 190, 192, 263. 

offered to spirits, 17^179. See 
also Ceremonial food. 

Oleng heaving no hunger for, 123. 
Foot, Dead told to show, 191. 

Pain in, 228. 
Forbes-Lindsay, Charles H. A., cited, 

51, 65, 281 (bibl.) 
Foreman, John, cited, 33, 281 (bibl.) 
Forest spirits, 36, 61-62, 107, 110,261, 

Formula, Magic, see Word charms. 
Fowls, Domestic, 41, 64. 
Fox worthy, Fred W., 281. 
Frazcr, J. G., 205, 213. 
Frog, 45, 159. 
Fumes, Inhaling of, 231. 
Funeral, Account of, 186-192. 

customs in Malacca, 270. 

References to, 60, 79. 

Funeral wail, 189-190. 
Furness, William Henry, cited, Hi 
134, 160, 171, 271, 274, 281 (bibU 

Gaino-gamo, water-gods, 23, 25, 221 

Gardner, F., cited, 72, 281 (bibl.) 

Garments, see Clothing. 

Garong, vessel for liquor, 104, 141,1491 

Garvan, J. M., References to, 41, ^ 

Gayo, son of Kaba, 8. 

Genealogies of gods, 259, 275. 

of Bagobo datu, 251-252. 
Ghost-bug, 51-53. 
Ghosts, 9, 30-31, 37, 56, 60, 110, 216, 

Giddiness, 110, 226. 
Gifts at mamage, 181, 184. 

to gods, see under Awas ; Offerings. 
Gimokud of manufactured objects, 55, 
210, 212. 

Old and new, 107, 125. 

ta-kawanan, see Soul, Right-hand. 

t^ebang, see Soul, Left-hand. 
Gimokudan, land of the dead, Des- 
cription of, 54-58. 

Illumination of, 47. 

Man consigned to, 08. 

Occupations in, 12, 50, 55-56, 63. 

Offerings to persuade dead to stay 
in, 62, 107, 125. 

References to, 12, 149, 186, 188, 
190, 191, 239. 

Soul starting out for, 52-53, 63, 64. 
Gindaya, see Ceremonial chant. 
Ginum, Chronology of, 98-104. 

Delay in celebrating, 96-97, 99. 

Detailed account of, 93-166. 

Four main days of, 96, 101-104. 

historically associated with head- 
hunting, 162. 

Human sacrifice at, 93-94, 96-97, 

Likeness of Tagal festival to, 258. 

Meaning of word, 93. 

Place foi-, 95-96. 

Prayer to dead during, 62,107, 125. 

Preparation for, 96-101. 164. 

Punctual performance of, 6, 27, 199. 


Ginum, References to, 27, 78, 79, 81, 
83, 87, 91, 92, 166, 194, 198, 200, 
2ai, 208, 229, 237, 271, 272. 
Time for, 75, 94-95, 153. 
Value of, 94. 
Girdles holding charms, 219, 233-234. 
of brass links, 206-207, 210-212. 
of hemp, 211-212. 
Girls and young women, Attitude of, 
toward young men, 180, 203. 
Ceremonial duties of, 77, 147, 155. 
Courtship of, 180. 
Protection of, by charms, 208, 220. 
Restrictions on, 125, 242. 
Sowing of rice by, 77, 173. 
See also Marriage. 
Girls, little. Pubic shield for, 210. 
Gisbcrt, Mateo, S. J., cited, 19, 26, 49, 
88, 159, 161-162, 169, 175, 178, 179, 
185, 188, 206, 221, 246,247,251,252, 
280, 281 (bibl.) 
Goats, 73, 205, 213, 243, 244. 
Goat's-hair, 86, 244. 
GoatVskin as magic neckband, 215. 
Gods, Association of certain, with 
human interests, 13-14, 18-29. 
Classes and characterization of, 

11, 13-29. 
First draught of liquor given to, 

129-130, 272. 
Foreign origin of many, 14, 17-18. 
Messages of, i9Q et seq. 
None of the, distinctly supreme, 

Worship of, 11, 19, 105, 129, 142- 
143, 272. 
Gold, 69, 74, 264. 
Golden tree. Song of the, 164-165. 
Goldenweiser, A. A., cited, 278, 281 
Reference to, 204. 
Graebner, F., cited, 67, 281 (bibl.) 
Grave, Children's ideas of the, 63. 
Depth and direction of, 189. 
haunted, 30, 31, 60-01. 
Objects put into, for soul, 53-54. 
Opening of infant's, for charm, 214. 
Passing of soul through, 54. 

Grave, Petati laid in, 188, 189. 

prepared for sacrificial victim, 168. 
References to, 191, 192, 240, 270. 
Great Country, see Gimokudan. 
Greens, Magic, 81, 117, 118, 119, 120, 
121, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 
130, 182, 226, 232, 233-234, 269, 272. 
See also Plants, Magical. 
Grief, Signs of, 187-188, 190. 
Griffith, Ralph T. H. (tr.) 281. For 

citations, see Atharva-Veda. 
Ground, Burning and clearing of, 6, 
164, 171-172, 254. 
Spirits of, 18, 19, 24, 108, 110. 
Group sacrifice, 271. 
Growth, Magical acceleration of, in 
children, 72, 273. 
Methods to secure magically, for 
rice, 174. 
Guardian spirits, 26, 27-28, 149, 154. 
Guests at Ginum, 101, 102, 124, 153. 
Guianga tribe, 150, 253, 256. 
Guitars, 163, 209. 

Haddon, Alfred, C, 249, 282 (bibl.) 
Hair, Appearance of, at lavations, 122. 

Dressing of, for Ginum, lOi. 

Human, placed on altar, 162. 

Ornaments for, 86. 

Plaiting of, at marriage, 181,183. 

Trophy significance of, 162. 
Halo round the head, 273. 
Hanging altars, 90-91. 
Hantu, 60, 64-65, 227, 268, 270. 
Harvest ceremony, 9, 10, 28, 76, 79, 

174-179, 238. 
Head hunting. Human sacrifice a ves- 
tige of, 161. 

in Borneo and Celebes, 160, 161, 
171, 271. 

Problem of, 158-162. 
Healing, see Disease and healing. 
Hearth, 153, 195. 

Heavens, Myth gods of the, 15-18, 19. 
H«b6, Yting's wife, 8, 28, 176, 179. 
Hein, Alois Raimund, cited, 113-114, 
281 (bibl.) 



Hemp, Miua textilin (abaca), Barter 
in, 7. 
Ceremonial dishes of, 80-81, 87, 

98, iW, 105-106. 
Needles on altar threaded with, 

Overlacing and coloring of, 6, 68- 

TarabumS's care for growing, 22. 
Heras, P., cited, 251. 
Hindu influence, see under Indian ele- 
Hinduism introduced into Java, 275- 

Historic accident, 240. 

origin different from native ex- 
planation, 235. 
Hog, Sacrifice of, 171, 253, 258. 
Hole for body of slave, 168. 

for passage of sun and moon, 47. 
in center of the earth, 197, 227. 
in top of head for soul's exit, 51. 
Homeopathic cure, 212-213, 228-229. 
Horizon, Myths concerning, 16, 47, 68, 

Hombill, 71. 
Horse, 6, 41, 64-65, 101, 163, 215. 

Fabulous, 39, 48, 73. 
House altars, 16, 20. See also Tam- 
bara; Tigyama; Balekdt. 
Burials under, 189, 263. 
Corpse closed up in, 192. 
Fabulous, of gold, 69. 
Festival, 258. See also Long House, 
forsaken after death in, 60, 192. 
Haunted, 32. 

Meager furnishings of, 72-73. 
Regulations for building, 194, 240. 
Woman's skirt laid on unfinished, 
Human interests, Gods associated with, 

13-14, 18-29. 
Human sacrifice, see Sacriflce, Human. 
Hunger before Ginum feast, 148. 

disappears on becoming deified, 

Oleng complains of lack of, 123. 
Hunt, God o{ the, 23, 197, 199. 

Hut shrine, 92-93, 108, 164, 259-260. 

See also Buso-house. 
Hypnotic suggestion. 214. 

Idal, Datu, Trance of, 156-157. 
Ido, Datu, References to, 8, 96, 97, 98, 
99, 101, 102, 108, 110, 111, 118.122, 
123, 124, 127-128, 129-130, 131-132, 
137, 140-144, 150, 158, 212, 243. 
Ifugao, Myths of the, 47. 
Igorot, 192, 193. 
Ikd«, Oleng's wife, 105, 108, 110, 178, 

Ikut, an old object devoted to the gods, 

89, 184, 205, 212, 224, 236. 
Illumination of Long House, 139-140. 
of Gimokudan by the sun, 47. 
of the person, 70, 273. 
Ilokano, 257. 
Images, Filipino, 264, 274. 

Bagobo, see Figures of wood. 
Imbal, Datu, 5, 8, 18, 94-95, 153, 155, 

156, 239. 
Imitation, 277. 
Inao, shaved sticks of the Ainu, 133- 

Incest, 245. 
Independent development, 46, 252, 256, 

India, Great Mothers of, 57. 
Indian archipelago, 270-271, 275, 288. 
elements in Bagobo ceremonial 
and myth, 68, 73, 272-277, 278. 
empire in the East Indies, 275-277. 
magic, 205. 
Indirect suggestion, 205. 

transmission, 274, 277. 
Indo-Iranian elements in Malay ritual 
and myth, 20, 25, 55. 120, 272, 278. 
measurements for grave, 189. 
use of spells, 231. 
Indonesian problem, 276-277. 
Industrial arts, Gods of, 11, 22-23, 

Inherent virtue. Charms by, 205, 217- 

Inhibition, 235. See also Tabu. 


Inok, son of Oleng, 118, 139, 141,144. 

Insect, Chirp of, a sign of death, 246. 

Insects, 45, 64, 124, 191. 

Intoning at seance, 195-203. 

Iranian, see Indo-Iranian. 

Iron industry, God of, 27-28, 89. 

Iron, Supplanting of stone implements 

by, 6. 
Islam, 3-4, 268, 276, 277, 278-279. 
Islao, 7-8, 59, 106, 181. 
Ivory ear plugs, 236, 237, 242. 
pillars in myth, 69, 74. 

Java, 33, 275, 276, 277. 

Jayne, K. G., cited, 276. 

Jenks, Albert Ernest, cited, 193, 281 

Jesuit missions, Establishment of, 250. 
Jolo island, 66. 
Journey, abandoned or postponed, 247. 

Manganito held before, 194. 

Soul goes on, to lower world, 52- 
53, 63, 64. 
Jungle fowl, 6, 31, 40. 

Kaba, 8, 29, 73, IQi, 111, 112, 115, 116, 

124, 175, 176, 202. 
Kadeyuna, a female god, 17. 
Kalagan tribe, 29. 

Kamagi, precious necklace, 68, 73, 127. 
Kamana of Madagascar, 204. 
Katha sarit saoara, see Somadeva. 
Kawanan, see Soul, Right hand. 
Kavan tribe of Borneo, 134, 160, 162, 

m, 271. 
Kenyah tribe of Borneo, 239, 271. 
Kerchief for warriors, see Tankulu. 
Kilat, Thunder spirit, 39, 45-46, 48- 

49, 238. 
Killing by magical power, 70, 274. 
Justifiable forms of. 10. 
Recital of exploits in, 148-149. 
Kingfisher, Metamorphosis of, 71-72. 
Kitchen, 112, 152-153. 
Knives protecting pregnant women 

from Buso, 208. 
Ritual use of, 154, 177. 178. 

Korokung, River woman called, 38. 

Disease named 100, 202, 226. 
Ki*amat of Malaysia, 204, 269. 
Kruijit, Alb. C, 107. 
Kulaman tribe, 29, 41, 105, 150, 165> 
228, 244, 250. 

Lander, A. Henry Savage, cited, 25, 

170, 281 (bibl.) 
Lanzone, La^isium domesiicum (lan- 

sonis, Bagobo tual), 164, 218. 
Lapisut, a small, green, thin skinned 
and extremely acid fruit borne on 
a tree with a tall slender trunk 
and leaves like mammoth maiden's- 
hair ferns. The fruit gi'ows low, 
projecting directly outward from the 
trunk, only four or ii\e feet fi'om 
the ground, 218. 
Laufer, Berthold, References to, 250, 

281 (bibl.) 
Laughing, Tabu on, 45, 58, 61, 225, 

Jjavations, seePamalugu; Purification. 
Laya, a variety of bamboo. Frame of, 
for agongs and textiles, 101, 103, 136. 
Reference to, 164. 
Thatch secured by, 100. 
Vessels for liquor made of, 103. 
I^af dishes, Diseases drawn into and 
shut up in, 21, 107, 229. 
Drawing of, 109. 
Festival use of, 147, 152, 164. 
Process of making, 77, 98, 101, 

102, 106. 
Ritual use of, 62, 93,104-113,176, 

Spirits of the dead enjoy, 56. 
Leaves, Ceremonial cluster of, see 
Greens, Magic. 

laid under sacrificial food, 139, 

See also under names of leaves. 
Left-hand side of path, 116, 247. 

soul, see Soul, I^eft-hand. 
Legaspi expedition, Chronicler of, cited, 
170, 189, 259. 



Le^^nds, 147, 206, 207. 

Lemon tree, Age at death determined 

by, 68. 
lemons as charms, 41-42, 48,207,245. 
Lemur, Flying, 217, 226, 228, 232. 
Leper opens ceremonial chant, 101. 

receives pamalugu, 12.3. 
I^iprosy, 231, 233. 
Life after death, 263. See also Gimo- 

Lightning, 48, 49, 69, 74. 
Lime for betel, 80, 99, 143, 179. 
Lime tube, W, 54, 80, 143, 179, 190, 

Limokun, omen pigeon. Description 
and snaring of, 246. 
Nest of, used for medicine, 226, 

References to, 164, 223, 243, 246, 

247, 254, 262. 
Tabu on eating, 225, 241. 
Lines in palm, 191, 247-248. 
Linug, god of the ground, 24. 
Liver, CJro\v*s as medicine, 234. 
Kating of human, 170, 215. 
Lizard, 45, 238, 262, 270. 
Loarca, Miguel de, cited, 95, 223, 259, 

2(J2, 26:^ 279 (bibl.) 
Loda, 101, 127, 131. 
Logan, J. R., cited, 57. 
Lohei, Ventura Fernandez, 281 (bibl.) 
I^ing House, 75, 89, 92, 94, 9r>-96, 99, 
11T2, 106, 108, 111, 112,113,114,115, 
116, i:i2, 140, 163, 164, 165, 195. 
Arrangement of, 151-153. 
I/H>m, 72, 164. 

God of, 27, 198. 
Lost articles, 215, 262. 
liove charm, 220-221. 
Lilbu, old name for Santa Cruz, 4. 
Litkka, probably bread-fruit, Artocarp- 

tijt, 2ia 
Lulub, washing of water flasks, 102, 

Lumabat, mythical heri) and divinity, 
14, 15. ltC23, 41^ 5(K 58, 62, 68, 71. 
Lu/on, 80, itW. UW, 257, 261^275,276, 


Lygodium scandens (nito), 178. 

Mabanisan, Mount, 32. 
Magani, brave men, see Bagani. 
Magellan voyage, 257, 260. 
Magic and medicine, Overlapping of,. 

Filipino, 262-263. 
flight, 273. 
Suggestive, 214-215. 
Terms for, 203-204. 
See also Charms and magic. 
Magical function of tattooing, 264-265 » 
gi*oupings, 213. 
growth of children, 273. 
potentiality, 2a3-204, 205, 274. 
spells and usages, 230, 246, 265, 
266, 268, 273, 279. 
Magnet as charm. 216. 
Malaki, hero of myth, 19, 67, 69, 70» 
72, 73, 166, 229. 
Lunsud, 17. 
Lisu Kan\n, 22. 
t'Olu k^Waig 

Addressed in worship, 107, 110, 

115, 119, 120, 123, 125. 
Characteristics of, 11, 20-21. 
Etymology of name of, 20. 
Human sacrifice for, 94, 198. 
Little sister of, 49, 196. 
Mythical episode of, 17. 
speaks at seance, 100, 128, 196 

et seq. 
Sickness strangled by, 21, 100» 
! 123, 199, 229. 

I Malaria, 194, 226. 
' Malay area, 271, 277, 278. 

cei^emonies and customs, 97, 179, 
180, 190-191, 253, 273. 
j folklore, see under Folklore, 

heritage, 78, 274, 277. 
magician, 143. 
psychic complex. 149. 
Malaysia, Tribes of. see Peninsular 
' Malik, 102, 124. 130. 141, 190, 198. 
' Manama, a god, 19. 


Manangid, a plant bearing fragrant 

leaves, 80, 129-130, 186. 
Mandarangan, Characteristics of, 11, 
25-26, 139, 147, 149, 253, 255. 
Good heart of, 162. 
not identical with Buso, 25-26. 
Ritual and sacrifice performed for, 
15, 91, 125, 127, 129, 130, 161, 
166, 168, 252. 
Mandaya beliefs, ritual and myth, 37, 

150, 155, 214, 253, 254. 
Manganito a ceremonial element, 87. 
Different concepts of, in the Philip- 
pines, 193. 
Gods speaking at, 194, 203. 
References to, 94,97,154,179,259. 
Time and occasions for calling, 

128, 194-195. 
Value of, 9. 
Women as leaders and mediums 

at, 10, 76, 91, 92, 195. 
See also Anito. 
Mango, Mangifera indica, L. (Bagobo 

manga), 164. 
Manikin, 196, 205, 208, 209, 269-270. 
Manila, 66, 266. 
Manip, Datu, 161-162, 251. 
Manobo tribe, 41, 45, 46, 47, 254. 
Mansilatan, Mandaya god, 151, 253, 

Mantianak, demon of childbirth, 37 

261, 270. 
Mantra, Myths and folklore of, 46^ 47, 

65, 227. 
Manufactured objects. Offering of, 81, 
89, 91-93, 102, 126-129, 175. 
Oracle in regard to selling, 199. 
Souls of, 64-65, 81, 89. 
Manuscripts discovered in Negros, 267 
Marks on exalted persons, 273. 
Marriage by purchase, 180-181, 185. 
Filipino, 263-264. 
gifts and dowry, 84, 180-181, 184. 
in Malaysia, 269. 
References to, 9, 76, 229-230. 
rites, 180-186. 
Marsden, William, 281. 
Martin, Rudolf, cited, 33, 37, 46, 55, 

57, 60, 64, 65, 190-191,207,227,234, 
267, 281 (bibl.) 
Martinez de Zufiiga, Joaquin, O. S. A., 

cited, 258, 261, 263, 280 (bibl.) 
Marummas, see Rice sowing ceremonial. 
Mateo, Father, see Gisbert, Mateo, S. J. 
Materia medica. Native, 230. 
Material culture, 6, 267, 279. 
Mati, Bagobo village, 6-7, 8, 96, 102, 

112, 114, 116, 150, 227. 
Matolus, having magical power, 26, 

69, 204. 
Matutun, Mount, 25. 
Maxfield, Berton, L., cited, 47, 281 

Maxwell, Sir W., 269. 
Maying, Oleng's daughter, 100, 140. 
Measles, 208-209, 225-226. 
Measures calculated on human body, 

172-173, 189, 215-216, 240, 270. 
Mebuyan, Dead children under care 
of, 55, 56-57. 
Left-hand soul checked by, 59, 62. 
Myths of, 54, 68. 
Medicine, 204-205, 231, 234, 269. 
See also Charms and magic. 
Medium, Behavior of, at seance, 193- 
Persons acting as, 9, 11. 
References to, 28, 194-203. 
See also Anito; Manganito. 
Melanesia, 67, 204. 

Men, Ceremonial food for, 138,140-141, 
Dances of, 85-86, 144-145. 
Digging stick wielded by, 173. 
See also Old men; Young men. 
Mendoza, J. Gonzalez de, 0. S. A. cited, 

193, 262, 264, 265. 
MeiTir, Mount, 6-7, 96. 
Mermaid, 23, 226-227. 
Metal, 6. 

point for writing, 267. 
rings, 201, 206. 
Metamorphosis, 71-72, 274. 
Meteoric stones, 48-49. 
Milk given to infants in lower world, 



MiUington, W. H., cited, 47, 281 (bibl.) 
Minahassa, Hark clothing in, 66. 
Hero gods of, 15. 
Rites and customs of, 75, 94,161, 
223, 271. 
Mindanao, Home of Bagobo ancestors, 
65, 267. 
References to, 166, 171, 186, 250, 

266, 277. 
Rites and popular beliefs in, 248, 
Mindoro, 267. 
Minokawa, mythical bird, 40, 47-48, 

74, 245. 
Mintera tribe of Malaysia, 57. 
Mirrored beak of mythical bird, 74. 

doors and walls, 69, 74. 
Missionaries, Spanish, 166, 250, 274, 

Miyanda, 8, 99, 101, 105, 107-112,118, 

123, 126, 144, 195, 196 et seq, 
Modiglianl, Elio, cited, 37, 49-50, 64, 

281 (bibl.) 
Mohammedanism, see Islam. 
Mona, fabulous ancestors of the Bagobo, 

65-70, 73-74, 249. 
Monitor lizard, 31, 244. 
Monkey, Magical power of, 213, 217- 

Mythical episodes of, 31, 39, 42, 

48, 65, 68, 71, 235, 239, 244. 
Resemblance of, to man, 235, 244. 
Tabus concerning the, 45, 235, 238, 
Monogamy, 264. 
Montano, Joseph, 281. 
Montero y Vidal, Reference to, 251. 
Moon, Bagobo myths concerning the, 
40, 46, 245, 249. 
Batak myth of the, 47-48. 
Devotional attitude toward the, 

Passage of the, around the eai*th, 

Phases of the, determining Ginum, 
7, 63, 94, 99, 100, 111, 198,237, 
Spots on face of the, 48, 245. 

More, Quirico, S. J., cited, 251, 280 

Morga, Antonio, cited, 39, 66, 170-171, 
193, 261, 203, 266, 207, 279 (bibl.) 
Moro abhon'cd by wild tribes, 19, 29. 

Conquests of, 3-4. 

contact with Bagobo, 4, 73, 278-279. 

created by Pamulak Manobo, 105. 

music, 84. 

myths, 51, 65, 73. 

Province, 186-187. 

References to, 185, 187, 236, 250, 
Mortar for rice, see Rice mortar. 
Mosquitoes, 191-192. 
Mothers, Daughters taught by, not to 
laugh at animals, 45-46. 

Great, of India^ 57. 

Weaning of babies by, 57. 
Motor habit in gnis])ing an object, 173. 
Mountain and coast Bagobo compared, 
4-5, 279. 

Bracing of the, 182-183. 

Intermarriage of, Bagobo with 
Bila-an, 185-186. 

Mati situated on a, 6-7, 96. 

Tubison situated on a, 153. 
Mourners, 187-188, 190, 192. 
Mozo, Antonio, O. S. A., 280. 
MQku, Singan's brother, 137, 138, 141. 
Mulberry, Paper, Broussanetia papyri- 

fera, 66. 
Musa, see Banana; Hemp. 
Music, see under Agongs; Ceremonial 

chant; Drums; Flutes; Guitars. 
Myth gods, 15-18, 19. 
Myth pattern, 44-45, 50. 
Mythical ancestors, 65-74. 

beasts and birds, 227. 

characters, 17, 29, 47, 65-07, 69, 
70, 72-74, 166, 192, 229, 249, 273. 

romance, see Ulit. 

situations, 273. 

tabu, 238-240. 
Mythological concepts, 13-74. 

Naat, the buso-deer, 39, 113. 


Names, Tabu on uttering, 223, 224, 

Natural phenomena, see Phenomena, 

Nature myths and songs, 44-49, 71. 
spirits, 11, 18-19, 21, 23-24, 33, 
35, 43-45, 193, 229. 
Navarrete, O. S. D., cited, 60. 
Neckband, Magic, 207, 234. 
Necklace, 176, 179, 231. 
Negros, Disco veiy of manuscript in, 
267, 275. 

Myth bird larger than, 40. 
Nias, Myths and rites in, 33, 37, 49- 

50, 64, 271. 278. 
Nicols, N. N., Map by, 251. 
Nieuwenhuis, A. W., cited, 162, 282 

Nightmare, 50, 59-60. 
Nine clusters of shavings on sacred 
pole, 133-134. 
clusters of shavings on garong,141. 
effusions at Pamalugu, 122. 
leaf dishes at last shrine, 109. 
lulutan for rice at Ginum, 138. 
million pearl discs, 164. 
rows of sequins, 164. 
saucers on harvest altar, 176. 
shreds of baris, 135. 
taps on agong to close Sonar, 131. 
vessels of hemp at harvest, 176, 
Nipa fruciicans, 7, 67, 173. 
Nito, Lygodium scandens, 178. 
North, More records in the, than in 
the south, 257. 
Tigbanua in the, 110. 
Water to the. Betel offered to, 119. 
Nosegays as medicine, 234, 235. 
Nueva Segovia, 247, 248, 266. 
Numbers, Magic, 124, 206, 207, 225, 231. 
Nufiez, Jos^, 257, 263, 280. 

Obal, 189, 190. 

Odal, priestess, 175-179. 

OITerings, Classes of, 89-90. 

Final disposition of, 81, 89-90,91- 
92, 130. 

Oflerings of manufactured objects, 9, 
27, 126-128, 130, 153, 154, 168, 174, 
200-201, 259, 260. 
Tabu on selling, 81,89-90,91,236. 
Ogan, low-voiced song, 82, 275. 
Old men. Ceremonial duties of, 76, 
141, 148-149, 150, 183-184, 272. 
in myth, 65, 69, 72-74, 192,249. 
Betel ceremonially chewed by, 

Closed shirt for, 241-242. 
as mediums, 194. 
as priest-doctors, 10, 228, 259. 
Ceremonies conducted by, 10, 

76, 102, 104-110, 175. 
Mythical episodes of, 47, 65-70, 

73-74, 192, 249. 
Salugboy embroidered by, 242. 
Oleng, Datu of Talun, celebrates Pama- 
lugu, 118-124, 126. 
celebrates Sonar, 129-130. 
consults gods at manganito, 198- 

Diagram by, 113. 
performs rites last night, 140-144. 
performs Tanung rite, 114rll6. 
recites his exploits, 149. 
References to, 5, 8, 37, 62, 94, 96, 
99, 100, 101, 102, 108, 110, 111, 
126, 127-128, i:^ 136, 137, 148, 
150, 152, 158, 195. 
Oleng, Yting's wife, 8, 176, 179, 209. 
Olu k'waig, small water-gods, 21. 
Omen bird, see Limokun. 
Omens, 98, 254, 262, 270, 274. 

and dreams, 245-249. 
Omok, ceremonial red rice, 138, 139, 

Onong, souFs travel outfit, 53-54, 55, 

188, 190. 
Oracles, 195-203, 259. 
Oral tradition, 267. 
Ordeal, 221, 222-223, 262, 270. 
Orientation, 81, 122. 
Origin, Common, of rites, 266. 

Non-Malay, of certain rites, 272. 



Origins, Several, for same tabu, 235. 
Ornaments as oflerings, 88, 89, 90,91, 

93, 127, 176. 

References to, 73, 86. 
worn at Ginum, 147. 
Ortiz, Tomas, O. S. A., cited, 33, 37, 

261, 262, 280 (bibl.) 
Over-iacing, of hemp and rattan, 68, 

224, 240, 241. 
Owners of offerings, 81, 89-92, 127, 

Oyanguren, Conquest ofDavaogulf by, 


Pain, Cause of, 50, 58, 60. See also 

Disease and healing. 
Palakpak, digging-stick, 172-173. 
Palawan, 267. 

Pal ma brava, Coryp/ia tnmor, 151, 174. 
Palmistry, 191, 247-248. 
Pamalugu ceremony. Account of, 117- 
at marriage, 182. 
Characteristics of, 81-82. 
in lower world, 54-55, 62. 
References to, 9, 11, 76,88,94,98, 
102, 104, 111, 125, 128,129,181, 
182, 202, 229, 269. 
Pamulak Manobo, the creator, 11, 14, 

15, 19, 20, 44, 46, 47, 65, 105, 110, 
121, 229. 

Panacea, 233-234. 

Panapisan, woman's skirt, discarded 
at maiTiage, 183. 

Gift of, to groom, 184. 

laid on roof, 216-217. 

offered to gods, 126, 127, 179. 

Patch in, as charm, 216. 
Panay, Demons in, 34. 
Paneyangen, divine protector of bees, 

Pangolan, shell bracelet, 199, 242. 
Panguilan, Datu, 161-162. 
Pangulili, mythical hero and divinity, 

16, 17. 

Pantheistic, Bagobo religion not, 43-44. 
Pantheon, Bagobo, 13-29. 

Parabunnian, altar for rice-sow 
92-93, 164, 173-174, 2:57, 254, 2C 
Parayat, a disease, caused by bl 
art, 219. 

caused by selling over-laced W( 
Pardo de Tavera, T. H., Referc 

to, 4. 
Fastens, Pablo, S. J., cited, 151, 

253, 254, 255, 280 (bibl.) 
Patanan ceremony, 102, 198, 199. 
Patch as charm, 216. 
Patulangan, Bagobo town, 156. 
Pearl disc ornaments, 118, 165, 2^ 
Pebble, Magic, 165. 
Peninsular Malay, Myths, rites 
customs of, 10, 37, 47, 57, 88, 
120, 139, 174, 206, 238, 267-271, * 

Popular beliefs of, 49, 55, 60, 04 
Peppei*s, Red, as charms, 41, 163,! 

Perak, Shrines in, 269. 
Percussion instruments, 9, 258. 

also Agongs. 
Perez, Domingo, O. P., 280. 
Petati, mat, 89, 188, 189, 191. 
Peterson, Peter (tr.), 282. For c 

tions, see Rigvkda. 
Phenomena, Natural, 413-49, 245. 
Philipjune Islands, Ceremonies 
sacrifice in, KH), 170-171, 257. 
Cultural center in, 252, 256. 
Peopling of, by Ai-yan stock, i 

References to, 14, 166, 193, i 
257, 267, 278. 
Pig hunt, 197, 199. 
meat, 87, 147, 18:^. 
skulls as trophies, 161. 
Pigafetta, Antonio, cited, 66, 84, ^ 

260, 262, 264, 280 (bibl.) 
Pigeon, Omen, see Liniokun. 
Pigs, 24, 45. 

Fabulous, 31, 40, 62. 
Pintados^ term foi' Visayan, 257, * 

Pipci* hetel^ see Betel. 


Plants, Pamulak Manobo creator of, 19, 
Fabulous, 57, 69, 74. 
Magical, 27, 88, 92, 102, 103, 108, 
113-116, 164, 174, 186. See also 
Greens, Magic. 
Wasencia, Juan de, O. S. F., cited, 37, 
93, 167, 170, 189, 223, 258, 259,261, 
262, 263, 279 (bibl.) 
Plough, not used, 6. 
Poison, 60, 203. 
Poles, Ceremonial, see Bamboo, Cere- 

ncionial poles of. 
Polytheistic system, 5, 13-29, 44-45. 
Poi»ular beliefs, Filipino, 261-263. 
in Malay area, 269-^71. 
in Mindanao, 254-255. 
Possession, Signs of, 195, 197-198. 
Pottery, 6, 79, 99, 101, 213, 260, 271. 
P^'^.ctice of medicine, 230. 
Pr^e^ancy, Articles to be eaten and 
«^ voided in, 218. 

Precautions against Buso in, 208. 
^*^ migration influences, 277. 

origin of ceremonial, 257, 266. 
^**ci-Spanish culture of Filipino, 257- 

^67, 278. 
Pi^^ventive medicine, 206. See also 

XDisease and healing. 
I^^^ i estess, Bagobo, 10, 182-184, 194-203, 

in other tribes, 254, 259, 201. 
'^'*** ^esthood and priest-doctors, 9-11, 

-161, 182-184, 226, 230. 
^** iests. Catholic, Credulity of, 255-256. 
Value of records of, 255. 
Work of, in Philippine Islands, 166, 
^*^iest8, Filipino, 274. 

oblems for investigation, 161, 185, 
277, 278. 
^^operty, Means of discovering lost 
and stolen, 215, 222. 
Settlement for, in divorce, 263. 
^chological associations, 213. 
motives of charms, 205. 
stimulus at Tu bison, 157-158. 
t^ubic shield, 210, 211. 

Punan tribe, 114. 
Puntas, Santiago, S. J., 251, 254. 
Purification in Indo-Iranian rites, 272. 
in Malacca, 268-269. 

Quirante, Alonzo M., 192. 

Raffles, Thomas Stanford, cited 275^ 

276, 282 (bibl.) 
Rain called by bird, 71. 
charms, 205, 213. 
Mythical causes of, 49,53,64,196, 
Rdkshasa, Aryan demon, 34, 35, 274. 
Kancheria, 7, 95, 194. 
Rattan, Calamus (Visayan bejuco) 
Magic neckband of, 207, 234. 
References to, 69, 74, 88, 90, 99, 

100, 174, 189, 218, 234. 
Tigbanuii of the, 107, 110, 120, 125. 
Recitation at funeral, 191-192. 
Ritual, 155, 162, 168. 
See also Exploits, Ceremonial re- 
citation of. 
Recollect Fathers, cited, 10, 22,58,62, 
63, 116, 171, 220, 259, 261, 262,263, 
264, 265, 275. 
missions, 250. 
Reflection in water, 45. 58, 61,225, 238. 
Religion, see Bagobo religion. 
ReneruDgen, a mountain god, 24. 
Resemblance, Association by, 208-213. 
between Filipino and Bagobo re- 
ligion, 257-267. 
. Influence of, on habit, 243. 
Tabu associated with, 243. 
Resin and wax as charms, 214, 216, 

Retana y Gamboa, Wenceslao Emilio, 
cited, 171, 282 (bibl.) 
References to, 16, 19. 
Retribution, Idea of, 58. 
Rice, Ceremonial use of, 177-179, 271. 
cooked in bamboo joints by steam- 
ing, 271. 
culture in Malacca, 268. 
field. Altars in, 92-93, 164, 175. 
See also Parabunnidn. 



Rice given to the dead, 53, 188. 
mortar, Myth of, 68, 200, 201. 
offered in the husk, 176. 
Pounding of, 67, 100, 200-201. 
References to, 6, 55, 57, 63, 77, 79, 

87, 147, 164, 183. 
-sowing ceremonial, 9, 22, 77, 93, 

95, 171-174, 238. 
Spiritual essence of, enjoyed by 

soul, 53-54. 
Sprouting of, 95. 
winnower, 42. 
Ridge pole, 135. 
Right-hand side of way, 115, 247. 

soul, see Soul, Right-hand. 
RiovEDA, citations from, 20, 272. 
Rinsing of mouth, 264. 
Ritual words, 82, 102, 108, HO, 112, 
116, 119-121, 123, 129-130, 143, 155, 
178-179, 183,191-192. See also Word 
River, Betel offei'ed to the, 119. 

Buso haunting banks of the, 119. 
Ceremonies at, 117-125, 182. 
spirits, 21, 23, 222. 
Test for theft in, 222. 
White woman in, 226. 
Rivers, W. H. R., 249, 282. 
Riwa-riwa, a demon, 37-38, 227. 
Rlzal, Jose, cited, 16, 193, 222-223, 261, 

262, 264, 266, 267. 
Robbery, Charm for success in, 213-214. 
Bobertson, James Alexander, 279. See 
Blair, Emma Helen and Robertson 
for citations. 
Romances, see Bagobo stories; Ulit. 
Roof of Long House, 96, 100, 135, 165. 
Rooms of Long House, 151-153. 
Resell, Pedro, S. J., 280. 
Roth, Henry Ling, 282. 
Rubbing, see Stroking and rubbing. 

Saavedra, A. de, Citations from voyage 

of, 28, 170-171, 259, 261. 
Sacral spots. Charm to produce, 218. 
Sacrifice, Human, Account of, 167-169. 
Characterization of, 78-79, 166. 

Sacrifice, Human, Custom of, in Sara- 
wak and Cebu, 28, 271. 
Demand by the gods for, 94, 99, 

143, 198. 
Difficulty of offering, 96-97. 
Filipino custom of, 166, 170-171. 
Frame for fastening victim to, 168. 
References to, 9, 10, 13, 74, 89, 162, 

186, 198, 215, 259, 271. 
Value of, 169, 273. 
vestige of head hunting, a, 161. 
Sacrifice of fowls, 9, 97, 103, 137,142, 
253, 258. 
of goats and swine, 253, 268. 
Sacrificial character of religion, 8, 253, 

Sagas, Indian, see Somadeva. 
Sagmo ceremony, 102, 126, 127, 128. 
Sago palm, Corypha umbraculifera 

(buri), 164. 
Salamiawan, a divine hero of myth, 

j Salangayd, god of the sky, 23, 86. 
Salf, Oleng's brother, i\s\ 143, 148. 
Saleeby, Najeeb M.,cited,4,282(bibl.) 
Saliman, 01eng*s nephew, 23, 85, 118, 

Salingolop, Datu, 252. 
Salugboy, 86-87, 128, 130, 225, 242. 
Samal island, 2:3, 197. 
Sambil, young woman of Talun, 8, 147. 
San Agustin, Caspar de, O. S. A., 280. 
San Antonio, Juan Francisco, O. S. F., 

San Nicolas, Andres de, 279. 
Santa Cruz, 4, 5, 7, 8, 114, 150, 153, 

175, 185. 
Sarasin, Paul and Fritz Sarasin, cited, 
15, 28, 66, 90, 107, 161, 209, 223, 
282 (bibl.) 

References to, 75, 94. 96. 
Sarawak, Human sacrifice in, 171,271. 
Myths and rites in, 37, 271, 278. 
Wooden figures for magic use in, 
Sarong, see Panapisan. 
Sawyer, F. H., cited, 33. 
Schadenberg, Alexander, 282. 


Sea, God of, 24-25. 
Seance, See Manganito. 
Sebandal, a sky god, 23. 
Seba3ran, Ido's daughter, 147, 212. 
Sekkadu, see Water flasks. 
Selangor, 179, 213, 270. 
Seligmann, C. G., 249, 282 (bibl.) 
Semang, peninsular tribe, 60, 64. 
Senoi, peninsular tribe, 60, 64. 
Sefiora, mentioned at manganito, 197, 

198, 199. 
Sexes, Division of labor between, 76-77, 

88, 103, 173, 187. 

etiquette between, 203, 220. 
Shadow, 50, 58, 61, 64, 214, 270. 
Shavings, Ceremonial, 133-1 34, 141-142, 

144, 271. See also Bamboo, Cere- 
monial polesof. 
Shelf for sacred food, 77, 91, 103,137. 

for water flasks, 103, 106. 
Shell bracelet, 199, 242. 
Shells, Calcining of, 80, 99. 
Shirt, Ceremonial claret-colored, 223, 

224, 241, 253, 254. 
Shivering, 195, 228. 
Shrine, Tigbanuti of the, 108. 
Shrines and altars, 11, 76, 77, 87-93, 

106, 120, 253-254, 259-260, 265. 
See also Balekdt; Buso-house; 
Harvest altar; Hut shrine; Pa- 
rabunnian; Sonaran; Tambara; 
Shrines, Filipino, 269. 
Siat, wife of Datu Imbal, 153, 155-157. 
Sibulan, Bagobo village, 19, 27, 49, 148, 

161, 171, 175, 251, 252. 
Sickness that goes round the World, 

a mythical personality, 107, 116, 119, 

196-197, 198, 199, 227, 241. 
See also Disease and healing. 
Sigo, Oleng's daughter, 105, 106, 118, 

120, 123, 147. 
Silver in myth, 73. 
Sindar, a mountain god, 24. 
Singan, priest-doctor and medium, 105, 

106-112, 117-125, 128-130, 137, 144, 

Singapore, 84. 

Sinkali, linked brass chain, 206-207, 

210-212, 225, 236. 
S'lring, wood demon, 36, 38, 61-62, 

215, 249, 261. 
Skeat, Walter WiUiam, cited, 10, 17, 
33, 37, 40, 47, 49, 64, 65, 88, 117, 
120, 174, 179, 206, 213, 227, 238, 
243, 267, 268, 269, 270-271, 282 (bibl.) 
References to, 139, 143. 
Skin diseases, 202, 203, 224. 
Skirt, Woman's, see Panapisan. 
Skull, Human, 161. 
Sky, Gods of, 23. 

Myth of lifting of, 46-47, 67. 
Red, an omen, 245. 
Rim or root of, 199, 227. 
Woman who lives in the middle 
of, 198. 
Slaves buried alive by Filipino, 170. 
Killing of, at death of a chief, 78, 
170, 263, 271. See also Sacrifice, 
Purchase and taking of, 167, 257. 
Tingoto figures likened to, 112. 
Sleep, Absence of soul in, 58-60, 269. 
Lethargic form of, 224. 
Oleng forbids, for four nights, 101. 
Smoke, for medicine and magic, 215, 

Snake as omen, 262, 270. 
-bite, 213. 

Dance named for a, 86. 
Danger of killing a, 238. 
Fabulous, 31, 39. 
Meat of, not eaten, 244. 
Somadeva: Katiia sarit sagara, cited, 
16, 20, 34, 35, 36, 40-41, 42, 47, 69, 
70, 72, 74, 120, 167, 205, 208, 219, 
248, 273, 274, 282 (bibl.) 
Sonar, Account of rite, 125-131. 
References to, 91, 94, 102, 104, 124, 

153, 272. 
Sonaran, the agong-altar, Characteri- 
zation of, 91-92, 129. 
Description of, 125-126. 
Use of, at harvest, 175-176. 
Songs, Bagobo, see Bagobo songs. 
Filipino, 259, 275. 



Songs of the medium, 195 et seq. 
Sores, 213, 224. 

Soul, Left-hand, Characterization of, 
Diseases caused by, 223, 227-229. 
Exploits of, 58-60, 228, 248. 
Fate at death, 60-61, 63. 
References to, 12, 30-31, 50, 62, 

186, 225. 
Sign of death given by, 246. 
Soul, Nature of, 269-270. 
Soul, Right-hand, Beliefs concerning 
existence of, after death, 55-56, 265. 
bathes on entering lower world, 

Characterization of, 50-58. 
communicates with the living, 51- 

53, 246. 
dissolves under sun's rays, 56. 
References to, 12, 186, 190, 191. 
Travel outHt for, 53-54, 190. 
Souls of animals, 64-65, 270. 

of inanimate objects, 53-54, 55, 64- 

65, 81, 89, 270. 
of man, 45-64. 
Number of, 49-50, 270. 
Sources of ceremonial and myth. Prob- 
lem of, 250-282. 
Sowing, 6. See also under Rice-sowing. 
Spanish conquest, 4, 251, 277. 
influence, 4-5, 189, 267, 279. 
missionaries; 166, 189, 250, 265, 

274, 275. 
records, 250-251, 256-258, 269. 
Spear as ikut, 205, 236. 
Gift of, to priest, 184. 
-shaft of Malaki t'Olu k'Waig, 119. 
thrusts. Distribution of, at sacri- 
fice, 271. 
Spears, Ceremonial use of, 82, 89, 103, 
127, 136, 159, 162, 163, 168, 181, 
Spells, see Magical spells and usages. 
Spirit scarei*s, 113, 116. 

worship, 272, 274. 
Spiritual essence of food, etc., 53-54. 
Spoon, Ceremonial, 80, 142, 1 43, 176, 272. 
Squatting posture, 190, 195. 

Squirrel, Dance named for, 86. 

Metamorphosis of, 71-72. 
Stare, Fixed, directed on corpse and 

bier, 188, 190. 

directed magically on foe, 220. 
Stars, Myths of, 40-48. 

Devotions to, 44, 93, 265. 
Steel, Arrow points of, 199. 

Bird with claws and beak of, 47,74. 
Sternberg, Leo, cited, 133-1 34, 282 (hi bl.) 
Stevens, H. V., cited, 33. 
Stone images, 264. 

implements supplanted by iron, 6. 

Tigbanuil of the, 119. 
Stones, metamorphosis into, 45, 71. 
Stories, see Bagobo stories. 
Straits Settlement, Tribes of, see Pe- 
ninsular Malay. 
Streams, God at source of the, see 

Malaki t'Olu k'Waig. 
Stroking and rubbing, 228, 230, 231, 

232, 233, 234. 
Substitution, Charms by, 104, 205, 208- 

Idea of, in human sacrifice, 169. 

of fowl for man, 97, 103, 271. 

of lavation at home for Pamalugu^ 
Sugar-cane, 55, 67. 

liquor, see Ceremonial liquor. 
Sugg, Kaba's wife, 105, 175, 176. 
Suggestion, Mental, 205, 213-217, 273. 
Sumatra, Home of Filipino in, 267. 

Myths of eclipse in, 47. 

References to, 270-271, 276, 277, 

Sacred trees in, 33. 
Sun, Black men at the door of the, 67. 

Devotions to the, 265. 

Dissolving of spirits by, 56. 

Illumination of lower world by, 
47, 55-56. 

Myths of, 46-48, 67, 249. 

Passage round earth of, 47. 
Sundermann, H., cited, 49-50. 
Sunlight, Demons dazed by, 274. 
Sunrise, Gindaya sung till after, 158 
Supreme god, 14-15, 16. 


Swettenham, Prank Athelstane, cited, 

70, 272, 282 (bibl.) 
Swords offered on agongs, 127, 130. 
References to, 154, 168, 236. 

Tabu, Discussion of, 235-244. 

Malik instructed concerning, 198. 
on breaking spray of bulla, 176. 
On breaking roof of Long House, 

On earthen pots for sacred food, 

on grasping ceremonial poles, 148. 
on holding Ginum in the dark 

fortnight, 111. 
on laughing at i^eAection in the 

water, 58. 
on lights at manganito, 261. 
on reciting coiTect number of ex- 
ploits, 149. 
on ridiculing small animals, 45-46. 
on sale of certain objects, 173, 212. 
on uttering certain names, 39, 165. 
References to, 12, 30, 77, 196, 197. 
Sickness caused by breaking, 223, 
Tagal festivals, 95, 258-259. 
literature, 267, 275. 
mode of burial, 189, 263. 
rites, myths and folklore, 33, 34, 
37, 80, 166, 170, 193, 257, 258- 
259, 260, 261-263. 
Tagamaling, a demon, Characteristics 
of, 35-36, 38. 

Devotions to, 110. 
References to, 24, 31, 107, 201, 255. 
Tagaruso, demon, 29, 36, 37, 107, 110, 

199, 204. 
Tagasoro, demon, 26, 110, 226. 
Taguan, i-eceptacle, 100, 103, 106, 137. 
Tagubum, Point, 4. 
Takawanan, see Soul, Right-hand. 
Taliduma, marriage ceremony, 181-185. 
Talun, Bagobo district, 5, 6-7, 8, 18, 
89, 96, 98, 111, 153, 154, 155, 156, 
158, 162, 194, 195, 196,201,216,230, 
231, 243. 

Talun, Ginum at, and Tubison com- 
pared, 153-155, 156, 157-158. 
Tambara, bamboo prayer stand, a 
primitive shrine, 88. 
at blacksmith's forge, 27-28, 89. 
at Pamalugu, 120, 126, 127, 129. 
characterized, 87-90. 
described, 16, 87-88. 
Functions of, 21, 87-«9. 
for god of fire, 24. 
for guardian spirit, 28. 
ka langit (in the sky), 17. 
made by Malik, 124, 125, 130. 
put up third day, 102. 
References to, 16, 154-155, 168, 
174, 203, 237, 253-254, 269. 
Tambayang, a rai*e form of embroidei*y, 

22, 69, 208. 
Tangos, an island mentioned in song, 

Tankulu, warriors' kerchief, displayed 
on frame at Ginum, 101. 
offered to gods, 91. 
References to, 155, 224, 253, 254, 

removed at Pamalugu, 121. 
Uses of, cloth, 241. 
worn at dances, 85, 86. 
worn by brave men, 10, 25, 83. 
Tanung, Account of the ceremony of, 
Main, 113, 115-116. 
Preliminary, 113, 114-115. 
References to, 98, 102, 103, 104, 
110, 111. 
Tap-tap, tool for striking agongs, 84, 

TarabumS, god of the crops, 92-93. 
Characteristics of, 22. 
References to, 11, 14, 44, 172,174. 
Tattooing, 264-265. 
Tawney, C. H. (tr.): Katha .sarit 

SAGARA, see Somadeva. 
Temple among Filipino, 261. 
Textile, Arraying of dead in, 187. 
Display of, at Ginum, 136. 
Gift of, to priest, 184. 
Magical ceremony over, 209-210. 



Textile, Offering of, to gods, 179, 268. 
References to, 42, 67, 68, 74, 99, 
100, 101, 127, 156, 164, 172, 
Tabu on sale of unfinished, 224, 
Thatch, 67, 96, 100. 
Theft, 221, 222, 264, 270. 
Thickets, Sacred, 92, 108, 115-116, 254, 

Thirst, 130, 273. 
Thunder, 39, 44, 48, 49, 196, 245, 270. 

-god, see Kilat. 
Thurston, Edgar, 282. 
Tigbalag, demon of Filipino, 261. 
Tigbanua, Bagobo demon. Character- 
istics of, 34-35, 38. 
Classes of, 35. 
Devotions to, 108, 110, 116, 119, 

120, 125. 
not functioning as anito, 194. 
References to, 18, 19, 31, 44, 61, 
92, 105, 107, 229, 255, 261. 
Tigyama, god of the home, 11, 19-20, 
90, 119, 121. 
a hanging altar, 20, 90, 181, 183, 
184, 229, 230. 
Tikus, a liber legband, 196, 207. 
Timbalung, mythical animal bringing 

disease, 39, 227. 
Tingoto, charm figures, 103, 112-113. 
Tiun, female deity, 16, 17. 
Tobacco, 53-54, 89, 163, 192. 

tube, 190. 
Toddy from the cocoanut palm, 218. 
Tolokai, Headhunters among, 161. 
Tolus, a class of gods, 11, 26-28. 
Tolus ka Balekat, Characteristics of, 
Ginum celebrated for, 94, 131, 138, 

Human sacrifice for, 94. 
References to, 158-159, 161, 166, 

199, 200, 202. 
Ritual performed for, 15, 91. 
urges Ginum to be hastened, 99. 
Tolus ka Balekayo, female divinity, 
27, 202. 

Tolus ka Kawayan, god of the bamboo. 
27, 99. 
ka Talegit, god of the loom, 27, 
198, 201. 
Tongkaling, Datu, 5, 95, 148, 167. 
Toradja, tribe of Celebes, 66, 90, 107. 
Torch, 70, 128, 202, 237, 258. 
Torches to be extinguished at mang- 

anito, 195 c< seq. 238, 261. 
Tortoise shell as medicine, 217, 232. 
Totemic origin for tabu not found, 243. 
Tradition, 56, 65-74, 266, 267, 274. 
Trance, 59, 156-157, 269. 
Transmission of myth and cultural 

elements, 257, 266, 277, 278. 
Trap, 191, 228. 

Ti-avel outfit for the soul, 53-54, 190. 
Tree burial, 192. 

Charm laid on stump of, 214. 
Chaste woman like a, 71. 
Falling of, an omen, 60, 246. 
Haunted, 33, 60, 254, 261-262, 270. 
houses, 192. 

Metamorphosis into a, 71. 
Women appear from, 273. 
Trial man*iage, 181. 
Trousei-s, 183, 187. 
Tual, Lansium domesticum (lansonis), 

164, 218. 
Tuban, Bagobo village, 8, 165. 
Tubison, Bagobo mountain village, 5, 
8, 18, 24, 28, 127, 153-158, 164, 239. 
Ginum at, 153-158. 
Tuglay, god of marriage, 29. 

old man of myth, 6.5-67, 69, 72-74, 
192, 249. 
Tuglibung, goddess ever virgin, 29. 
old woman of myth, 47, 65-69, 
73-74, 192. 
Tulung, mythical bird, 40, 227. 
Tungkaling, son of Kaba, 8, 73, 202. 
Tungo, a god, 154, 164. See also Duma 

Uan, son of Kaba, 8, 29. 
I Ubog, a god, 197, 199. 
1 Ubnuling, divine hero of myth, 16, 17. 


Ulit, mythical romance, 70-74, 164, 

166, 275, 278. 
Underworld, see Gimokudan. 
Unfinished articles. Tabu on sale of, 

Ungayan,Obars daughter, 187-188, 190. 
United States. Bureau of the Census, 
cited, 24, 25, 282 (bibl.) 

War Department, cited, 167, 282 

Vampire, 270, 274. 
Variation, 266, 278. 
Vedas, 20, 34, 221, 272, 273. 
Velarde, Murillo, Map by, 251. 
Vendidad, 231, 272. 
Venison, 87, 147, 183. 
Venturillo, Manuel Hugo, 282. 
Vestigial performance, 162. 
Virgin, 181, 208, 242. 
Virtue, 71, 273. 

Visayan beliefs, myths and customs. 
33, 46, 47, 166, 185, 187, 255, 257, 
259, 265, 277. 

demons, 34, 39, 40, 42-43. 

influence, 4, 185, 266. 

literature, 267, 275. 

mode of burial and obsequies, 62- 
63, 99, 189, 263. 

priests and shrines, 10, 92, 95, 260. 

textiles, 6, 126. 
Visayas (archipelago), 62, 166, 257, 277. 

Wail, Ceremonial, 187-188, 190. 
Wak-wak, Fabulous crow, 40,214-215. 
Wake, 42, 187, 238, 270. 
War cry and song, 17, 104, 133, 158, 
162-163, 198. 
expeditions, 159-160. 
gods, see Mandarangan. 
References to, 10, 257. 
shield. Ceremonial and magical 
use of, 89, 168. 219-220, 236. 
Warneck, Joh., cited, 47-48, 265, 279, 

282 (bibl.) 
Water flasks, 98, 101, 103, 124-125. 

Water, Health-giving power of, 81-82^ 
121, 123, 273. 
Offering to the, 119. 
ordeal, 222-223. 
Spirits of, 18, 19, 21, 23, 24^25,. 

125, 222. 
sources, 249. See also Malaki t'Olu 

Use of, in substitution ceremony, 

See also Pamalugu. 
Wax moulds. Casting from, 6, 22, 69,. 

Wealth secured by rites and offerings, 
94, 125, 129. 

shown in palm, 247. 
Weaving, 6, 66, 68, 99. 
White fowl for priestess, 202. 
cloth as offering, 174, 269. 
crockery, 88, 183, 184, 260, 278. 

See also Ceremonial dishes, 
food, 176. 

-haired boy of the myths, :249. 
monkey, 48, 245. 

woman in the river, 202, 226-227, 
Wilkcn, cited, 49-50. 
AVine in Filipino rites, 80, 259. 
Winnower, 178, 207. 
Witchcraft, 217, 219-221. 
Women, Chanting of, at festivals, 77,. 
155, 259. 
Clothing of, in pre-Spanish times,. 

Dancing of. 85-87, 147. 
Feast of, 175, 179. 
Few, at Pamalugu, 124. 
hunt for lice, 124. 
Ideal, of the songs, 70-71. 
Ofliciate or assist at ceremonies,. 
8-9, 10, 76-77, 105-110,119-123, 
155-156, 168, 173, 174-179. 
ofliciate as mediums, 9, 10, 193- 

203, 259. 
Myth and folklore about, 22, 37^ 

71, 203, 208, 227, 261, 273. 
Rice to be pounded by, for Ginum,. 



Women, Sacred food tabued to, 79, 242. 

Sec also Old women. 
Wood, Tigbanud of the, 107, 110. 
Wood, Bits of, as medicine, 215, 232, 

Word charms, 209-210, 213, 214-215, 

218, 222, 232. See also Ritual words. 
World, see Earth. 

Xavier, Saint Francis, Preaching of, 

Yaksha and Yakshivi, Aryan demons, 

34, 36. 
Yalatandin, protector of women, 22. 
Yama, Aryan god, 20. 

Bagobo term for pet, 19-20. 

Yellow skin, 224-225. 

stain for sacred food, 139, 268. 
Ylang-ylang as medicine, 234. 
Young men, Ceremonial duties of, 9 
76-77, 115, 138-142, 147. 
Chanting of, see Ceremonial chant. 
Effusion of, at Pamalugu, 122. 
Office of medium taken by, 11. 
Roof of Long House made by, 100. 
Yting, Datu, 5, 8, 28, 29, 111,129,130, 
148, 150, 151, 175, 176, 178,179,205, 

Zambales, 116, 170, 275. 
Zamboanga, 4. 

Zoomorphic demons, 29, 31,38-40,227. 
Zufiiga, Joaquin Martinez de, see Mar- 
tinez de Zu£Liga, Joaquin, O. S. A. 


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kilUd other mm. I I'.riM 1 

Fio. a. — Mm'i carryinfc b*f (»«*>r) worn 011 iht b«ck to hold m«lipintw»M, lim* tube, 

Iwlcl boi and other n 


OHOii/.'I HIT lo .)/:| ;i/UHn/ > <I/A •l.-IIIf Mll-lil .l/.l/Ol^riHa ) 

r/jid iidv/ i(9ii[ »(fo:>fi}[ ?f!C)fli 7(1 /Iiio mow 'id /am rfiidw wWinft) iMtttoanns'J — .1 .iii? 

.nan isrito ballii 
.9dul siiiil .o^js'i-'jiii'iiiioui Mnd nt Jitmi ed) no aiovr (-u^i) y^ml j^niniMt •'naK — > .S .di^ 

.AsiiaitsMJi isdio bna zud Isisd 

AX1IAI4 N. Y. Ac4ii. Set. 

AsNAW N. V. Ac 111. Sii. 

I ■" \ ^ 



Y,,.. 1. - Old miii't incdiciiii- c.k ofl wovon irXtiin, with t«lc«^>|>v li<l. tor h< 

rhiTUia, ntlire ilruiii, flint, stuDpt nnd Itndir. 
y »i. Z. — Specim eoi of Lli* J>JS9^^5™'.">->»'"i' "•'i'''' '" h"i "" *> '"-l' 'h' 
I knd conUini ■n»-nDt*,mgdiciDc,^ittLe kuifc, brnils nnd miteriils rurrmbrn 


1 f # 

I . , 

,# *?»f^ 

71 HTA.l'I 

vuifilori lu'i ,I>il 9(|<i9<9i9i Hiiw .imliaT n^vo'j? 'to 9c«o 91119! bsiii •*aAni I>IO — .1 .iji'l 

.isboi) bos BsaoJt ,tiiiR ,t3{rnf) r/ijao ,tunaf{-j 
isliluoifs tlnl 9rft fro ^nud ^i rf'jidw 49jlB«d a'fljiitoow oJo^aS 9Ai lu tasaiboqS — .S .aiH 
.7-i9hr(ndfn9iol fianstaiii fonji abn^d .sliiii shlil a .finioibsm ,«iun-«3na siiialaoo bua 

imiLS tr. V. Acad. S(I. 

^/jijiTTAM «i:4-r)/i iiry/f ii:-iT/.Hii'i:-iii ».'Aii it (lOMKAa 


,■. N, Y. Ai-in. Sri. 

boc'lei- ■ 

17 :rrAJ«i 

niT/n MMH /.'i/n// f.iAyvi III •iinr'< 

^7/»iff> Tiliiotl 'iiir .>'ii;oqqj; rii^ifr^li rn'i8fh 'ilibnniyii 9ili 9lii/9} In 'Hjvi ftiili ui 
'^M'lrjT^ft fii:rnii(l ,<^o•t\ .^'rAun" .^b'lid 'to ^noiii:in9i'9'i(|9'[ JfiriiM)n*tyno'j 

.'•'til Mil" riin'f'l fr^fi'ib n'ifiUun hnr. 

AmtAU N. Y. Acad. Sci. Volume XXV, PLi.TK V[ 



11/ HT/..IM 

TH1H< I/l>rf»K^H^ 

.(i'».!!i // f i;i. ir-'i- • ilo:ur;M Mn vd iriov/ t'lifU iiHi^il l»o-n^li''i-J*»'icl-i Ifiiniune'rV.) 
• ' i: i\V'fr .^-fitxh llsri' l'ii;s<j-tu--i9rfli»ni lo s^i fii>i)fi^<09b srfT 


nslnH/J! 3HT 7H /HO'// T;iil'J/t J/VITftai 

.Cf^iaob ''^niv/ >.''ilT^&^'* 9t\i ni hsbndd qmscf lo isiloiii lr//i)^'t e'cinrn gnnoY 

Vol. XXV, pp. 3oy — 410. 

KiUtor, K. "W, TuwKH 


J. Ai.i.ES .Ma-.i; 


i'liiMsiimi in riiK acadksiv 


(liYCIirM OK NATlKVi. JIl-T(»KY. IJS17 I^TH) 

oi'FicKKs nn7 

f'rr.'ifffrnf "MiniAi:!. lhv»nj-KY PriMN. rnlmiiliia KniviTsiiv 
Vir,".rnslilr,if.-i- VsMSvyv K. Smith, J. .M<i\i;i;N (\\tti:i.i. 

DnriJLAs W. JullNSDN, llllKMANN V()N W. 

('nrnf<fin/ifliftif Srrritiini - IIi:m;y K. ('kami'Ton, Aiiirrirjiri Miiv«*imi 
lltrin'ilhni Strrrhii'ij -IfAi.i'ii \V. Tnw j:ij, AiiM'riiMii Musruni 
Tr*f(snrrr - IIi:nuy .1. (Vmmkvn. .'IM* I'it'th Avcmir 
fjlhnfrlatt IJai.I'II \V. 'rn\vi:i;, Aiurrirjn Mii^.-mii 
ililitin- - liAI.l'll W. Tn\M;ii, Aiih'rlinii Mum inn 

Chitii'iiiaH- Kkni>t K. Smith. TH) K;«>.t ll>t StnM*( 

Srr,'*turt/ VhTuU M. lil.VIM. <'«»llri'»* !»!' IMl\ -iriuil^ .ill. I SiUi;,Mii> 

si:( Tln\ nr lihiljuiY 

CliilirnttlH IIkKMANN VtJ.N W. SriMiTr. rnll<'.;i' nf I M. \ 'ifl.lll-^ aiJil 

S»t'rif'irii \\\\.\.\\\\ K. ( Jl;l.^i^»l,•^ . Ann-rMMii MiiM'Um 

SErrmS or ni:oL<K.) AXn;) 

i'llnrnnlH |)uliil,\- W. .ln||.\M>>. ('mIuIiiI'Ii I ' II i Vi'»>i I \ 


Sr.,' f'fr'f ('HI>I!.K a. I{l.i:i»-. Alll«li«:!H Mli-«UM1 


si:("ii(>\ or AS'i'unnroiju.Y ASh r>)fir»/.'>'.) 

('Imiriiuni .1. MiKiiiV r\rii:i.i. ('t.liiiiilii;i l'iii\»i -i(\ 
Srnuhinf- Kni;i:iM' II. Ij'Wm:. AiiH'ii'. -.n \Iii-iMnn 

Tin* scssi.iiis oT (In- A'M'h'irsv .i»f lii-!-! .iii M.»ii»I.«\ t.'X •. iii:iLi- :i* ":'."» 
N;itur:il llisfiirv. TTili Stn«! jun! ('♦•iiii;il l*.:rK. \V<^'i. 

PKINTII" I'.Y K. .1. UlilLl., 1. 1. M.I.N llln||\M.). 




(LvCErM OF NaTI'KAL IIlrsTURY, 1817 — 187(1) 

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[Annals N. Y. Acad. Sec, Ym.. XX. V, pp. 309 4ir», Jum-. 1910 1 


By J. Aldkx Mason 

(Presented by title before the Aeadrmif^ ^7 March. lUlGj 



Introduction 31 1 

Phonology 313 

General characteristics 313 

Vocalic system 313 

Vocalic quality 314 

Accent 314 

Consonantal system 315 

Quantity 311) 

Phonetic processes 31t) 

Grouping of sounds 319 

Syncope 320 

Metathesis 321 

Assimilation and dissimilation 321 

Morphology 321 

Word stems 321 

Phonetic characteristics 321 

Noun and verb stems 322 

The noun 3-2;^ 

Nominal stem composition 32.3 

Ktymological sufllxes 324 

Morphological i»roce.sses 328 

Plural 328 

Pi'onominal possession 331 

Possessive suflixes 332 

Post|K)si lions 334 

The verb 'XM\ 

Analysis of the verbal complex lUH) 

Proclitics \<M 

Initial elements 338 

Pronominal subject :138 

Parasitic v 331* 

Preterit sign 339 

Verbalizing particles 339 

Medial elements 340 

Nominal incorporation 3'i0 

Adverbial incorpuration 311 

' Manuscript received by the Kditor. 2S Xuvcinbcr, 1915. 




Medial particles H42 

Locative particles SAI 

Modal particles 343 

Final elements 350 

Pronominal object 350 

Verb stems 350 

Morphological classification of verb stems 351 

Composition of verb stems .H51 

Singular and plural verb stems 351 

Reduplication of verb stems 352 

Internal modifications of verb stems 352 

Normal n = iterative 8 353 

Singular in = plural y 35ii 

Formation of the preterit stem 353 

Glossary of verb stems 355 

Tense-mode suffixes ^502 

Modal suffixes 363 

Tense suflixes 369 

Past tense 369 

Future tense 371 

Pronouns 373 

Adjectives 374 

Adverbs 374 

Locative adverbial particles 374 

Indefinite and interrogative locative particles 375 

Locative adverbs 376 

Temporal adverbs 376 

Miscellaneous particles 376 

Numerals 377 

Conclusion 377 

Relationship of Tepecano and Nahuatl 377 

Appendix '. 378 

Specimen texts 378 

Fox and Opossum 379 

Translation 380 

Analysis 381 

The Doerslayer 38<> 

Translation 388 

Analysis 388 

A Journey to Santa Maria OcoUin 393 

Translation 395 

Analysis 'KH> 

The Deer Hunt 401 

Translation 406 

Analvsis 408 



The Tepecano Indians compose one of the smaller native groups 
indigenous to the mountains of the Sierra Madre Occidental of western 
Mexico. To-day they are confined to the unimportant village of 
Azqueltan and the adjacent fields. These lie in the barranca or cafion 
of the Bolaflos River in the northern part of the Mexican state of 
Jalisco, near the well known mine of Bolaiios and adjoining the 
country of the Huicholes which lies to the west. Here the remnants 
of this formerly more extensive tribe dwelt in comparative isolation 
until about 1904 when the rapid growth of neighboring settlements 
caused a sudden breaking down of their isolation. 

To-day the remaining representatives of the group differ little 
from their neighbors. For the most part they own their rocky and 
infertile hillsides on which they grow corn in coamiles without the 
use of ploughs. Houses of adobe are frequent but those of the 
aboriginal thatch-roof type are more common. The medium of com- 
munication to-day is exclusively Spanish and only the old or middle- 
aged retain fluency in the aboriginal tongue. The older religion 
exists only in the memory of the conservative, much mixed with 
Christian ideas, but akin to the other native religions of this region, 
particularly to that of the Cora. 

The earliest references to the Tepecano are found in the Fran- 
ciscan Relations reported by Orozco y Berra. - According to these, 
the earliest settlements made in the neighborhood of Azqueltdn were 
in the territory of the Teules-Chichimecos who spoke Tepecano. 
Other languages of this group are given as Cazcan and Tecuexe. 
Orozco y Berra accordingly allots territory on his map to Tepecano, 
Colotlan, Teul-Chichimec-Cazcan and Coca-Tecuexe. All of these he 
reports as extinct tongues, showing to what insignificance the group 
had sunk by 1864. Tepecano and C?olotlan specifically, and the 
others by inference, he considers as dialects of Cora. 

Nothing further was heard of the Tepecanos until the visits of 

* Mamuxl Okozco y Bebia: "Geografia do las Lengaas y Carta Etoogrufica do Mexico, 
pp. 49. 279, 282; Mexico, 1864. 


Luraholtz^ and HrdliCka * in 1898—1902. The former did not visit 
Azqueltan but met several members of the tribe. He speaks of the 
language as a branch or dialect of Nahuatl. HrdliCka, however, 
paid several visits to the pueblo and correctly classes the language 
as a branch of the Tepehuane group. Other recent contributions to 
the literature on the Tepecano are by Dr. Nicolds Le6n * and Tho- 
mas and Swanton. ^ 

The Tepecanos were among the natives known to the Spanish 
by the comprehensive term chichimecos. The question of the identity 
of these legendary people has been discussed by Thomas and Swan- 
ton ^ and by Hrdliftka. * It is certain that the Tepecanos formerly 
occupied a more extensive area and probably populated the famous 
city of Teul. With the now extinct kindred languages immediately 
to the south, Tepecano probably formed the southernmost language 
of the Pima group, which distinction it certainly possesses as present. 
There can likewise be no doubt that they are practically, at least 
from a linguistic standpoint, an isolated group of Tepehuane. The 
latter name is universally applied to them at present, though patri- 
archs admit to the former name Tepecano. ' A casual inspection of 
Tepehuane vocabularies and grammar ** offers proof of the remark- 
ably close resemblance between the languages. Moreover, a similar 
observation proves the statement of early missionaries ^ that the 
Tepehuane language differs little from the Pima, both upper and 
lower. In fact, the Tepecano and the Pima of Arizona, the southern- 

' Carl Lumholtz: Unknown Mexico. New York, 1902. (Edicion Espafiola, Nuera York, 

* Aleh HBDLif'KA: "The Chichimecs and their Ancient Cnlture, with Notes on the Te- 
pecanos and the Ruin of La Quemada, Mexico". American Anthropologist (n. b:), Vol. 5, 
N". 3, 1903. 

^ Nicolas Lfun: Familias LinguiBticas de Mexico. Mexico, 1902. 

* Ctrus Thomas and John R. Swanton: "Indian Languages of Mexico and Central 
America". Bulletin 44, Bar. Am. Eth., Washiogton, 1911. 

"* During my first visit to Azqueltan the name Tepecano was denied by all informants. 
On my second trip I was informed quite unexpectedly by an old patriarch that the true 
name of the tribe was 'Hepeka-n". I must therefore retract certain statements made on 
p. 845 of the Proceedings of the XVIII International Congress of Americanists. London 1912. 

* The only Tepehuane grammar known to science is that of Benito Rinaldini: 
Gramaiica, Diccionario y Cutecismo; Mexico, 1748. Francisco Pimentel gives a digest 
in his Cuadro Descriptive y Comparativo de las Lenguas Indigenas de Mexico; Mexico, 
1862, 1874. A copy of the original, which is of extreme rarity, is in the Ayre Col- ^ 
lection of the Newberry Library in Chicago. 

" Orozco t Berba: op. cit., p. 37. 


most and the northernmost members of the group, appear to be more 
closely related than the Tepecano and Huichol, adjacent tongues. 

The material for the present sketch was secured in Azqueltan 
during a stay of five months in the winters of 1911 — 1912 and 
1912 — 1913 while I was Fellow from the University of Pennsyl- 
vania to the International School of Mexican Anthropology. While 
the study of the language was the principal object of the expedition, 
yet the greater portion of the linguistic data consists of a number 
of native prayers in text which it is hoped to publish soon as part 
of a study of the religion. A few mythological texts were taken 
and these are appended to this sketch for purposes of illustration. 

General Characteristics 

The Tepecano language gives quite a pleasant acoustic effect to 
the ear accustomed to English. Fortis and velar sounds are missing, 
as is marked aspiration; affricatives are rare and consonantal com- 
binations simple. Glottal stops are frequent but not abrupt. The 
sounds are clear-cut and generally easily distinguishable. Quantity, 
both vocalic and consonantal, is marked, so that the acoustic effect 
received approaches that of a telegraph instrument, a low-toned 
flow with constant hesitations. Stress accent is probably ncgligable 
and pitch accent is scarcely noticeable in continued speech. 


The normal vowels of Tepecano appear to be a, /, o, //, o. a is 
probably the most frequent vowel, e is occasionally but very rarely 
heard and appears to be of secondary derivation, frequently by assi- 
milation from the diphthong la, as aviam or avem. ^^ i and o need 

^* The Towel e is missing also in Lower Pima (Buckingham SMrni: "Grammar of the 
Pima or N^Tome". Shea's Lib. Am. Ling., New York, 1862; digest in Pimentel, op. eil.) 
and Papago (Juan Dolobis: "Papsgo Verb Stems", Univ. Cal. Pub. Am. Arch. Eth., 
▼ol. 10, no. 5. Berkeley. 1913). It is probably lacking also in the other members of 
thii lingnistic sab-groap, viz,^ Upper Pima and Northern and Southern Tepehuane. While 
giYen in Bosseirt phonetic table for the Upper Pima (Fhakk Russei.l: "The Pima In- 
diana". XXVI Ann. Rep. Bar. Am. £th. Washington. 1908) a rapid inspection of pages 
of text fails to reveal a single eiample of e\ it is almost equally rare in Lumholtz's 
vocabnUries from the Tepehuane {op. ciL). Rinaldini {op. cii.) uses e considerably in his 
Tepehnane grammar but there must be a uatnrnl suspiciun that the sound is lacking 


no comment; u and o are produced without rounding of the lips. 
6 approaches / and // in quality and the latter were occasionally 
written as variants of 6. ^* 

The diphthongs a/, o/, 67, ui and ia are the most frequent; 
others often found are a?/, aJ, id and ua. 

Vocalic Quality 

It is probable that but one quality of vowel is found in Tepecano, 
an intermediate between fully close and fully open, as heard, for 
instance in English, a was heard exclusively as open; i was occa- 
sionally distinguished as open and close but was never heard so 
open as in English sin nor so close as in English seen, o is quite 
open in quality, approaching aw of English law. u is very open 
but is often heard as approaching close o and has sometimes been 
confused with the latter. ^'^ But one set of vocalic symbols have there- 
fore been used in writing Tepecano, the ordinary roman characters. 

Vowels slurred over or produced with less than usual strength, 
e. jr., when it is not certain whether a consonantal combination 
obtains or whether a vowel intervenes, are indicated by raised 
characters. This does not imply that they are voiceless. 

i u 

o o 



Accent is of doubtful function in Tepecano. *^ Stress accent was 
generally recorded and is here retained but as the same word was 
frequently accented differently on different occasions, much doubt 
of its value must ensue. Some words were heard with equal stress 
on all syllables, some with ^ual stress on alternate syllables, and 
some with main and secondary stress accent. The stress has most 
frequently been marked on the antepenult. Such accent is indicated 
by an acute accent mark following the vowel. 

here also as be confases it with a and t. All other langaages of the Pimao groap appear 
to possess normal e which doubtless relates to o of the Tepecano sub-gronp. 

' ' Kroeber uses u in Papago in place of Tepecano o (Dolores, op, eU.). 

' * Rinaldini tends to confuse o and u in Tepehnane likewise {op, eiL). 

** Accent is weak and unimportant in Papago also (Dolores, op, eit,). 


In many cases a rise in tone was also observed on certain syl- 
lables. This appears on the whole to be more regular and standard 
than stress accent. Thus a postposition suffixed to a noun generally 
carries a higher accent than the nominal stem ; the verb stem when 
in final position, particularly when in the preterit form, frequently 
has a raised pitch, and certain verbal particles appear to carry the 
pitch. The vowel before a glottal stop, particularly with certain 
classes of nominal plurals, likewise often receives a higher tone. 
This is indicated by an acute accent mark over the vowel. ^* 


The consonantal system of Tepecano is primarily simple, consisting 
of the nasals m and w, the trill r, the spirants r, ^', c and A, the 
sonant stops 6, d and ^, the surd stops />, /, k and the glottal stop \ 
These simple sounds are further modified according to position. ^^ 

The semi-vowels y and ir are abnormal and of secondary develop- 
ment. The former is often heard instead of an i diphthong, as 
ya^puckar^ ia^puckar^ sweat-cloth; kacyo', ka'rio'^ fox. The latter is 
often heard for an u diphthong, as surmaR^ snrman^ deer, or for 
an initial vu as wi'vas^ ruiUas^ face. 

The bilabial nasal m and the linguo-dental nasal n are purely 
sonant in initial or intervocalic position, but when in final position 
the latter part of the occlusion becomes clearly surd. This voiceless- 
ness is most marked in the case of final /w, less so with final n. 
To a lesser extent the same phenomenon is observed when a nasal 
comes into contact with a surd stop or spirant. When evident 
enough to be noted, surd quality is indicated by -v and -v, though 
it is never more than a mixed quality, partially unvoiced rather 
than clearly surd. The palatal nasal vi has occasionally been ob- 
served, always before a palatal stop, but it is not invariable in this 
position and seems to be a secondary development. 

r is a weak untrilled or weakly trilled linguo-alveolar. When 
of a long quantity the trill is naturally more evident, but is never 
strong. Like the nasals it appears to be normally sonant but in 
final position is at least intermediately surd and is to some extent 

'^ Both Tocalic length and pitch accent were reported by my informant to be more 
marked amoog the Soathem Tepehaane than with the Tepecano. 

I * Soands vary as lonant and surd according to position in Papago (Dolores, op. cii.). 


80 in uiedial combination with a surd. As in the case of nasals^ 
surd r is indicated by b. r approaches / rather than d. It is never 
found in initial position where it appears to be replaced by /. This 
liquid has a broader occlusion than English / and the position is 
probably more dorsal or cerebral, giving a harsher quality. It is 
the rarest sound in the language, found only initially in one or 
two instances. Here it probably develops from r, as art\ small; 
ir'icpdk, baby. '" 

Spirant v is of weak bilabial occlusion, being occasionally heard 
as N\ '^ It is probably normally sonant and is heard so initially 
and in intervocalic position. In final position, and to a lesser extent 
when in contact with certain surds, it develops a distinctly surd 
character which is then expressed by the symbol ^, though it is 
never so surd as Spanish bilabial f. Occasionally, particularly in 
final position, it was heard as voiceless *r, w. 

The spirants s and c are probably both primary, though subject 
to dissimilation. Both are invariably surd, s is pronounced ap- 
proximately as in English while c is softer than English sh. Both 
are limited to certain phonetic positions. 

At first both h and x were written and have been retained, but 
they are probably variants of one sound, h was written most 
frequently, jc principally before i and o. Whether the sound is a 

C' An iatermediate surd-soaant / is found in Papago (Dolores, op. cii,), Russell {op, 
cU.) writes an / for Upper Pima. This is replaced by r in lower Pima (Smith, op. eit.). 
In Tepehuane, according to Rinaldioi {op. cU.) r and / are interchangeable but the latter 
in better favor. LumhoUz and Hrdlii:ka {op. cil.) write both r and / in Northern and 
Southern Tepehuaue and Tepecano and the former does the same in Tarahumare, Tubar 
and Huicho). K. T. Pjieuss: ("Die Religion der Com Indianer", Leipzig, 1912.) ases both 
r and / in Cora; Jos^ de Ortega CVocabulario en Lengua Castellana y Cora", Mexico, 
1732; Tepic, 1888; digest in Pimentel, op. cil.) writes only r. Hrdlifka {op. cU.) further- 
more distinguishes an r in Tepecano, and Smith {op. cil.) distinguishes an rA in Lower 
Pima. These are probably surd variations of normal r. Regarding the extra group 
Sonoran lauguages, Opato (Natal Lohbaedo: ''Gramatica y Diccionario", Mexico, 1702; 
digest in Pimentel, op. cit.) and Heve (Buckingham Smith: ''A Orammatical Sketch of 
the Heve Language*', Shea's Lib. Am. Ling. New York, 1861; digest in Pimentel, op. 
cil.) use only r, the former distinguishing also rh. Cahita ("Oramaiica y Vocabulario", 
Mexico, 1787; reprint, E. Buelnar, Mexico, 1890; digest in Pimentel, op. cU.) and 
Tarahumare (P. Miguel Tellechea, Compendio Dramatical, Mexico, 1826; digest in 
Pimentel, op. cit.) use both r and / though in the latter case r is said to be more 
correct. Tepecano r is generally identical with Papago / (Dolores, op. cil.). 

* ^ V and w are difficult to distinguikh in Papago also (Dolores, op. cit.). Here v is 
commonly used before a and t; w before o, u und h. 


weak palatal spirant or a glottal constriction is not certain, probably 
the former. It is purely surd, is never found in final position and 
tends to disappear in combination. 

Two series of stops in three positions are normal to Tepecano. 
These are, bilabial sonant and surd, approximating English h and 
p; linguo-interdental sonant and surd, approximating Spanish d and 
t and linguo-palatal sonant and surd, approximating English g and A*. 

The sonant stops are represented by ft, d and g. Initial b is 
weakly occluded and thus often confused with initial v. ^'* As 
initial, intervocalic or as the second member of a consonantal com- 
bination they are purely sonant. In final position the sonancy be- 
comes very weak and short, the latter part of the occlusion and 
the release being entirely surd or unvoiced. The effect received is 
little more than a bare sonant occlusion with silent release. The 
same intermediate quality is heard to a lesser extent when a sonant 
stop becomes the first member of a consonantal combination. To 
such an extent is the sonant stop unvoiced in this connection that 
during the greater part of the field work it was written, parti- 
cularly when in final position, as surd, and generally not differen- 
tiated from the surd stop in like position. This must be taken 
into consideration in the use of native te^t where it has often been 
impossible to establisli the exact character of the final stop in any 
given case. Such intermediate character of the sonant stop is denoted 
by the symbols, ^, i), g. ^^ 

Surd stops entirely lack aspiration when initial, intervocalic or 

'* The same phenomeaon is characteristic of the Spanish spoken by the lower classes 
of M6iico. la Lower Pima (Smith, op. cit.) v and 6 are confused. In Opata (Lombardo, 
op. eit.) and Cahita (Tellechea, op. cit.) the difference is said to be as in good Castilian* 

^* Kroeber (Dolores, op. eil.) writes in Popago but one set of stops varying in quality 
according to position. Nevertheless, he notes (p. 243) that a difference undoubtedly 
obtaios. iDitial sonant and surd stops appear to be only slightly differentiated in Papago 
bat Dolores has unwittingly distinguished between sonant and surd final stops by regu- 
larly preceding the latter by aspirate A, leaving the sonant stop represented by the bare 
aord sign. Rossell gives only d as purely sonant io Upper Pima, g (inverted) and id as 
intermediate, but all three positions as sard and aspirate, — four classes, doubtless an 
nuwarranted distinction. Lower Pima distinguishes sonant and surd stops as does Riaal- 
dini in Tepehaane, though he tends to confuse them. Lumholtz writes both in Northern 
and Soathern Tepehuane and Tepecauo and Hrdlicka does the same for the latter two. 
Among the other Pimaa languages the surds are uaiformly noted, but the sonants va- 
riantly. Opata aad Heve are writtea with the sonant stops ^, d^ g\ iu Cahita and Cora 
b is the only sonant stop noted; (Lumholtz writes d^ g also). Sonant stops are entirely 
omitted in writing Huichol. Tellechea writes h and g but no d in Tarahumare, Lumholtz 



when the second member of a consonantal combination. This lack 
of aspiration gives to the ear accustomed to English an intermediate 
surd-sonant effect, not very different from that of the sonant stop 
when truly intermediate in character. When final or the first 
member of a consonantal combination, the surd quality is more 
evident and in the former case a slight aspirate release is occasion- 
ally heard. In the latter case there is generally no release, the 
surd blending with the ensuing sound. Here it has frequently 
been written incorrectly as of doubled length. 

The glottal stop, ', is frequent but not harsh or abrupt and has 
been occasionally written in place of a mere cessation of voice. 
Frequently it is synchronous with a stop, forming what is known 
as a glottalized stop. In such cases the glottal stop has generally 
been written before the stop thus glottalized, less frequently after it. 

The affricative tc is very rarely met, ts practically never. Neither 
occur in final position. 

Consonantal Table 






mediate Surd 

Sonant Surd 


Sonant Surd 

Sonant Surd 





v,(w) (V,W) 










n (N) 



^-■'^ :(ts,'tc) 

«•, (1) (R) 






' (X) 






Characters in parentheses are of secondary derivation or of doubt- 
ful nature. 

only 3; the former mdmits that p and b^ k and g are confused. In Lamholtz^i Tabar 
vocabulary neither g nor p are found. 

The evidence is almost incontrovertible that the sonant stops possessed by the Pima- 
Papago-Tepehuane-Tepecano group have developed from original Uto-Aztekan spirants, h 
from kw^ d from y and g from w. (Cf. Edward Sapib: American Anthropologist, (n s.), 
Vol. 17, p. 800). The original spirants appear to remain in the other Sonoran languages. 



Both vocalic and consonantal quantity are marked in Tepecano 
and an effort has been made to distinguish such. Practically all 
consonants, as well as all vowels, are susceptible of lengthening. 
In the case of stops this tends to further increase the acoustic 
confusion of series. Marked duration is indicated by a postscript 
raised or inverted period, as «•, t\ It must be confessed that in 
the actual recording of quantities much confusion occurred and little 
agreement regarding quantity has been attained ; no individual case 
therefore should be accepted as a criterion. In a few cases a mark- 
edly short quantity was also observed but this was seldom recorded. 

Phonetic Processes 

cRoinsa OF soisds 

The typical Tepecano word consists of an orderly alternation of 
consonant and vowel. Any vowel may stand initial or final in a 
word. Any consonant except r may be initial and any one except 
/* final. / may stand initially only. No more than one consonant 
may stand initial or final, even the generally excepted affricative 
tc being of rare or doubtful occurrence initially and missing in 
final position. Medially, complexes of three or more consonants 
are never permitted, the rare affricative tc being considered a simple 
sound, as plptcaa^ hawks. But medial combinations of two con- 
sonants are very frequent and in fact are favored whenever permit- 
ted by other phonetic laws. 

All possible combinations of consonant and vowel are permitted 
with the exception of certain ones involving the spirants s and c. 
The latter may stand before only the vowel i initially, while s 
never precedes / either initially or medially. -*^ All other possible 
combinations of both s and t* with vowels have been found, though 
certain ones appear far more frequently with one of the spirants 
than with the other. For instance, co and co are rare medially, 
OS and 6s rare finally. Thus there will be in certain cases an 
interchange of these two spirants, as: 

** A like distinction is made in Papago (Dolores, op. eii.) between # and e, bat here, 
cariootly, it is s that occurs before i ond u, c before a, o and «. Rinaldini {pp. eit.) 


avi'cko's he is asleep aniainko'cim I am not sleepy 

ni'igo'Gso I am swimming anicicgo'cim I want to swim 

There appears to be an intimate relationship between the glottal 
stop and the trill r. Frequently, particularly with reduplicated 
stems, a glottal stop is apparently changed to an r. 




(3d., sing, poss.) 







be seated 










be able 



(pret. ) 

There is frequently an effort made to keep morphological elements 
separate and to prevent their blending. Thus there will often be 
a pause, a perceptible hesitation, between two such elements, some- 
times between two vowels, at other times between a consonant and 
vowel, which has sometimes been wrongly indicated by a glottal 
stop. It is best denoted by a period on the line, . . As already 
stated, this device is adopted for the principal purpose of separating 
morphological elements and preventing confusion among them. 

Practically all dual consonantal combinations are permitted me- 
dially. Examples of the majority .of possible combinations have 
been found and there is no indication that any of the others are 
forbidden, unless it may be h as the first member of a combination. 


The most frequent cause of consonantal combination is syncope. 
This is a very active process in Tepecano. While the rules have 
not been worked out in detail, it may be suggested that a short 
medial vowel will generally disappear to permit the combination of 
the adjacent consonants, provided, of course, that this will not entail 
an initial or final consonantal cluster. This process appears in 
strongest force in the case of reduplicated stems, where an appar- 
ently possible but unconsummated consonantal combination is ipse 
f(tcto good evidence of the length of the intervening vowel. 

ta'tpoc fleas (stem ta'poc) 

mumuvar tlies (stem mu'var) 

a'niku'knat I am man*ying (stem kunat) 

antimsa'sa'kit I made you weep (stem sa-k) 

distioguisbes t aod c in Tepebuaoe, writing the latter se and asing it almost excliui?ely 
before t. In the grammar of the Lower Pima (Smitb, op. di.) there seemi to be no sach 
distinction made. Likewise Rnssell {op. cit) tenns e {th) a rare sound in Upper Pima. 



Another functional process in Tepecano, though of less importance 
than syncope, is metathesis. This seems to obtain in certain cases 
of favored combinations of consonants, thus 

avi'croiimku he is Hying (for avi'cmiimuk 

miamina'mkoii) they do not pay me (for miamin'a'niokii)) 

ni'igo'Gso I am swimming (for ni'igo'goc) 


Consonantal assimilation and dissimilation is not of great importance 
in Tepecano though examples arc found. Thus v will naturally be 
heard as h after m. For instance, 

aniumbansan I am letting you down (for aniiimvansan) 

a'tiamiambo'p'auda We will not equal you (atiamiamvo'pauvda) 


Word Stems 


In contradistinction to the majority of Sonoran languages, -' 
Tepecano closes a great number of its words with final consonants. 
In this, as in many other respects, it appears to resemble Southern 
Tepehuane but to be somewhat different from Northern Tepe- 
huane ^'^. A comparison of the vocabularies demonstrates that Te- 
pecano in most cases, and Southern Tepehuane in a slightly smaller 
number of cases have lost the final vowel of the stem or suffix 
which is retained in Northern Tepehuane, while in a minority of 
cases the final vowel has been retained, the forms of the three 

"In Tarahumare (Tellechea, op. cii.\ Lamholtz, op, cit.) eTery word closes in a vowel; 
in Gahita (Baelnar, op. eU.-, Peflafiel, msr. vocaboUry, Mexico), Opata (Lombardo, op. 
eii.; Peflafiel, mss.). Upper Pima (Russell, op. cit.), Jiower Pima (Smitb, op. eU.\ Northern 
Tepehnane (Rinaldini, op, eit.\ Lamholtz, op. eii.), Cora (Ortega, op. cit.\ Preuss, op.eit.\ 
Lnmholtz, op, cit.; Pefiafiel, mis.) and Huicbol (Pimentel, op, cit,; Lumholtz, op. cH.\ 
FeUsfieli mas.) the great majority of words end in a vowel and only a restricted number 
of eontonants are permitted in this position. In the Heve (Smith, op. cit.). Tubar (Lam- 
holtz, op. cit,) and Papago languages (Dolores, op. cit.\ Pefiafiel, mss.) the number of 
final consonants is large. 

** Hrdlicka. op. cit.) Lamholtz, op, cit.\ Rinaldini, op. cU. 


languages being apparently identical. The rules for such retention 
or disappearance can be worked out only by a comparative study 
of kindred languages, but it may be tentatively suggested that an 
original short final vowel was dropped in Tepecano while an original 
long final vowel was shortened, both forms being retained in Nor- 
thern Tepehuane as originally. 

No vocalic timbre seems to replace the lost final vowel in Tepe- 
cano, but that its influence has not entirely gone is proven by the 
fact that, at least in the case of nominal stems, the original stem 
vowel reappears in more extended forms. 

Northern Tepehuane 
Stem - ' 


Tepecano Extended 

ogga father 
novi hand 




his father 
his hand 

gatto bow 
junu corn 



his bow 
my corn 

but dadda arrive 




arrive (plu.) 

The final stem vowel i appears, for some unexplained reason, to 
be more tenacious than the other vowels. Certain stems will thus 
appear normally without, but at other times with stereotyped 
final vowel. 




my money 




full of fleas 




our dogs 








moon- ? 

ma's vagi 







The latter group of words are used with ceremonial context which 
may possibly explain the persistence of the final stem vowel, through 
religious conservatism. 

In the case of verbal stems no certain instances of the reap- 
pearance of the lost final vowel have been noted. 


Noun and verb stems are generally dissimilar in Tepecano but 

'• RiNAi.niNT, op. eit. 


when similar they are distinguished by their syntactical elements 
rather than by etymological ones. Thus 

6c corn-field anitu'o'c I am sowing oorn 

ni'o'k speech amicupnio'k they also speak 

ha*k toasted corn anituhak I am toasting corn 

The Noun 

As with most Sonoran languages, the noun plays a role secondary 
to the verb in native syntax. The latter expresses the main idea 
of the sentence while the other parts of speech, including the noun^ 
serve to qualify and amplify the meaning given. The Tepecano 
noun usually stands independently in the sentence and is seldom 
incorporated in the verbal complex. In either case it consists of a 
stem which may be qualified by the suffixation of a few etymo- 
logical elements and may either stand alone or be further modified 
in meaning by the addition of syntactical elements. 


Composition of stems is not a typical process of Tepecano but 
is occasionally found. Some examples are 

biD-vak* adobe house, '^dirt-house" 

a't-vak' back of house, "buttocks-house" culaUis de jacal 

td'n-vo beard, "mouth-hair" 

hd'-vo eyebrow (?), "?-hair" 

Similar etymologies may be suggested for many other words, as 

t6-vaG sky, "blue-house" 

hu'n-va*k sugar cane, "corn-house" 

hun-ta'ha'k eai*s of corn 

v6-sd'(* rat, "hair-wolf" 

Similarly, many words referring to water begin with the syllable 
ra, a very common Sonoran root denoting water. These are pro- 
bably petrified examples of former stem composition. 








weir, ta}>exte 






drizzle, dew 






A sniall number of etymological elements are found and other 
nominal terminations are sufficiently frequent to suggest the possi- 
bility that they may be nominal suffixes, even though the stem be 
never found without them. The most certain of the etymological 
elements follow. 

L -knr^ (-fea*r), inslrumental. 

This element when suffixed to verbal stems denotes the object 
or instrument by means of which the act is performed. ^* 








put upon 






rifle, gun 




dance ground, patio 






toast corn 


griddle, comal 


fetch water 


water-jar, cantaro 










sack, costal '^^ 

One of the most common etymological suffixes is -Aram. This 
appears to give a sort of abstractive meaning difficult to formulate 
to the stem ; it is used generally with a ceremonial significance. '^^ 

sins, turpitude, filth 
southern habitant spirit 
interior, belonging within 
authority, chief 
the "^Green Woman" 
Death, Goddess of Death 
fetish, idol 
cold, wind, chilliness 
human being, person 
western habitant spirit 
pertaining to the rain 

2. -kam, 


















die (sing.) 






be cold 










»* Lower Pima -carha (Smith, op. cit.). 

»* The term Dom'kar mricu' was given me as the Southern Tepehaane word for 
tortilla: the suffix is cvideotly identical. 
** Lower Pima -eama (Smith, op. eit.). 





ways, rules, laws 



pertaining to the rain 




northern habitant spirit 




health, happiness 

da, da'dai* 


da'kam, da'darkam 

sitter, persons seated 




whitish, pertaining to white 


be hot 


heat, plague, sickness 




darkness, obscurity 

g6\ go'goR 


gd'kam, gd'go'rkam 

greatness, leaders 




habitant spirit, viviente 


die (plu.) 


the dead, disembodied spirits 


be sick 


the sick, a sick person 


horned serpent, chan 


pets, deer 


pertaining to ceremonies 


mankind, people 


piece, fraction, bit 

difficult to 

quite common etymological suffix seems to have a similar 
significance, though here also the exact connotation is 

:i. 'day.-dara^ -darakam^ (contracted dakam) abstractive. 














be drunk 



remain (pin.) 
be sick 

be sick 
















filth, dirtiness 

shade, shadow 

younger sister (?) 

drunken, one intoxicated 

ways, laws, fasting 


village, pueblo 

pardon, forgiveness 
aid, succor, fortune 
sickness, plague 
sadness, misery 

sickness, pain 
intent, wish, thought 
form, shape, kind 

universe, world 

A suffix 'tdm ^' signifies 
4. 'tdm, place of, 

to'nar small ant 

vdp'ak reed 

ripe ears of corn, elotes 
place of, "place where are". 

to'tona'rtam Azqueltan, ant-place 
va'paktam Totatiche, reed-place 

** Philologically and morphologically akin to Nahua -(Ian. 







Mczquitic, mezquite-piaco 




Nostic, nopal-place 




place full of gunches 




ColotlaD, scorpion-place 




place full of zapotes 



ki tarn 

house, dwelling 

Another locative suffix of less definite significance is -ip. 
r>. -(xjp^ locative. 




to the south 


set (sun) 














to both sides 





Some of the apparently etymological suffixes may be in reality 
examples of stem composition. One of such doubtful instances is 

6*. -korak. 




ancestral spirits (?) 




master, lord, ruler 


sins, filth, turpitude 

These three words are used in a ceremonial-religious sense. 
7. -OT, natural phenomena. 


be hot, heat 




distant, far 




other side of river 











palo mulato 


greatgrand parent (?) 


rob, steal 



The stem art (adjectival "small", nominal "child") is often used 
in combination as a diminutive or familiar, particularly with terms 
of relationship, the union being complete. 

0. -av'i^ diminutive^ familiar. 







!*robal)lv also 













greatgrand mother 

small dog 

ankle bone 

deer (ceremonial word) 


ta white 

Other possible etymological suffixes or noun combinations are: — 
10. -as. 





countenance, face 

groin, barriguiia chitjuiia 


neck (?) 

ii. 'U'g. 

cl'C elder brother 
kid reside 


ClU (i 

morning star (elder brother of mankind) 

A nominal termination -^, (-k) is equivalent to the English ter- 
mination -y, forming an adjective. -^ 

i^. -Oj (-k)y adjectival. 







nagamida*'dik which healthens 

Certain nominal terminations occur with a frequency sufficient 
to intimate that they may be etymological. 

13. -it, (-id)^ animate (?). 



hay, za^iate 


mist, haze 




drizzle, dew 







covered with hay 

liazy, cloudy 



watoiy, covered with water 

wooded, overgrown 


puma, lion 
small bird 

i4. -r, (perhaps aniynate).^^ 

mar child 

muvar flv 



horned serpent, chan 

coldness (ichi^p) 
tortilla (samta) 

rom morada 

*• Lower Pima -^a, "be many"; -magui, *bc full of". (Smith, op. cit.), 

** A nominal luffix -ri {-li, -ni) is frcijaent in many Sonoran tongueg, the suffix being 

probably cognate to Nahua -//i {-tf, -It). This Tepecano termination -r may be the same, 

the final Toirel dropped as frequently. 




















small ant 
































black ant 




jaguar, tiger 




















Cerro del Angel 


palo mulato 


(krro de Colotlan 


Nouns undergo few modifications for syntactical relations. Nor- 
mally they stand invariable in the sentence. Gender and case are, 
as in most other American languages type, not designated, and the 
sole modifications of the nominal stem are for number, possession 
and the postpositional relations. 


The plural is well developed in Tepecano, practically all nouns 
being susceptible of change for number. As typically in the So- 
noran languages, the plural is normally formed by reduplication of 
the initial elements of the stem. 

Stems commencing with a vowel reduplicate this vowel with a 
slight glottal stop separating the reduplicated vowels. 



















Stems commencing in a consonant reduplicate the consonant with 
following vowel. 















elder brother 
























palo mulato 












The rules of syncope and consonantal combination appear in full 
force here. 









Initial b and r are difficult to distinguish. But those stems uni- 
formly written with an initial h reduplicate to ft, as hat\ "tail", 
bdbaij while those whose initial sound was heard generally as r, 
though occasionally also as 6, reduplicate to /' but change the initial 
V of the stem, now in medial position, to p. 







The presence of a glottal stop in the stem appears to cause aber- 
rant changes in the plural form. An intervocalic glottal stop ap- 
pears to cause a disappearance of the final vowel. 



weir, tapexte 











jar, olUi 




In at least one instance, a final glottal stop disappears with 
previous vowel in the reduplicated plural form. 

in 6' bar 


hat (head -basket) 


In another case an intervocalic glottal stop disappears in the 
reduplicated plural form. 

ku"uT Cora ku'k'UT 

An intervocalic h 
tion or combination, 
simplification in the 

in the stem generally disappears in redupliea- 
and the general tendency is toward a phonetic 
plural and all extended forms. 










A second type of 
where the change, 
occurs within the 
changed to jr. 

plural formation is found with dissyllabic stems 

which is evidently a form of reduplication, 

stem itself. Thus an intervocalic v is often 






















va'va i 





Similarly with other 



























guizache aabovosa 






jaguar, tiger 















While it is a delicate task to analyse correctly the phonetic 
characteristics of these plurals, and some of the above are probably 
not accurately expressed, yet the general process of secondary plural 
formation seems to be, first that a medial stop is lengthened or a 
glottal stop introduced, and second that all vocalic lengths of the 
ultima are shortened and the pitch raised on the penult. 

A few instances occur where the plural seems to be irregular, 
containing apparently extraneous elements. Some examples are 








elder brother 





A few instances of reduplication of a secondary syllable are found, 
this being prima facie evidence of composition or prefixation in 
these cases. 










Many noups appear to be not susceptible of internal changes to 
indicate the plural. In these cases number is expressed by the use 
of the adverb mui\ **many". ^^ 



n)any papers 



many bones 



many mescales 



many squirrels 



many brooms 

The proclitic ga- here found is probably related to the demon- 
strative hoga^ **that", which is also occasionally found in this con- 
nection. ^^ Here it has the force of an article and is most frequently 
found prefixed to nouns in the objective relation as a sign of the 

Fronominal Possession. 

Possession is expressed by the affixation of pronominal elements, 
diifering for number and person, to the object possessed. These 

** The natoral impulse is to refer this adverb to the Spaniith adverb m«y, "very", but 
the word is proven by comparison with other Sonoran languages to be indigenous. 
' ' Or koffa may be an extended form of pa. 


possessive pronominal elements are practically identical with the 
objective pronominal elements and related to the personal inde- 
pendent forms. They are: 



1 ■* person 



2od person 



3'd pei'son 



All but the third person singular possessive are prefixed, cause 
no phonetic change and require no remark. This exception, how- 
ever, is of a different type, as it is suffixed. If the regimen ends 
in a vowel, the suffixation is without phonetic phenomenon but if 
it closes in a consonant, the original dropped final stem vowel 
reappears (cf. p. 322), thus. 


thy bone 


his bone 


our arrow 


his arrow 




my father 
your hands 
their house 




his father 
his hands 
his house 

The great majority of such examples show a final a vowel. 
Whether this is normal or due to assimilation or other process can 
be determined only by comparison with other Piman languages. ^- 

When the stem ends in a glottal stop preceded by a vowel, the 
vowel is reduplicated after the stop when used with the pronominal 
possessive suffix -d. 

hi* urine hi"iD his urine 

ino' head m6*oD his head 

Possessive Suffixes 

Two frequent suffixes of doubtful significance are found mainly 
with possessives. The first, -(Ofl'CO"? ^^ probably more common, at 
least with the third person singular, than the bare possessive. Its 
significance is very doubtful, as the same stem may be found with 
or without it without apparent diiference in meaning. Its exact 
form is also open to doubt, but it is generally found associated 
with an i vowel, either as -i<? or as -</i-. 

'* Rinaldini gives this pronominal poueasive suffii as -de or -^> for Northern Tepehaane 
{op. eit.). Smith {op. eit.) gives -di for Lower Pima. 


^- '(i)9y '9^-1 





my corn-field 


his corn-field 


his flower 


thy flower 


his flower 




my basket 


his basket 


his petate 


his petate 




his j'lcara 


his axe 


his axe 

-kar, -kamo 



his (instrumental) 


his foot 


his foot 




his coyote 

The natural inference here is that the suffix is either -ig or -gL ^^ 
In the first hypothesis, it would dominate over the reappearing final 
stem vowel (which as we have seen, is most frequently a), and 
change by metathesis to -<//- when followed by the possessive -rf. 
In the second hypothesis, it would appear as normal before posses- 
sive 'd but change by metathesis to -ia when in final position. 
But either theory is further disturbed by the fact that in a number, 
though a minority of cases, f/ appears with a vowel other than /. 
In many of these cases this phenomenon may be explained as a 
predominance of the stem vowel over the suffix vowel. Thus 




thy chimal 




his tobacco 

(S. Tep. vivdi) 




my nopalei'a 




my corn 

(N. Tep. junnu) 


his corn 




my ground 


his ground 




his rope 

A fuller knowledge of Pima roots would doubtless elucidate these 
apparent inconsistencies. 

Occasionally an unexplained intrusive element is found in con- 
nection with this suffix. 




his uncles 




his hen 

ka-'via '♦ 



his horse (Sp. caballo) 

** Rioaldini {op, dt,) gives this suffix as -ga and says that it must be used in certain 
relations sach as jnnugade, his corn ; bangade, his beans. 

'* In native text, words or parts of words in italics are of Spani:;h derivation. 



The other suffix used principally with the possessive is also of 
doubtful significance. It appears to imply an ownership less abso- 
lute or more communal than the bare possessive. 

10, -tiia, (-tuh)^ posseifsice. 




my beans 




cattle (Sp. vnca) 




wheat (Sp. trigo) 




their church 




ray cheese {Sp. queso) 


eldest brother 


my eldest brother (Sp. mayor) 








his puma 


A small number of particles arc suffixed to nouns to indicate 
certain relations, principally locative. They express the same 
categories as the prepositions of European languages, but being 
suffixed, are better termed postpositions. They frequently carry 
a pitch accent. 

M. aBa^ locative^ temporal, place where, time when, in, at. 

oida.a'na at the hill 

uc.a*'ba in the tree 

su'di.a'u'a in the water 

vara'^na in the basket 

vwi''mua"im in the morning 

voc.o'n(sa''im at all hours 

IS. a'M, inessivey position inside^ m. (Frequently with body parts). 

inmo"a-m on my head 

ino'v.aM in my arm 


in my heart 
on my forehead 
in the cave 

10. on, inessive.^ position within, in. 


within the mist 
in the saucer 
in the lagoon 

W, 6ra, motion into, motion within, among. 

ictutu'k am.i'ira 

into the darkness 

ho'cia ora 

among the nopals 
into the saucer 
into the basket 
into the corral 


Si. sa'giD, hetiveen, among. 


between the hills 
within the mist 

beside the cliff 

toward a distant place 
to Bolafios (let us go) 
to one side 
to my house (let us go) 

29. so'na'p, position by, beside. 


9S. ha\ directive, motion towards, to. 


24. ha^'kuD, directive, motion towards. 




S5. hS^koD, instrumental, with, by means of. 

itNi'okho'k'ot with our language 

noik-a'rtVkoD with a knife 

tiVovinhrt'ki)*!) with ii rope 

W, (n)md, direction towards, (doubtful) 

to my rancho 
to that side 
outside (go) 


?7. viooiigam, with, mixed with. 


28. vwdVa, wo'pta, subessive, beneath. 



with beans 
with chilis 

beneath the gi*ound 
beneath the clifT 
beneath the heaven 

20, vtoi, vui, comitative, motion with, go to be with. 

with them (go) 

to my kinsman (go) 

to my elder brother 




30. vwom, wom, bom, comitative, position with, in company of. 

with them (dance) 
with you (live) 



.Si. pan, locative, (doubtful) 


between the feet 
on both sides 


3"?. (him, superessive, above^ oyer, on. 

umai'Dicddm on thy petate 

vo'iddin in the road 

to'vaod&M above the heavens'did^m in the river 

ka'viadtim on horseback 

mka'madkm in my bed 

3.*^. ko'Ha\ ko'vai\ at the edge of. 

su'dilto'vav at the edge of the water 

va'vaiko'vt-a' at the edge of the cliff 

Many of the postpositions carry an accent of a higher pitch than 
the stem, as nos. 19, 20, 25, 26, 29, 32. Others, such as 17, 18, 
19, 20, 24 are generally separated from the stem by an appreciable 
pause. This latter phenomenon intimates that these may be in 
reality etymologically independent words serving morphologically as 
postpositions. This possibility is furthered by evidences of compo- 
sition in these and other examples. Thus 17 and 18 of kindred 
meaning commence with the element a, possibly an indefinite de- 
monstrative (cf. locative adverbs); 18 and 30 of like significance and 
possibly 32 contain a final m, possibly the true postpositional 
element; 27, 29 and 30 of kindred meaning and 28 as well com- 
mence with the element vno. 

The Verb 


As common in American languages, the Tepecano verb expresses 
in itself all the main points of the sentence as regards tense, mode, 
and subjectival and objectival relations. The accompanying nouns, 
pronouns, adjectives and adverbs serve to qualify and explain the 
statement made by the verb. 

The essential elements of the verbal complex are the pronominal 
subject and the verb stem. The former always stands at or near 
the beginning of the complex, the latter at or near the end. It is 
therefore possible to divide the verbal complex into three component 
part« which may be termed initial, medial and final, each possessing 
its peculiar elements. 

The initial elements consist of the pronominal subject and the 
sign of the preterit. The final elements comprise the pronominal 
object, the verb stem and various tense-mode suffixes. Between 


these two integral parts of the complex may occur numerous other 
elements, some of them modal or adverbial particles, others bodily 
incorporated adverbs, postpositions, adjectives or nouns. These 
compose the medial elements. 


Preceding the nominal subject, which may be considered the true 
initial element, are found certain proclitics more or less firmly 
attached to the complex. The more frequent of these are, 

34. n-, relative. " 

This proclitic is found very frequently in continued narrative. 
Its sphere does not seem to be well-defined and its force rather 
weak. It occasionally introduces relative clauses in which case it 
is translated by "which", but frequently also introduces absolute 
sentences without apparent cause. Its use may be to some extent 

35. ku'^ subordinate . 

This proclitic is a little more forcible than n-. It sometimes 
introduces subordinate clauses, being then translated by "that", but 
frequently begins a new sentence, particularly when a new thought 
is introduced or a break in continuity made. 

36. na'jtii-, potential. 

This may be a combination of the above two proclitics but is of 
relative rarity. It introduces statements implying uncertainty of 
future consummation and is generally translated "to see if." 

Examples of these proclitics are frequent in the specimen texts. 

Besides these three true proclitics there are many other con- 
junctions such as hava^ "and"; hona^ "then"; interrogative pronouns 
and adverbs and locative adverbs which in connected speech are so 
closely attached to the verb that they may well be considered as 
proclitic. The distinction is, on the whole, a rather artificial one, 
but the native mind seems to consider the three given particles as 
incapable of independent position, the others as normally inde- 
pendent. With the true proclitics however, should be considered 
the interrogative and the indefinite-relative locative particles pa- 
and pi- (p. 375). 


Northern Tepehuane -«a, relative (Rinaldini, op. cil.). 




Pronominal Subject 

The pronominal subject is the true initial element of the complex. 
It is seldom omitted, only occasionally with the third person 
singular and generally with imperative constructions, and is preceded 
by only the proclitics. The pronominal subject is often reduplicated 
without apparent reason. This may be best interpreted as the sub- 
jective form preceded by the independent for emphasis. 

The subjective pronominal forms are closely related to the inde- 
pendent ones. In some cases the two are identical, but more typically, 
the subjective forms are briefer than the fuller forms, which seem 
to contain a morphological element a. 

Singular Plural 

1 ■* person 


an, ni, n ati, at, ti, t 

2q*i person 


ap, pi, p apira, pirn 

.'^rd person 

a, (1 

none) am, m 


I am making thread 


I cut it 


if I die 


and if I die 


you are going to fish 


now you have buiiit yourself 


you are killing it 


then you kill him 


now it has flown 


slie ground it 


we are sitting down 


where we wander 


if we leave it here 


let us go visiting 


know ye it 


bring me it 


they were fishing 


they are drunk 

Phonetic! rules of consonantal combination will probably ac<;ount 
for these variant pronominal forms except in the cases of conditional 
and imperative constructions where the disappearance of the initial 
vowel of the pronominal form appears to bo of morphological value. 


Parasitic r. 

In the use of the third person singular pronominal subject, a v 
is frequently introduced. This is probably done for phonetic reasons, 
as all the other pronominal subjects except the third singular may 
end in a consonant. Yet in other instances it is difficult to explain 
its presence on phonetic grounds. It is most frequently found before 
the substantive -«r-, probably always in the present tense and ge- 
nerally, though not always, with inanimate subjects. 

navarica'p whicti is good 

kuaviamicmilk'OT and it is very far 

victdhApih it is getting cold 

Preterit Sign 

The second initial element is the preterit sign. 

31, -t-, preterit sign. 

This normally follows the pronominal subject. Generally it is 
preceded or followed by an / vowel of uncertain origin. This vowel 
may belong to the pronominal subject or it may be an intrusive 
vowel. The preterit sign may be actually -/7- or -ti- and the vowel 
disappear by vocalic syncope or change position by metathesis. 
Thus we find 

antiuma'gic I told you it 

napitpucla*'iwa you sat down 

natpudu'via he arrived 

The most usual process is for the -/- to follow directly after the 
pronominal subject. The exact form is doubtless invariable in any 
given case and dictated by phonetic rules of euphony. 

I '^erhaliz nuf ParticU's 

Three important constructions are verbal in syntax and meaning 
but, being used with nominal instead of verbal stems, belong to a 
mixed category. 

The substantive and attributive relations are expressed by the 
particle -ar- which stands between the nominal or adjectival stem 
and the pronominal subject. The construction is therefore that of 
a verb except that the functional stem is nominal or adjectival 
instead of verbal. 


S8. -«/•-, substantive^ attributive. 

n-apira-ar-in-ha'hacduii ye are my kinsmen 

v-ar-am-ki'ji*ra it is your house 

n-a-v-ar-ic-to'do* which is blue 

n-apim-ar-a'pim ye who are youi'selves 

n-a-v-ar-gu*'g6ii which is grand 

An -rt- inserted in like position seems to imply ownership. 

SO, -a-, possessive. 

p«r/re-n-yani-a-sa"a becau^e I have no blanket 

ani-a-mo'bar I have a hat 

an-sapi'-a-viv the tobacco which I have 

The particle -ta' suffixed to nominal stems predicates the manu- 
facture or preparation of the object indicated. ^^ 

40. -ta\ factitive. 

a'ni-tu-mo'bar-ta' I am making a hat 

a'ni-tu-ba"ak-ta' I am making a house 

a'ni-tu-sa'm'-ta' I am making tortillas 

am-2>M«u'Vi*-da' they are making posole 

ni-ho'n-ta' I will marry (make a wife? /io*'nt, wife) 


The medial elements, those falling between the preterit sign of 
the initial elements and the pronominal object of the final elements 
are quite diverse in character. The first and most evident division 
between them is between the true verbal elements which never 
function independently of the verb, and the bodily incorporated 
normally independent elements which for the time being must be 
considered as a part of the verbal complex. This brings up the 
question of incorporation. 

Nominal Incorporation 

Nominal incorporation, the incorporation of the nominal object 
in the verbal complex, is not a typical process of Tepecano. In 
fact it seldom occurs in continued narrative. The question is largely 
an academic one, depending on how closely the pronominal subject 
may be considered as welded to the verbal complex. It is difficult 

'* Lower Pima -ta (Smith, op. cit.)\ Northern Tepohuane '[a)ie, -(t)^« (RinaldiDi, C91. eit.). 


to see how the preterit sign, for instance, can be considered as 
anything else but an integral part of the complex. By this cri- 
terion nominal incorporation is theoretically very fully developed 
in Tepecano, though actually of infrequent occurrence. Compare 
the following forms given as grammatically correct. 

hrtga ti-vainura-in-tanc'tit he did-money-rae-lent 

an-ti'-um-inai'niG-dam-ko'i l-did-thy-petoie-on-slept 

an-ti'-nauv-kiVs I-did-Dopal-transplaiited 

an-ti-sa*'a-c-h6hiR I-did-blanket-desired 

Compare also the extraordinary complex in specimen text 4, p. 405. 

n — a — t— tu'-ga — n — sa"a. — in— ka't'ua— dam— va- vwa 


A few cases of incorporation of the nominal subject have also 
been found. This phenomenon is of even less frequency and less 
authenticity than objectival incorporation, and must be admitted as 
of doubtful function in the language, though the examples were 
given as grammatically correct. 

kuti'J(Msvant6k'ta if only God remembers m(^ 

to*tih6'inaiswi'miirama'ciii if one dear appears 

A drerhial Incorporation 

The incorporation of other elements such as adverbs, locatives, 
postpositions and similar parts of speech is one of the vital pro- 
cesses of the language and of constant occurrence. Practically all 
adverbs and postpositions may be thus incorporated. In some cases 
it is doubtful whether an element is a true verbal particle or 
whether it is an incorporated adverb. Thus for instance the par- 
ticle -p' (-aj)-^ -w;>, -op-) of frequent occurrence, denoting ^'also, as 
well", is evidently related to the synonymous independent adverb 
puico'p. Similarly the particle -/;//-, "thus, in a like manner", is 
related to the synonymous independent adverb hapu. The two 
particles are often combined in verbal complexes to -pirp- or -po'})- 
and translated ^^thus-also", just as the independent adverbs likewise 
are often combined and translated similarly, ha^pu pukirp^ (asi 
tambien). These particles, therefore, may be considered either as 
incorporated reduced adverbs or as verbal elements. 

Among the adverbs most frequently incorporated in the verbal 
complex are: 





ap, op, 

up, p 

also, as well 


not yet 


a little, some 


pretty soon 


with it, by it 


less, inferior 


slightly, hardly 


well, good 


so, thus, such 


ill, bad 

pop, pu-p 





thus, so 

Medial Particles 

There remain a large number of true verbal medial elements 
incapable of independent position which have various adverbial-modal 
significances. Most of these have a standard order of sequence, 
some gravitating toward the initial elements, others toward the final 
elements. Some, indeed, assume different meanings according to 
their relative positions in the complex, or, as may be a preferable 
explanation in certain cases, two different but homonymous parti- 
cles are distinguished by relative position. 


Of consiflerable importance in the verbal complex are locative or 
directive particles. The majority of verbs of motion contain one 
or more of these, sometimes proclitic, more often incorporated. The 
proclitic locatives are true adverbs and are normally found inde- 
pendently; they will be listed as adverbs. But there are moreover 
a few dependent locative elements which occupy a medial position 
in the verbal complex. They display some analogy to the inde- 
pendent forms but are never found independently. 

Ji. -61-, hither from nearby. 

Combines with completive a to 6cr, and with perpendicular i to 
/>a», hither from just above or belotr. 

bicidu'via come here! 

anbadai'm'ia here I come on the run! 

napitbai'vavom which thou didst lift hither 

^r2. -WI-, hence a short distance. 

Combines with completive a to ma^ and with perpendicular i to 

///(//, hcure Just above or belotr, 

aniinina'rokia I am going to meet him 

kunatpuma.a'di then he chased him away 

maicimna'gia lower yourself! 


43. -60-, hither from or hence to a distance. 

Combines with perpendicular i to 60/, between heaven and earth, 

aticbohi'moD we come from afar 

napboida'di from above thou sendest health 

44. -no-, here (arrival and rest). 

amti'nonio hither they spoke. 


While it is impossible to draw a definite line of distinction be- 
tween the two categories, yet the medial verbal particles for the 
most part express modal distinctions, while the final particles, the 
verbal suffixes, express mainly ideas of tense. This often equivocal 
distinction has therefore been adopted as the basis for a convenient 
designating nomenclature. 

45. -if-, positive. 

This is one of the most frequent and most equivocal of medial 
particles. It is never translated and its nature must be determined 
by its force when in combination with other particles. It is never 
found with negative sentences and when combined with the negative 
particle nullifies the effect of the latter; it has therefore arbitrarily 
been termed '^positive". It is probably identical with a like par- 
ticle which precedes most adjectival stems and may be considered 
as the sign of the adjective. It is invariably found with positive 
desiderative forms. The vowel / is weak and is generally assimi- 
lated by any other vowel with which it may be combined, as 
frequently with the completive a to -ac-. Frequently it is redu- 
plicated to 'icic- or -icao without apparent cause or modification in 
meaning. Innumerable instances of it occur in the accompanying texts. 

anichi'voinic I am bewitching 

ana'ctonoM I am thirsty 

anichi'am I wish to urinate 

picacko-'cim do you wish to sleep? 

icda'tpam clear, pure 

46. 'iam-t negative. 

The negative particle is occasionally found independently as //am, 
but is rare without the confines of the verbal complex. Here it 
carries different significations according to its position as regards 
other particles, particularly the positive -?>-. 


When used alone it carries a negative force. 

ania'mbiuk' I am not hungry 

a'nicbiuk* I am hungry 

When the two particles are combined in different sequence entirely- 
opposite significations are obtained. When the negative particle 
(which is then frequently slurred over and heard as -em- instead 
of -iatn-) precedes, and the positive particle (which is then occasio- 
nally heard as -ac-, possibly by assimilation from the completive a) 
follows, the latter seems to dominate and the combined particle 
then carries the sense of a superlative, **very". 

ane'micw(Vr I am sweating very much 

aviamicdo'niii he smokes very much 

ave'mactoton it is getting very hot 

aniamicho'nim 1 am very desirous of marrying her 

Combined in the reverse order, the positive before the negative, 
the two seem to nullify each other and to produce an equivocal 
particle which is translated by the Spanish ^'no mas", ^'no more". 

ami'ciama'c'da they are merely now seated 

kuti'ciamvo'mgok then he merely sprang up 

47. ti'-, to'ti'-^ conditional. 

The conditional particle closely resembles the sign of the preterit 
and stands in practically the same position, making for a confusion 
of the two. Under ordinary circumstances of future conditions, the 
two may be distinguished by the form of the verb stem or tense 
suffix and by the fact that the conditional particle seems to carry 
a heavier stress accent than the preterit sign. 

ti'cpudu-'k if it rains 

ti'ti.inida'k'ta if we leave it here 

kuti'diosvanti^kta if only God remembers me 

But in certain cases the preterit form of the verb stem is used 
with the conditional without apparent reason. To avoid ambiguity 
here a second particle U){^) seems to be prefixed. 

toti'du'i) if it rains (tomorrow) 

to'ti'varu'v if it be female 

to'tilio'maiswi'marama'Viu if one deer appears 

Another characteristic of the conditional which is shared also by 
several other modal constructions, is the abbreviation of the pronom- 


inal subject. Thus the initial vowel a of the pronominal form is 
generally or always dropped in the conditional. 

niti'ananio'k* if I speak to them 

anti'anio I spoke to them 

The same phenomenon appears to be characteristic and of mor- 
phological importance in the case of the imperative and simple 
interrogative forms. 


Imperatives differ in little from indicative constructions and no 
distinctive particle is used. The verb stem and the other elements 
likewise remain the same as with the indicative. The characteris- 
tics of the imperative are two; the use of the particle -ci- and the 
abbreviation or complete disappearance of the pronominal subject. 
The particle -c/- however, is probably not a distinctive imperative 
particle but the intensive verbal particle 58 found in indicative 
constructions and used with imperatives to render the command 
forcible. When this particle is used the pronominal subject is 
generally abandoned entirely. 


seize it! 


sit dowa! 


bring it here! 


lower yourself! 


come here ! 

When the particle -ci- is not used the pronominal subject gener- 
ally appears in abbreviated form as with conditionals, the initial a 
vowel disappearing, but a few aberrant cases are found. 

pinma'kia give me it! 

piam'a'hisda do not shoot it! 

pimiambi'a'ka be ye not sad! 


apcidai"mia run! 

ci'pcihim run fast! 

48. -SO', intet^rogative. 

In many cases there is likewise no distinctive particle for inter- 
rogative constructions. My informant always insisted that there is 
no morphological difference between a simple indicative and a simple 
interrogative, as for instance, between **he went" and **did he go?" 
Occasionally the pronominal subject is abbreviated in the interrog- 


ative as in the above modes and at other times it is reduplicated, 
but for the most part context alone betrays the nature of an inter- 
rogative. There is however, a definite interrogative particle which 
is probably used for emphasis or to avoid ambiguity. It is most 
frequently found however, with adverbs interrogative by nature, 
though also occasionally with simple questions. 

apso'puicba*m are you angry? 

pas6purumki"a*in where is your house? 

has'dpuka''ida what does he say? 

ha'rovsopotu'uu who is cutting it? 

41/. -(u)m, pcisswe^ (reflexive). " 

A true passive seems to exist in Tepecano though it is not of 
very frequent occurrence. As in Spanish, or possibly through the 
influence of the latter, there is a close relationship between the 
passive and the reflexive. For the average reflexive the pronominal 
object is used without variation, but in the case of the third person 
singular reflexive where there is no object pronoun, the deficiency 
is supplied by the passive sign. 

has'o'puMka' how is it eaten? 

natum.a''rgi he was formed 

ativumvViD he burnt himself 

o(). -a-, -yrt-, completive. 

The vowel a^ appearing alone or in various combinations with 
other sounds among the medial elements, is always translated by 
the Spanish adverb ^'ya", "already". It is very difficult to trans- 
late idiomatically but seems to imply the idea of completion. It 
is used however, with present, pewt and future tenses. With the 
past it combines with the preterit sign to form the particle -to-. 

auta'tuhu 1 have eaten, (ya coml\ said when meal is finished) 

anta'ava'tia 1 have already bathed, {ya me 6an^; said when refus- 

ing an invitation to swim) 
anta'doD I have just smoked, (yo ya chupe; said when offered 

a cigarette) 

The same translations are given for the words 

anti'vatuhu' I have eaten 

natitpuvahu we have fmished eating 

anti'va.ava'tia I have alreadv bathed 

anti'va.adAi) I have just smoked 

*' Lower Pima -am{u) (Smith, op. eit.). 


and it has been impossible to distinguish between the two forms 
'ta- and -va- in meaning or use. The completive vowel may how- 
ever, stand alone without either the preterit -t- or the particle -r- 
and is frequently combined with the positive -ic- to form -^c-. 

titi'ma'vwa I have thrown it already 

pudka'toD it was spread 

ave'in*acbiu'k*aD I was very hungry 

nanacma'hinam which I now want to shoot 

A puzzling idiom is that of a frequent word anti^vaMy ^I am 
going", (ya me voy). The form here is purely preterit and should 
be translated '^I have gone". It is a possible explanation that the 
idiom is copied from the Spanish idiomatic use of the same adverb 
"ya". anti^kiki is translated exactly the same, "I am going", and 
is also purely preterit in construction. 

5i, 'Sap-^ repeated or indirect statement. 

This particle is seldom directly translated but when a translation 
is insisted upon it is given as "dizque", literally "said that". While 
in many cases the reason for the use of the particle is not evident, 
it is principally used with statements made on the authority of an- 
other, repeated statements, reported sayings and similar cases. 

amsapiva'tia they are bathing in some other place 

kutsapmito'gia let us go to see it 

ku'msapipututo'k'a they say that they are going to ask him 

atsapida'da'iya he says we will arrive 

52. -gam-j progressive. 

This likewise is a particle of rather vague and indefinite meaning 
but of frequent occurrence. It occurs principally with verbs of 
motion and seems to imply separation, departure, the commencement 
of motion and similar concepts. 

nagamikd'hinim he goes walking 

napuvako'hinim already he goes treading 

natpugamatono'idida that we may go living 

na'tpuvapn5'idida that we thus may go beholding 

It is probably this same particle which precedes many imperative 
forms when motion is implied. 

gambicihi'm come here! 

gambi'cimak give it here! 

gamcida'raiwa sit down! 


rh'i. -pu-, emphatic of subject. 

This is one of the most frequent and most colorless of the medial 
particles, following closely after the pronominal subject. In many 
cases its significance is weak. It should not be confused with the 
adverbial particle -/>w-, related to the adverb ha^pu^ "thus", which 
falls toward the end of the medial particles. When a translation 
of 'pu' was insisted upon it was generally interpreted as emphasizing 
the pronominal subject. 

aniputuga'gara I personally will go alone to seek 

anipuma'kia I am the one who will give him 

,yi. -/W-, indefinite object. 

This is also one of the commonest and weakest of medial elements. 
It is rarely translated, but when done it is by the Spanish neuter 
article "lo". It seems on the whole to relate to the indefinite, 
inanimate pronominal object somewhat as -pu- relates to the subject, 
but in many cases seems to be interjected solely for euphony or 
to separate and designate other elements. 

55. -fct-, proximate time. 

This particle is translated, when translated at all, by the Spanish 
idiomatic term ^''horita", ^'presently, in a moment". It seems 
on the whole to denote immediate time, either just passed or just 
approaching but is generally found with the preterit sign and stem 
form, even when denoting future time. 

anti'kihi I am going 

a'nikihi'mia while I go 

a'ntikihi'mok I was going 

anti'kiko'i I am going to sleep 

anti'ckikoi 1 just slept a moment 

anti'kituhu' I am going to eat in a moment 

auti'ckituhii' I have just eaten 

anickihiMora I will cook it in a moment 

kMk -ma-^ subsequent. 

kupimiam'a.'a'Gda 3'ou must not afterwards say 

pimia'm'iisa'nda you must not afterwards weep 

This particle may not improperly be considered as an incorporated 
temporal adverb. 

57. -icap-, coterminous. 

The adjectival particle -a/?-, "good, well", under certain conditions 
assumes an idiomatic significance and is translated "as soon as". 


naticapdu'via as soon as he arrived 

natiti'ca'pso'na't as soon as we began 

nanti'captuna*'ta as soon as I finished 

nanicap6kia as soon as I break it 

As the particle is invariably accompanied by its adjectival sign 
-IC-, it is frequently confused with the incorporated adverb -icap-, 
^welF', and the morphological distinction between them is not clear 
except that the former generally uses the proclitic w-. 

anica'pbaio I am well able 

anica'p/;an/a*'rot 1 sing well 

58. -ci-y intensive^ imperative. ^ 

This particle strengthens the force of the verbal stem, often 
being equivalent to "rapidly, fast, much, suddenly" while at other 
times it carries a malevolent sense. 

cipcihi'mda run quickly! 

ancioi'mOr I walk much 

anicituda'dao I work much 

kumiamcin'o'iira they shall not look evilly upon me 

napimiamci't o'gia you will not ignore us 
napimiamit'o'gia you will not see us 

It is probable that the imperative prefix cl- is identical with or 
closely related to this intensive -c/- (cf. p. 345). 

59. -hak'- repetitive. 

This particle, which may not impossibly be a secondary verb 
stem, carries the meaning of ^'return", or less often "again". 

anti'hak'tdti"^ I turned around and saw it 

anihak'go'cia I will return 

anihak'wa-'G I am bringing it back 

60. -i-, perpendicular. 

One of the most frequent and most important particles in the 
language may directly precede any verbal stem which denotes 
motion. When thus used it implies that the motion is up or down 
in a vertical manner. 


he will fall 


he will stumble and roll 


I am dropping it 


I am throwing it 

•• Lower Pima «, "fortitcr" (Smith, op, cit.). 


a'ni.ibo'ia I will lift it 

a'nibo'ia I will seize it 

ani'itu'nia I will jump down 

anitu'nia I will jump away 

a'ni'igd'cia I will fall down 

a'nigo'cia I will dive 

Other usages of the particle appear to be more idiomatic. 

a'ni.ibia'a I am taking it out (of the fire) 

a'nibia'G I am taking it out (of the earth) 

a'ni.ik5'cda I will begin 

a'niko'cda I will fasten it 

fiNjIL elements 

The final elements of the verbal complex consist of the prono- 
minal object, the verb stem and the tense-mode suffixes. 

Pronominal Object 

The pronominal objective forms are identical with the prefixed 
possessive forms, but are frequently reduced to single sounds when 
in intervocalic position. The third person singular objective is 
lacking but in the case of the reflexive its place is supplied by 
the passive -(w)//«-. 

Singular Plural 
i«t person in, n it, t 

2n<i person urn, m am 

3fd person a 

Verb Stetns 

The typical Tepecano verbal stem is monosyllabic or dissyllabic, 
rarely polysyllabic. It generally begins and closes with a conso- 
nant, the final vowel found in other related Piman tongues being 
entirely lost. 

X. Tepehuane 




stay, stand 











*• Rinaldini, op. eit. 


A large number of stems, however, retain, as do certain nominal 
stems, their final vowels, and a small number of stems commence 
with a vowel. 

Moiyhological Classification of Verb Stems 

Two classes of verbs are distinguished in Tepecano, those which 
predicate an action and those which predicate a state or condition. *" 
The former class comprises the majority of verbal stems. In the 
preterit tense the stem of this class of verb undergoes a modification 
according to certain phonetic laws, most frequently by the dropping 
of the final consonant or syllable. The characteristic of verbs of 
the second class, which on this account may be termed defectives, 
is that they are not affected by these laws and have no distinctive 
preterit stem. In place of the preterit stem they use the verbal 
BufiSx of past continued state (imperfect). Other class characteristics 
will be noted from time to time. 

Composition of Verb Stems 

Composition of verbal stems is not a characteristic of Tepecano 
but a few examples are found. Thus the frequent verb 6i{')nwi'^ 
"walk, go", is probably a compound of the common verb m<?r, 
"run", with the less frequent verb ot, "accompany". 

atin.o*'i he went with me 

numa'vam6r there he runs! 

a'ni.o'im^K I am walking 

Similarly the verb and with the meaning "feel, be in a certain 
psychological or physical condition" generally requires a second 
verbal stem to complete its sense. 

anicaptu.oViD I am in my usual health 

kuhapupimisoi"da so thus ye shall endure it 

anisoi'no'riD . I feel sad 
anisoi*ma''c I look badly 

Singular and Plural Verb Stems 

A few verb stems are used solely with one number, a different 
stem being used for the other. Some of these are: 

*• Cf. Dolores op. eit., p. 248, 244. 
















ko*d (plural object) 




Reduplication of Verb Stems 

While reduplicated verbal stems occur infrequently in continued 
narrative, yet most if not all stems are capable of reduplication. 
The process impresses one as being in a more or less petrified and 
quiescent state. If a verb stem is ever found reduplicated it is 
frequently or generally found so. Different phases of the iterative 
sense are expressed by this method; in some cases plurality of 
subject is indicated, in other cases plurality of object, but most 
frequently a continuation of action is thus denoted. Phonetic rules 
of syncope apply here as with nominal reduplications. 













ye are seated 

1 am sitting down 

sit ye down! 

they sleep 

they placed them 

thou art guardian 

(of all) 
thou wilt shield 

(from all) 
he lifted them 
I am meeting 
I am hunting 
he howled (dog) 









art thou seated ? 

sit down! 
he is sleeping 
I placed it 
ye will guard us 

thou wilt shield me 

(from it) 
he lifted it 
he met me 
I went for deer 
they shout 
it is hot 

it is becoming hot 

These few examples will be seen to express in some eases plur- 
ality of subject, in others plurality of object and in still others 
continuance of action. In every case the iterative sense is noted. 
Nevertheless all three of these ideas are more frequently expressed 
by the use of the unreduplicated stem, the iterative being more 
generally indicated by adverbial means. 

Internal Modipcatioyis of Verb Stems 

The principal internal modification undergone by verbal stems 
is in the formation of the preterit stem, but there are also two 
other apparent changes which must be considered. 


Normal n — Iterative s 

Many verb stems which end in -n are not subject to reduplication. 
When it is desired to give such stems an iterative significance, which 
in the examples noted is exclusively continuative, the -w is changed 
to 'S. It is possible that both -n and -s are verbal suffixes, but 
under ordinary conditions -n appears to be a part of the verbal stem. ** 


saddle it! 


I am shelving it 


I will shoot 


1 am shooting 


open it! 


I am opening it 


chip it! 


I am breaking it 


I am buried 


I am burying it 


to bewitch 


he is bewitching me 


I crossed it 


I am crossing it 


I am chewing 


I am chewing 


I made him walk 


I am trampling 

Singular ni — Plural g 

In several instances defective verb stems apparently ending in 
'im for a singular subject change this to -iff when referring to a 
plural subject. This is doubtless a cognate process to that obtaining 
between the suffixes -im and -ik (p. 364) but in this case the verbal 
ending appears to be considered an integral part of the verb stem. **'* 





I am tired 
he is drunk 
he drowned 


we lire tired 
they are drunk 
thev drowned 

Formation of the Preterit Stem 

The verbal stem is found in bare unmodified form in the present 
tense. As such it frequently stands final in the complex but equally 
often is accompanied by verbal suffixes. From this stem is derived 
the preterit stem form which invariably stands final in the complex 
and is invariably accompanied by the preterit sign -t-. It expresses 
therefore bare past time without other qualifications; the other 

*' la Lower Pima (Smith, op. eU.) verbs ending in -ana form their plural in -asa and 
those ending in -aina their plural in -aisa as vaniiana, vanuasa, desgarrar. 

** This phenomenon must be cognate with Lower Pima. Here (Smith, op. cU.\ -mu 
ii the sign of the singular desiderative, -coho of the plural, being the stems of the 
respective singular and plural verbs "die", and meaning "to be dying for." 


distinctions of past tense, such as imperfect, like other present and 
future tenses, are expressed by the present stem with attached 
suffixes, with or without the preterit sign -t-. The rules for the 
formation of the preterit stem from the present follow: 

1). A stem ending in a consonant normally drops the consonant 
to form the preterit. In many cases the preceding vowel also is 
dropped, causing a disappearance of the entire final syllable. Pho- 
netic theory, supported by actual evidence, suggests that a short 
vowel may thus disappear while a long one will merely have its 
length shortened. This class comprises the majority of verbal stems. *^ 

2). Final a is retained. Final / is also probably retained but 
the examples are few and inconclusive. 

3). Final o, 6 and u are changed to oi, oi and ui. Final Oc 
likewise becomes oi instead of o as expected. 

4). A variant of the first rule is presented by a small number 
of monosyllabic stems consisting of an initial and a final consonant 
with intervening vowel generally long in quantity. These stems 
reduplicate and then drop the final vowel and consonant causing, 
in effect, a substitution of the reduplicated initial consonant for the 
normal final consonant. In two cases noted the final vowel is retained. 

5). A very few verbs are found which form the preterit by the 
suffixation of -ir to the present stem. Most of these contain a 
glottal stop. (Cf. p. 320). 

Practically all verbal stems obey one of these rules of preterit 
formation. Most of the apparent exceptions were obtained only once 
in response to a request for the form and can be ignored as errors. 

In the majority of cases a rise in pitch was noted on the final 
syllable of the preterit form and this phenomenon most probably 
obtains in every case. 

^' That the present form is the true stem and not expanded from the preterit by 
means of terminations is shown first by the great variety of final consonants and second 
by comparison with other Soooran stems 

Nahua Tepecaoo Tepecano Papago 

present preterit 
maca mak ma mah give 

cochi ko's ko'i kol sleep 

It is interesting in view of Piman comparisons to note that Papago verbal stems 
(Dolores, op. cit.) relate almost uniformly to Tepecano preterit stems, and where the 
Tepecano preterit has dropped a final consonant this is frequently replaced in Papago by 
the aspiration, h. 


Glossary of Verbal Stems 

A list of Tepecano verbal stems in the present and preterit forms 
is given below in phonetic order. These compose the total of stems 
collected during the field work. They are here given to illustrate 
the types of stems and the rules of preterit formation, to serve as 
a vocabulary for the specimen texts to follow and the accompanying 
syntactical examples and, possibly most important of all, as an aid 
to the comparison and elucidation of other Sonoran languages. 

Too much reliance, however, should not be placed on detailed 
accuracy. In the first place many of the stems, particularly the 
preterit forms, were received in answer to a request for these forms 
and can not be above suspicion. Second, the custom of using 
the present stem to represent the applicative in the past tense tends 
to obscure the determination of the true stem. Third, as has 
been stated, the principal mark of identification of defective verbs 
is that they possess no preterit form of stem, being invariable. 
But certain normal stems, such as those ending in -a, are likewise 
invariable, and other cases of non- variation may be due to error. 
When to this is added the natural auditory lapses of perception, 
the possibilities of error or confusion become considerable. Such 
can be best corrected by a comparison with the verb stems of 
kindred languages. 

Each stem is numbered from one to five according to which of 
the five rules governs the formation of its preterit form (p. 354). 
Defective verbs are denoted by D. Forms of dubious accuracy are 
queried and doubtful elements of a stem parenthesized. 

Tepecano Verbal Stems 
Present Preterit Type Meaning 


ao, ai 





















overtake, settle 


wash, cleanse 

converse, advise, think 

form, become, grow 

pour, fell, convey 












































o*s, d'c 01 

6'std(a), 6*ct6(ic) octoi 








{ ukutok) 





(uva), upd, wupa vwa, wa 



maim, maig, 

mahin, mahis 


















bless with corn at fiesta 
cheat, deceive 

stumble, fall, fell 



be tired 


be vile, dirty 

walk (sing.) 
pertain to, belong to 

be beautiful 
break (intrans.) 
harvest corn 


rob, steal 
believe, feel 
be afraid 

happen, come to pass 
break, crack, burst, smash 

break wind 

be carrying 

carry (plur. obj.) 

reap, cut, harvest (beans) 

put on a high place, shelve 

throw, scatter around, sow 

be intoxicated (with peyote) 

earn, gain, secure 

throw at, shoot at, hit 

appear, arise at dawn 

know (apparently irregular; pos- 
sibly defective; pret. form pro- 
bably error; cf. Pap. mal) 













nod, hit with the head 




kill (sing, obj.) 





morinog, mor 



run (sing.?) v: 

mom bra 



scamper, run about 




die (sing.) 




shoot with arrow 





bend, bow 




desire, crave 




make a fire (pres. stem probably 
error; cf. Pap. nal) 




encounter, meet, pay 




fold, double 




hunt deer 




fmish, complete 







be hung, be hanging 









n6(a), nd(id) 


be looking, behold, see 




address, pray to, worship 




sing and dance in ceremony 



fly, blow about in the wind 




recollect, remember 




await, wait 




play a joke 




guard, protect 




play a musical instrument 



fast (reflexive; possibly same as:-) 

savad, savat 

savat (?) 



buy, purchase (pret. probably 
sava\ cS. Pap. Cah^al) 

sa-diiii^ sa-dig 


be leading, driving (animals) 

sa-k, (sa*n) 



weep, cry t 




open, disclose (ceremonial) 



be sad 


so-m (?) 


sew cloth (preterit probably so; 
cf. Pup. Co?i) 







hack, chop 




strike, hit a person 




bruise, wound 










shield, protect, repel 



extend, straighten out 



suffer, bear pain 



fill with water 

surig, surik 


fall, return, dive (plural) 




dawn, awake, arise 



spy, watch 



hoard, cherish in secret 




break, burst 

citan, citas 

ha(')in, hahi'C 




break, smash 



examine, handle 



fasten, stick 



contain, hold 



pertaining to rain (ceremonial; 
never well translated) 







toast corn 



finish, fail, lack 



tell, recount 




return an article 

hiak, hia* 



hia'in, hia'is 


inter, bury 

hio'd (hioc) 


blossom, flower 






cry, yell, howl, shout 



sprinkle, throw water on 

hivoin, hivois 






hikia-g, hik 




cut flesh or hair (pi*eterit pro- 
bably should be hi; cf. Pap. hi?i} 



cloud up, become cloudy 





shake, tremble 

hon(tar) (?) 




marry a woman 

holiK/) ' 



desire, wish 

hotos, ho'toc 



send, despatch 


h6iii (?) 



laugh (preterit probably should 
he ho; cf. Pap. huh) 

hdinag(i<l ), 



form, create 




be cold 


Preient J 



huruii, huru'c 




























va*s, va'pas 
















(vio), vipio, 

vidi-n, (vi'in) 




vi'D, (vi'sud) 








vopo, (wo') 











vwa, vua, wa, ua 

vwa, vua, wa 


















(wuva), wup'a 

vdic(id), wic(id) 







bai, (babauT) 





convalesce, become better 


set sun, descend 

stumble, trip 


warm, make warm 


fetch water 

be drizzling 

stretch, let out, pull 

lead, put a person inside 

glide like a snake, measure 

split, be born 


milk (Sp. vacaf) 

possess, hold 

remain, stop, stay 

have, possess, own 

spin, make thread 


pertaining to rain (ceremonial, 

never well translated) 
lie down, lay down 
run (plur.) 
roam, inhabit (plur.) 
raise, lift, arise 
be sweating 
be lightning 
equal, imitate 
do, act, perform 
place, put 

remove, fell, carry away 
blow with breath 
start, depart, come out 

tie, bind 
shield, repel 
select, withdraw 

protect, deflect, prevent 









ba'i'm, ba.i*g 






be able, can 



be angry 



' baite-roi 


use, make use of (Sp. valet*) 




pour out (Sp. vasiar) 




take out, withdraw 



feel, have a sentiment 



be hungry 












seize, take, lift, bring 





carry, bring 





visit (Sp. pasear) 




aid, assist (probably word of for- 
eign adoption) 





mistreat, abuse 





da, dadar 


be seated (sing, and plur.) 

dai'wa, darai'wa 



sit down (sing, and plur.) 


dai'mn, dai'^ 





ada'im, adim 



follow, chase 




don sandals (ceremonial word) 




squirm, crawl, glide 



be healthy, give health 




arrive (plur.) 








knead dough 

dag, dadg 







give, send 




cleanse, bless, purify 








desert, leave 





be careless (Sp. descuidar) 




cohabit, copulate 




do thus, do in a certain manner 




smoke tobacco 



refers to position of sun 




make, do 




arrive (sing.) 

du'k, dudu 







put in (basket or bottle) 




Type ^ 
















grasp a person 



feel tired, pained 

tatc(id), tatac, 



collect wood, change money 


tagv(idX ta-giv 




cover, protect, shield 



be hot, rise sun 



be thirsty 


toda, tod 


frighten, be frightened 




command, order 








climb, rise, raise 




lengthen, increase 









to, t6t,(t6-d) 


•d) 3,? 

say, tell 




fight, battle 




see, look, find 








put on sandals 


tok, (t6) 


place, put something, extend the 




call, name 




inquire, ask 

tui\ aptui' 


be (locative) 




do, act 




clear ground, sweep, clean 




jump down or up 

tusa (?) 



put out, extinguish fire (Pap. tail 
suggests tus, tui.) 




give milk 




grind corn 








pass the night 

tuk, tug 


carry (generally combined with 


other verbal stems) 

gauh, ga*i, gai' 












gigia, gi-ak 





























strike with whip or tail 




become hard, freeie 



kaC), koC), koiC) 



stop, rest, stay (pla.) 


be eating 




say, talk 

kad, ka*i 

ka*i . 






clear ground, cut brush 





sing (Sp. cantar) 




tighten, constrain 



be spread out, thrown down 



live, dwell, reside 








die (plur.) 




kill (plur.) 




skin, dehide 





ko'k, ko'ok, 


be ill, sick 









place, fasten, begin, decorate 

kohin, k5hi's, 



trample, tread, kick 




be scratching 





kosa, kok'a, ko'k* 

ko's, k^kua 


stop, stay, rest, fasten (sing.) 




gather wood 

kun&t, kunt4 



maiTy a man 

ku-pa (?) 

kup (?) 


confine, shut in (Pap. ktih sug- 
gests ku'p^ ku) 




grind, chatter teeth 




finish, end, arrive, cease 




accompany {Sp, acompanar) 




soil, dirty 




moo, low 


Tense-Mode Suffixes \ 

In final position in the verbal complex and immediately foUowung 
the verbal stem stand one or more sufHxes. These express prin^ci- 
pally qualifications of tense but a considerable number of thtW 
indicate various modal distinctions. They are invariably suffix 
to the full (present) verbal stem. 





Modal Suffixes 

6i. -ut^ (-0^, -af), adaptive. 

This suffix is attached to adopted Spanish or other foreign verbs 
when used in native speech. 

Sivi'mbaile-'rotA it should be made use of (Sp, valer) 

kuyd/mumdiskwida'mtd&t that he should not ignore it (Sp. descuidar) 

ati'cki^n^a''rotda while we sing (Sp. cantar) 

nicinipuamA:umpa'ntarat I will accompany you only 

a little ways (Sp.acompaiiar) 

ani^Ki^rut I am pouring it (Sp. vasiar) 

62. -d, (-iad^ -dad), subjunctive, optative. 

Used in subordinate clauses after future suffixes -ia and -da and 
generally dependent upon verbs of desire or command. 

anitd"g*iaD I would have seen it 

kumi'bida'daiya'D that they arrive 

nansaptuda'd'giao (they desired) that I should work 
kuya'mumdisA^tmcia'rutdat (he told him) not to be careless 

kupuva.ako'm'ip'giaD (I told him) to skin them 

kuco'riovhak'go'ciaD (would that) he may come soon! 

a'piamhapuma'gao (you need not) think anything 

na'puinima''^Kiao (we desire) that he may appear here 

ansapina'mkiao they say that I must meet it 

63. '6g, hortatory. 

Denotes exhortation or weak command. The pronominal subject 
is always omitted and the intensive-imperative particle ci- is some- 
times used. 

mi't'do know it! 

tanoG beg him! 

inka'oG hear me! 

cia'ou overtake him! 

nio'koG speak to him! 

cimaTioG give him! 

64. 'it, (-tU), causative, compulsive. 

The suffix appears generally as -if but sometimes as -ut. It is 
possible that the original final stem vowel is the determining factor, 
an hypothesis which can be confirmed only by comparative work 
on other Piman languages. ** It is liable to be confused with the 
-(»)d of the applicative. 

^ Lower Pima -tuda (Smith, op. cit.)-, Northern Tepehuane •{i)tude (Riaaldini, op, eit,). 













I made you cry 

which thou wilt make us tread 

I made him howl 

I will put him to sleep 

it gave him the fever 

I made you run 

he will give you good sight 

I will give you to know 

I am making you sick 

he made me drunk 

GTk -am, (-im)j desiderative. 

The desiderative is most frequently found with the suffix -tV/i, 
identical with and liable to be confused with the present conti- 
nuative -itn, but other examples distinguish the desideratiye by -am. 
It is probable that the original final stem vowel is the determining 
factor in this case also. ** Whether -aw or -«w, it is always ac- 
companied by the positive particle -ic- or by the negative particle 
-iam- according as the desire is positive or negative. It is possible 
that the frequent reduplication of the positive particle to -toe- in 
this connection serves to prevent possible confusion with the eonti- 
nuative particle -im. 

am amtu.a-gam 




I do not wish to talk 

I am going to talk (with him) 

we go talking 
I want to sing 

I go singing 
I want to smoke 

I go smoking 
1 want to urinate 
T want to defecate 
1 do not want to go 
desirous of roasting 




60. -lA", (-ig), potential. 

A similar construction is that of the suffix -ik (possibly -ig} 
which evidently correlates with the desiderative -hn. It has been 
shown on p. 353 how certain stems correlate a final -vn singular 
with an -ir/ plural. The present suffix is an homonymous analogy 
but not a synonymous one. *^ 

a'niamko'cik I do not know how to sleep 

a'niamko''cim I do not want to sleep 

4 i 

Lower Pima -mu singular, 'Coho plural, being the sterna of the singular and plural 
verbs "die" ; i. e., to be dving for (Smith, op, cit.). 


ane'inicdbnik I am a graat smoker 

ania'mddnik I am not a smoker 
ni'cicdi^'Qim I want to smoke 

anicda'iWnik I know how to run 

aniamdai*vnik I do not know how to run 

67, -(ijdj applicative. 

The use of the applicative is one of the most recurrent features 
of Tepecano. While the construction is not required for verbs by 
nature denoting action toward or against another person, it is 
generally found when a verb, as for instance a normal intransitive, 
predicates an action addressed toward another person. The suffix 
appears as -d or -id alone or in combination with other suffixes in 
present or future tenses. *^ 

a'niumnio'kiD I am scolding you 

ami'cupnio'k they also speak 

avi'bin'O'noiD he comes to see me 

pa'napund'a where are you looking? 

pimiaso'sbidida ye must go obstructing them 

anti'aso'B I intercepted them 

nampihdtunha'nitda that they may maul me 

a'nituha'N I am handling it 

napubdit'6kdiM he is reaching down to us 

anti'puto'k I placed it 

Other uses seem to be more idiomatic, 

miamin'a'mkdib they do not pay me 

miamin-a'mOkdam they do not want to pay me 

ani'nanmi^k I am meeting him 

apticima'ciD how did you awake this morning? 

natimicdim that we may go arising (every morn) 

avi'cmax there it appears (the track) 

piho'natihuru'ndim where we pass the afternoon 

a'nimihu'rnia I am going down (to the river) 

But the suffix is seldom found in the preterit. Here the usual 
process seems to be to distinguish the past applicative by the use 
of the present stem instead of the preterit form, as, 

a'mitun.a*'giD they are speaking to me (pres. applic.) 

na'pimpu.a-'G (that) which you say (present) 

natpuvan.a*'G then he told me (past applic.) 

ati'tu.4 he conversed (preterit) 

^* Lower Pima -{i)da (Smith, op. eii.); Nurthern Tepehuane '{i)tU, '{i)di (Rioaldini. 
4fp. cii.). 


napivo'pmigiD thou art raisiDg them (pres. applic.) 

ani'ckiwo'pmiG I am getting up (present) 

anti'awo'pmio I raised them (past applic) 

anti'ckivo'M I have just arisen (preterit) 

In a few other instances the i vowel of the applicative seems to 
be retained in the preterit. Unelucidated phonetic rules probably 
account for this phenomenon. It should be noted that the appli- 
cative verb functions as a normal verb stem, i. e., to form its 
preterit stem it loses in some cases its final syllable, the suffix, the 
preterit applicative being then identical with the normal stem, and 
in other cases loses only the final consonant but retains the vowel, 
the preterit applicative being then equivalent to the normal verb 
49tem plus /. 

natpuma'nio'ki whence he spoke to him 
natpuga'minio'k whence he speaks 

napitivu'si thou hast drawn her out 
ti'ciwus he ran out 

natanda'i she seated roe 
amdhovicda there he is seated 

The only other stems with which an -i suffix was found in the 
preterit are as follows: 

ati"i.oimdri he started to walk 

i'a'da'imi he followed him 

natpuvaho'madi where he created it 

natpugamisa''ki where he began to weep 

natpugamaga'ga'imi he continually sought him 

68. -c, (-s), interest. 

The suffix -c indicates that the action of the verb stem is done 
for the benefit of a person, to his detriment, or that he has some 
interest in it. It is generally accompanied by the applicative suffix. 

ticputo'maiamsa'kcit continually we weep for you 

a'nisa'k I am weeping 

aniumta'nciD I am begging it for you 

anti'uMta''nic I obtained it for you 

aniumta'niD I beg you for it 

a'nituaha'ncit I handle all his possessions 

a'nituha'nii) I maul him 

kutko'amdo'Micda which we must decorate for you 

ha'puti'putudo^'da thus we do it 

€0. -n, interest. 
The analogy obtaining between normal -n and iterative -s has 


before been noted (p. 353). A similar relationship probably exists 

between the suffixes -w and -c, both denoting interest, -c probably 

indicates a more continuous action than -n. In both cases it is 

probable that the original lost final stem vowel reappears in certain 


cima-'kaN give it to him! 

cida'gin hold him tight! 

aDiumnio'kDim I go speaking about you 

a'tivti'anio'kciD we were talking to them 

kumi'tunha*'gicd4N they must pardon me 

kupimipuma'toN know ye it! 

70, 'tuTj interest. 

Another suffix of somewhat similar import is -tur. It is found 
solely with transitive verbs and mainly in ceremonial concepts. 
The force of the suffix: is rather intangible and can best be deter- 
mined by a study of the actual occurrences. *^ 

namputso'sbiturdim they go defending us 

namputso'sbidim they go obstructing us 

anti'amnu'k'tur I did not guard your commands 

nat'unu'kturitda which we must always guard 

anti'tunu''k I guarded it 

napgama.itwi'cturda thou wilt repel it from our midst 

napgama.itwi'cda thou wilt drive it from within us 

ticputomaiam-a'turit for this we give you to know 

7i. -im, present contintmtive with motion, iterative, participial, getmndive. 

This is one of the most frequently met suffixes in the language. 
It is probably derived from verb stem him ^'go", which suggests 
an earlier stem composition now reduced to a verbal suffix. The 
primary meaning of the suffix appears to be the natural result of 
the hypothesized stem composition, inz,, the addition of the idea of 
motion to the sense of the verb stem. Thus it is normally trans- 
lated in Spanish "ir ndo" or in English **go ing." 

Frequently however, the context does not support the idea of motion 
and it appears that the use of the suffix has become idiomatic and 
frequently amounts to no more than a continuative, iterative or 
frequentative. ^'^ It appears in unchanged form without suffix in 

^^ A Lower Pima example of a saffix -fur ckaogeB the verb ''speak" to "teach" 
(Smith, op. cU.). 

^* Lower Pima 'him also means ''go doing" bat does not necessarily imply motion 
and is often frequentative (Smith, op. eit.). The Northern Tepehnane gemnd is formed 
by the ioffixation of 'omi (Rinaldini, op. eii.). 


the present and in exceptional cases in the preterit, and very rarely 
with accompanying suffix in the future. 

oa'puwakd'binim where he ^oes treading 

kuvipupkima-'kim so he thus also goes gifing 

micupnio'kim they also go speaking 

mi'pugam^itwd'cturdiM they go obstructing it for us 

nanitna'udim 1 went hunting deer 

napimitso'soigiM that ye went in sadness 

anti'kivai'gim I am going for water 

apiga'ga'imida now you will go seeking him 

In the future tense, contemporaneous motion is expressed by -i- 
before the future suffix. This is practically always -da, making 
the future motional suffix 'ida, generally translated in Spanish 

**haber de ir ndo", "will go ing". This -t- may be a 

reduction from -im. Thus 

unipu^nto-'rotida I will go singing 

ha'stu nat-a'nda kuvi'putma*'kda iiatarm^'mrao 

Whatever we may ask he shall give us who are his children, 

gat.O''o kuvi'putma-'kida ha'snat'a'nida 

Our Father. He must go giving us that which we go asking him. 

For some unexplained cause, probably phonetic, possibly morpho- 
logical, instead of -i-, -hi- with preceding variable vowel (probably 
the original final stem vowel) occasionally appears. The ostensible 
explanation is that this -A- belongs to the original verbal stem him. 
This however, is a very doubtful explanation. Certain other trans- 
lations seem to suggest that the suffix -hi- carries a morphological 
significance, possibly implying a difference in rank between speaker 
and auditor, a reverential particle. 

api.inda'giunihida thou shalt go purifying me 
apidagiunida thou shalt go purifying him'a'nihida thou shalt go begging us'nida thou shalt go begging us 

aniputumU^k'O'hida I go asking thee 

kupimipuma-'tOhi know ye and . . . ? 

kuti'pukdtdunahi we must decorate ourselves 

anintamiamu'hida I must go thinking 

In the past tenses the concept of contemporaneous motion is 
expressed by the use of the tense particles -od and -dk with the 
particle -///i, viz., -imoD and -imdk. 


Tense Suffixes 

The pure tense suffixes, those which denote variations of past 
and future time, stand in absolutely final position in the verbal 
complex. Practically all tense categories are thus expressed with 
the exception of the bare preterit which, as has been shown, is 
denoted by the prefix -t- and the preterit form of the verb stem. 


72, 'ODy -(im)uDi ('Oty -imot), imperfect^ past continued action, generally 
with contemporaneous motion. 

This suffix occurs generally with the motional suffix -tm in the 
form 'imoD. As such it denotes past continued action with motion 

and is normally translated by the Spanish "iba ndo", "was 

going ing". With a very few stems, all of which as yet 

found are given below, it seems to carry a bare imperfect signifi- 
cance, continued past state or action, and its difference from the 
imperfect suffixes -kaD and -dav is not evident. In some cases 
there seems to be an idea of simultaneity as "while going speaking, 
they ". 

anita'nimOt I was going (comiog) begging him 
aaita'ndaD I was begging bim 

aminio'kimo'D they were going speaking 

kuticbd'hinidD we were coming 
anicbo'himdaD I was coming 

abimd'cka'tot there it was spread out 

avicaa'koD he desired it 

avicma'tot he knew it 

75. -cife, -(im)o'^, simultaneous past action. 

This suffix, which is also generally found combined with the 
motional suffix to -itnok, indicates that two actions occurred simul- 
taneously in the past, or that one occurred while the other was in 
progress or immediately upon its conclusion. 

kutsapnio'kimOk speaking, (he died) 

anicdonimOk gamko-'i smoking, I fell asleep 
anti'va.o'imorimok hakngoi 1 have gone walking and returned 

tuma'aodimok they were going about conversing 

antihi'raiik I had gone (when ) 

o'imorim<»k sakim<»k walking and weeping (he arrived) 

antictomaita'niniok I was begging continually 


ati'vomgok be jumped up (and seized it) 

nanitpum*a'tdk then at last I knew 

74. -kaD, ('kat)^ imperfect^ continued past state or condition. 

This suffix is found principally with defective verbs and is the 
principal method of expressing past time with this class of verb 
stems. It may even be suffixed to nominal stems to denote objects 
which formerly existed. *® 

ho*'vitkaD the zapote which used to be here 

ave'macicbiu'k'a't he was veiy hungry 

nanko'skaD (I remembered) that I had been asleep 

a'mimicda'darkat here they were seated 

anipuva'nisankat I am he who was let down 

avicto'nkat it was hot 

75. -daDj i'dat)^ imperfect^ continued past action. 

This is the more common imperfect suffix and is found with 
most active verbs to denote a continuance of past action. 

nampuacwa'dan (I noticed) what they were doing 

ho''wa"dat he carried it 

a'nitO^tnitdaD I was holding it up 

ho'namickida'dakdat they were working on it 

namtuka'dat they were eating it 

76. -(a)<7, -(«^), completed past^ perfect participle. 

This suffix denotes completion in the past and is practically 
equivalent to the perfect participle (Sp. ... do ; Eng. . . . ed). *^ 

amtiuxo'tsak they had sent me 

kunticanboidu'viao that I had arrived here 

anti'amt6kak I had placed you 

gamava't'iao after having bathed 

ica'pko'cimdu'na'G well decorated 

daiwak, daraiwak after being seated 

dagiunak cleansed, purified 

77. -rae^ (-ra/c), purposive past motion. 

Expresses past motion with a definite intention, "went to do". 
Note the analogy with the purposive future motion particle -ra^ 
possibly differing only by the addition of the perfect suffix -^r. 

** Lower Pima -eada or -tada (Smith, op. cit.). Northern Tepehuane 'Oade (or in 
other dialects -tadr), e. g., inoggacadet "era mi padre" (Rinaldini, op, cit.). 
' • Lower Pima -<?«, "after having " (Smith, op. cit.). 


nanitsapbo'irao which I went to bring 

bitu'amwa'rak they went to bring 

antiga*grarak I went to sell 

antiga'garao I went to seek 


All varieties of future time are expressed by means of termi- 
nations suffixed to the present stem, 

78. -ra, purposive future motion unth singular subject. 

kuvibdi'ra (I told him) to bring 

anikivai*'gira while I go for water 

nanato'gira I am going to see 

anibo'iamka'ira I am coming to hear them 

apiga'grara you are going to sell it 

antuma'hi'nai*a I am going to hunt 

79. -pw, purposive future motion with plural subject, ^^ 

mai'kutsaptu'ua'pu let us go and bring them 

maik'utmito'gipu let us go and see 

mai'k'utpaciarapu let us go visiting {Sp, pasear) 

nat*uko'i*pu that we go to eat 

na't'uvi'nipu (we are going) to munch 

The last two suffixes are preceded by either the vowel i or a. 
It is most probable that these represent the lost final stem vowel^ 
though the slight range of variation is unassuring. Note the rela- 
tionship of the former suffix -ra to the purposive past motion 
suffix -rac. 

80. 'da^ continued future action. 

da is one of the most frequent of the suffixes in normal use. 
Though its use seems to be more or less idiomatic and apparent 
exceptions may be found to any interpretation, it seems on the 
whole to point to a future action of more or less continuity and 
therefore to relate to the corresponding past suffix -daD, It is 
generally transitive and applicative in meaning. As will be seen 
in the texts, by a strange idiom most verbs of speaking and like 
concepts use the -da suffix even for the preterit. 

kutiamiamb<>'pa'uda we can never equal your example 

anani'cintunu'kaDa 1 will remain here to guard it 

» 1 

Lower Pima -hoppo, "go to do" (plaral; Smith, op. cU.). 


pimiam'^sanda do not afterwards weep 

piD.u-'ri'nda saddle me (the horse)! 

bacatsopua.u'kDa how will we carry them? 

kupimai'mutda thou shalt intoxicate her 

a'nitum'a'kda I will give you your food (board) 

niskiamnora'da I will wait for you 

apinda'giunda kindly absolve me (this man) 

8i. 'ka^ continued future state. 

This is one of the less frequent suffixes but the few cases of its 
occurrence point unmistakably to its use in cases of future continued 
state, thus relating it to the similar past suffix -kaD. Like the 
latter it may be used with nominal stems also. 

napurit'u'kuk-a that it tnay be our flesh 

varinki'amka it will be my house 

naDbicimta*'k*dak*a I will remember you 

kupiamitda'k*ta'ka do not desert us 

nanbwomatkiu"k*a so that I may live with her 

pic.u*'rinka leave (the horise) saddled thus 

kuaviamiputuTka it must not be thus 

82. -ia^ future. 

The suffix 'ia is of very frequent occurrence. Just as the con- 
tinuative suffixes -da and -dax), -ka and -kaD are related, so the 
future suffix -ia seems to relate to the bare preterit. That is to 
say, it is non-continuative and generally intransitive. 

nahci''ya (in order) to overtake one 

a'ni*i'nt5'o'cia I am going to sow here 

pinma'kia give me it! 

aticpani'pkihi'mia we will walk a little ways 

apxai''vatukua'gia gather some wood! 

apbi no'rgia (when) will you return? 

8:h -a, future. 

The future suffix -a is probably identical with the suffix -wi but 
differentiated by phonetic laws. It is found solely with certain 
verb stems, these being principally or exclusively those ending in 
the consonants -n for the normal and -« for the iterative. The 
suffix thorefon^ practically amounts to -w«, -sa being by definition 

nagaina.u'rna he will brush it aside 

pi'min.u'rinda saddle me it! 

piniic.u'rinka hide yourself! 


anituma'hina I am going to hunt 

piam'a'hisda do not shoot it! 

aniso'Rna I will extend it 

nat.i'nituha''na that we may examine what is here 

naho'maituhi'woina (in order) to bewitch one 

apinhi'voinda kindly bewitch me this man 

anigamituko hina I am going to take a step 

Naturally a small number of cases were found in which a stem 
varies in form and meaning but where corroborative evidence is 
lacking to afford cause for hypothesis of the existence of an ety- 
mological or morphological suffix or of stem composition. A few 
such instances are: 

tan beg tane'tit lend 

ton be hot tono*m be thirsty 

da, dadar be seated dai-wa, daraiwa sit down 

kohin, kohis trample, tread koit-pak kick 


The pronominal relations of Tepecano are ordinarily expressed 
by means of pronominal particles attached to the nominal complex 
as possessive regent or to the verbal complex as subject or object. 
There are however, fuller forms which are occasionally used inde- 
pendently for the sake of emphasis. These are the more interesting 
from an historical point of view since, at least in the case of the 
first person plural, there is a phonetic element not found in the 
dependent forms. These independent forms, as well as the depen- 
dent ones, are given in the table below. Definite independent forms 
for the third person are wanting but this lacuna is filled by the 
use of the demonstratives hdg-a^ "that" and Im/'atn, "those". 

The dependent subjective pronominal forms (p. 338) are frequently 
identical with the independent ones, a fact which suggests that 
originally the full independent forms were thus used more or less 
in the nature of proclitics. Today they occur with equal frequency 
as reduced or abbreviated forms. 

The oblique forms of pronominal object and possessive regent 
are practically identical and invariably dependent. They belong to 
an entirely different series from the independent-subjective forms 
though the general phonetic resemblance between them is evident 
(pp. 331, 350). 




Table of Pronominal Forms 






; Possessive 

i, pers. 


ani, an, ni, n 

in, n 


in, n 


2. pers. 


api, ap, pi, p 

um, m 

um, m 

3. pers. 



a, (missing) 


-(vowel Ki 


1. pers. 


ati, at, ti, t 

it, t 

it, t 

2. pers. 


apim, pirn 


am, m 

3. pers. 

hog-am (demonst.) 

am, m 




Tepecano adjectival ideas are generally expressed by independent 
adjectival stems which are not united with any other part of speech. 
Occasionally certain adjectival stems such as ap^ "good" and WY/'jf, 
**bad" are used adverbially and incorporated in the verbal complex, 
but the typical process is to use the adjective independently or 
with the attributive particle -ar-. A few of the more frequent 
adjectives such as o*7«, ^'beautiful" and gd\ go^gon^, **grand" are 
used independently with bare unmodified stem, but the majority of 
adjectival stems are accompanied by the prefix -ic- which is probably 
identical with the positive verbal particle. 

84. -gr-, verbalizing. 

The particle -</- gives a verbal effect to adjectival stems as in 
English "whiten", "redden" (active, not causative). v 

avi'ciamgicta" it simply whitens 

avicia'mgicwo'G it simply reddens 

avicgicti^doG it is becoming green 

amiciamgicgo'k they are becoming simply numeix)us 



One of tlie most noticeable characteristics of Tepecano is the 
development of locative adverbial particles. Most verbs of motion 


include in their complex one or more directive particles, but there 
are furthermore independent adverbs compounded of from one to 
four locative particles which are of frequent occurrence. 

The more definite of these particles occupy initial place in an 
adverbial compound and are seldom incorporated in the verb. Their 
exact connotation is uncertain but their translations and use seem 
to indicate the following values: 

i''na, i* 


here, right here 


very near, nearby 


nearby and beneath, below 


nearby and above, over, (below?) 


middle distant, above, higher 


distant, (below?) 


very distant, above 


round about, all around 

In second place follow two less definite elements mo and ho. 
These are very difficult to define; ho seems to refer principally to 
rest, mo to motion, but there are numerous apparent inconsistencies. 
Another interpretation is that they may qualify the initial locative 
element as more or less near or far. 

In final position may stand one of two locative postpositions, 
-van or -dor. The latter is often found in purely postpositional 
relations, the former seems to be purely locative, -dor denotes 
**from" while -van denotes ^'at", possibly also ^'to". 

These three classes of locative elements may combine in almost 
any possible compound, such as 

amoh(> van 

over there 


all around 


from above 


from above 


The interrogative locative is expressed by the particle pa-. The 
indefinite or relative is expressed by a similar prefix }){-. Both 
are frequently prefixed to verbs as proclitics. 

pinanitgo'i (the house) where I was born 

pihO van where 

padrir whence ? 

pa-ps<>'puki(i where do you live? 




mok, mukor 

hu'rav, hunip* 

other bank 
close by 
far, distant 
to the right 
this side 
half way up the 




this bank 




in the sun 


up stream 


above, overhead 

ga'i, ga*'gur 



down stream 



in the morning 


a short time 

ov, o'riov 

now, soon, quickly. 






presently, at once, 


part of a day 




yamku i 

not yet 


pretty soon 


often, many times 









always, all 
one's life 


previously, before, 


every time 





a lon^ time 



nearly, thus, 


same, no more 







yes, also 


come! (interj.) 


then, next 


hastily, rapidly 


when, how 


many, much 


alone, solely 


certainly, very 


only, no more, solely 

Slid am 

full, filled 


how many, i?o many 


greeting ! 



with, beside 


quickly, rapidly 


:, box 

all, whole 


some, little, 



hac, has, 

how, what, why 


scarcely, hardly 




so, thus, such 




like, in like manner 




also, as well 


by, beside, with 


than, or 


thus, so 







another, different 


face upward 


on this account 


yes, certainly 


face downward 


a certain one 





the incorporated 






The numerical system of Tepecano follows that of Tepehuane 
closely as far as five, but from here on departs from the decimal 
system of Tepehuane and follows the quinary system of Nahua 
and Cora. 

1. ho'maD, homa i 6. civho'mai) 

2. go'k 7. civgo*'k 

3. va-'ik 8. civa'ik 

4. ina'kov 9. civnia'kov 

5. (i)ctum&'M iO. ma'mvoc 


Tepecano is characterized by comparative phonetic simplicity, by 
the relatively small influence of phonetic rules and by morpholo- 
gical thoroughness in development. 


The Uto-Aztekan hypothesis, the question of the interrelationship 
of the languages of the Nahuatl, Sonoran and Shoshonean groups was 
the primary cause of the present work. Stated in the barest terms, 
the hypothesis is to the effect that three of Major Powell's linguistic 
stocks: the Shoshonean of the American Great Plateau region, of 
which Ute is possibly the best known; the Piman of the Mexican 
and Arizonan western mountains, of which Tepecano may be con- 
sidered a typical example; and the Nahuatlan of western and 
southern Mexico, of which the classical Mexican or Aztek is the 
greatest exponent, are but three main branches of one greater 
linguistic family termed by general consent Uto-Aztekan. 

Though the first suggestion of this hypothesis was advanced as 
far back as 1859,"^- it was not until 1913 that any serious com- 

** J. C. E. BuschmaDo, Die Spuren der Aztekischea Sprache, Berlin, 1859; 6ram- 
matik der Sonorischen Sprachen, Berlin, 1664. 


parative work on material other than that presented by Busch- 
mann himself was attempted. These articles ^^ may be considered 
as definitely establishing the validity of the hypothesis. Detailed 
phonetic comparisons are there made establishing uniform philo- 
gical laws of correspondence and change which can leave no doubt 
of their force. The present paper makes no claim to be in any 
manner comparative but it is a source of gratification to the 
author that it has served as an aid in the elucidation of this im- 
portant problem. 

The Piman or Sonoran branch, as it may be termed, of the 
Uto-Aztekan stock appears to fall into three main divisions: the 
northern, consisting of Cahita or Yaqui, Opata and probably Tara- 
humare and Eudeve ; the southern, consisting of Cora and Huichol ; 
and the central, consisting of Upper and Lower Pima, Papago, 
Northern and Southern Tepehuane and Tcpecano. Each group has 
its phonetic peculiarities. Judging from a lexical standard, the 
former group displays considerable resemblance to Nahuatl, the 
latter group very little. 


Four mythological or descriptive texts are here appended for the 
purpose of illustrating the processes of the language. While few 
in number, these compose the total of such texts collected. The 
great majority of native Tepecano texts secured were set prayers 
which will be published separately in conjunction with an expo- 
sition of Tepecano religion. But while the following texts constitute 
but a small part of the material collected, they contain rather the 
greater part of the lexical material and the morphological examples, 
since the prayers are more or less cast in the same mould and 
contain much repetition. 

Each of the appended texts is given with literal interlinear trans- 
lation and followed by free translation and morphological analysis. 

^' Edward Sapir, Southern Palate aud Nahuatl, A Study iu Uto-Aztekan, Journal de 
la Soci^te des Americanistes de Paris. The first part, treating of the vowels, appeared 
in Tome X (aouvelle se'rie), 1913. The second and third parts, treating of the conso- 
nants, have appeared in the American Anthropologist, n. s.. Vol. 17, nos. 1 and 2, 1915. 
A fourth part on comparative morphology is promised for a later date. 


I. Fox AND Opossum 

1. ka'cio* havagaho'v 

Fox and the Tacuache. 

2. avicna'giukdt ho*'vi*ta"ba kutmo wadu^via hogaho'^v 

He huDg was zapote in. Then there now arrived that tacuache. 

3. natpuva*'tot anna' no yamha'ctu' ni'ctuka' gaho'vit 

Then he said "Brother. not anything I eat it, the zapote. 

to hiin, 

4. has'o'puMk'a' a-^pitai'vo-'ya konho^'ko'duma^hina 

How is it eaten?" "You mouth-upward lie will that T with it you hit will". 

5. natpiih6"koda'ma'h( kuti'cgaMpo'pMo'a kunatpumovadu via 

Then he with it threw. Then he killed him. Then he there now arrived 

6. ho'ganui o*v uMcfv apigaga'imida kupMo^'ak 

that vulture. ''Now, at once, you seeking him go will. Then you kill him". 

7. kuti'to va'vaiko'vta' avi'cda'kdt natpuwa'to-t 

Then saw cliff at the edge he seated was. Then he now said 

him; to him, 

8. piaminmo'moa'da i'navicna'giu' gatumpiii't sii'dam 

''You not me kill will! Here it is hanging the tompiate full of 

9. ho'gavainuM maicimnagia kupbito'sa'da 

that money. There yourself hang that you here hring it up will". 

10. kutmanagia kutbai'cida kumticiampop'tiik'U'R 

Then there hung. Then there seized it. Then they simply thus stung him. 

11. na-^puvdka'i'da ho'gaho'V ci'iiva^ni'saN 

Then he now say, that tacuache, "Do me let downl" 

12. kuti'ciamcfda'k'ta vwo^t'an'mo' ku'ticgampopmu 

Then actually loosed him beneath. Then thus died. 

1 3. kunatpumovadu via ho'ganui kupigamiga'ganmida 

Then he there arrived that vulture. "Now you seeking him go willl" 

14. kuti^to avictai'^ka't va^va*ivo^t*a' o-V<wmimo'ak 

Then iaw He mouth-upward cliff beneath. "Now, yes, I you kill!" 

him. was stretched 

15. kupia'minmomoa'da mita'puigo'f gawyihelis nicto'txit 

"But you not me kill will; they soon fell the angels; I uphold 

16. ho'ga to'do' to'vwao kuga.u*'c va'chict 

that blue heaven". Then the tree already was blossoming. 

17. kunatpovtidak't'a mok-p6p*tu"t siemjtre 

Then he now left it; far jumped. Continually 



18. natpogamaga'ga"ira*i ku'ti'to* 

he went seeking him. Then taw him; 

19. 8a'pinu*'k'a"t 

Said guard 


that cheese 

20. ave'ma'cicbiiik'a't natpuvam'a 

He very hungry was. Then he now 



water at the edge 

water in 


**! hreak bit 


he seated was. 


DOW thrown was. 


Then he now 

21. kuti'cgampopba" n' 

Then thus drowned. 


There from 

22. natpoa^t68aD 

Then he drew 
it out. 

23. gado'u-D 

the mother 

24. natpua'go'G 

then he now 


it coming was 


home his toward. 


Then he now 

kuvihfdo'rda kuti'ciamvo'mgok 

that cook it shall. Then merely arose 


and went. 

ticiamto"t'oa''p6voa nata'mori'N. 

Merely wall in struck. Then he fled. 



the child. 


Then he now 
told her 


Tail his with 

Fox was in a zapote tree when Opossum happened along. The 
latter said, ** Brother, I have never eaten zapotes; how are they 
eaten?" "You must lie mouth-upward so that I can throw you one". 
So Fox threw a zapote at him and killed him. Soon the vulture 
arrived and revived him. "Now go find him and kill him!" 

Opossum found him seated at the edge of a cliff. "Do not kill 
me!" he said. "There hangs a tompiate full of money! Lower 
yourself down and bring it up!" So he let himself down and 
seized it. The wasps stung him. Then Opossum cried, "Let me 
down!" Fox let go and he was killed. Then the vulture came 
and revived him. "Now go and find him!" 

Soon he found him lying on his back at the foot of a cliff. 
"Now surely I will kill you!" "No! Do not kill me or all the 
angels will fall! I am holding up the blue heaven!" The tree 
was in flower (and Opossum believed the bees to be angels). 
Then Fox let go and jumped far aside. 

Continually Opossum sought him and finally found him seated 
at the water's edge. Fox said he was guarding the cheese that 
was lying in the water. (But it was the reflection of the moon). 

* (f. Journal of American Folk Lore, Vol. XXVII, No. CIV. 1914, p. 150. 


Opossum was very hungry and thought, "I will break off a piece'*. 
Then he dove into the water and thus drowned. Soon a child 
came and pulled him out. He carried him home and told his 
mother to cook him. Then Opossum jumped up and struck him 
with his tail and knocked him against the wall. Then he fled. 


1. havagahor. hava, proclitic conjunction, -jra-, article; possibly 

reduced from demonstrative hoga, or possibly basis of latter. 

2. avicnagiukdL a-, 3*^ pers. sing. sbj. pronoun, -t?-, euphonic con- 

nective, -tc-, positive. nagiUj defective stem be hanging, be 

HUNG, 'kat^ continued past state. 
ho'vi'td'ba. -a'B'a^ postposition, in. 
kuttnowaduvia. ku-^ proclitic conjunction. -^, preterit sign, -mo-^ 

locative, -iva-^ (better -pa-) completive, duvia^ invariable sing. 

stem ARRIVE. 

hogaho'v. hdga^ demonstrative. 

3. natpuva'toL n-, proclitic conjunction. -«-, 3^ pers. sing. sbj. 

pronoun. -^, preterit sign. -p«-, emphatic subj. -t?a-, com- 
pletive. ^0, probable stem say. -f, (better -d), applicative (?) 

annatio, Sp. hermmio. 

yamhactn\ yam-, negative. -Aac-, indefinite, -tu^ inanimate neuter 
obj. pronoun. 

nictukd*. n-, 1=** pers. sing. pron. sbj. -tc-, positive, -fw-, inani- 
mate pron. obj. ka\ defective stem eat, be eating. 

gaho'vit. ga-^ article. 

4. has'opuMk'd*. has-, indefinite, (assimilated from hoc before s). 

-s5-, interrogative, (combines with preceding hoc- to has'6). 

-pu'^ emphatic sbj. -j/-, (surd before Ar), passive. ka\ eat. 
a'pitaVvo'ya. wpi-^ 2^ pers. sing. sbj. pron. -^at'-, descriptive adv. 

vo^ LIE DOWN. -y«, future. 
konhd^hTdnmahina. ko-^ proclitic conj. (better ku-). -n-, 1" pers. 

sing. sbj. pron. -ho'ko^d'^ postposition. -m;«-, 2'^ pers. sing. 

obj. pron. (Better -um'-, as final rn of pron. combines with 

initial m of verb.) mahin^ pres. stem hit, throw, shoot. 

-a, future. 

5. natjjuhokodajna'hi. n-, proclit. conj. -a-, 3^ pers. sing. sbj. pron. 

-^, preterit, -pu-^ emphatic sbj. -hokod-^ postposition, -(/-, 


either completive, (reduced from -va- , or latter may be built 
up from a), or else 3*^ pers. plu. obj. pron. mahi^ pret. of 
stem mahinj hit. 

kuticgaMpo-pMoa, A-?/-, proclit. conj. -^, preterit, -/c-, positive. 
-gam-^ {m surd before k) progressive, 'poy-f prob. combination 
of 'pti-^ THUS and -op-^ also, w/ia, pret. of moak^ kill. 
{tn surd after p.). 

kunatpumiwaduvia, ku-n-, proclit. conjunctions, -a-, 3** sing. sbj. 
pron. -f-, preterit. -/>m-, emphatic sbj. -m/>-, locative, -ra-, 
completive, duvia^ invariable sing, stem arrive. 

6. hoganuL hoga^ demonst, 

aplgaga'imida. api-^ 2^ sing. sbj. pron. r/a/7a', continuative red up. 

stem ga'^ seek. -i;w-, contemporaneous motion, -ida continued 

future with motion. 
kupMoak. kii'^ proclit. conj. -p-, 2'^ sing. sbj. pron. mllak^ stem 

KILL {m surd after p). 

7. ktifit'(i ku'^ proclit. conj. -^-, preterit. -/-, euphonic interpolation. 

(The true pret. sign may be -f/-, the vowel normally disap- 
pearing.) to^ pret. of fog^ see. 

vavaikovta, korta\ postposition. 

avicda'kat. a-, 3'^ sing. sbj. pron. -r-, euphonic interpolation, 
-/c-, positive, da'^ invariable stem be seated. -Araf, continued 
past state. 

natpuwa'to'U cf. § 3. 

8. piaminmomoa'da. p-^ 2'* sing. sbj. pron. imperative form, -mm-^ 

negative, -in-, 1" sing. obj. pron. mmwa' (probably auditory 
error for immoak) redup. stem moak^ kill, -da, continued 
vnavicnagh(\ i'H, locative proclitic, a-, 3^ sing. sbj. pron. -r-, 
euphonic interpolation, -ic-, positive, nagiu defective stem, 


gatumpiu'L ga-^ article. Mex. tompiate. 

9. hogavainuM. hilga^ demonst. 

maid m nag ia. mai-^ locative, -c/-, imperative. -?/i-, 2^ sing. obj. 

pron., here reflexive, nagia^ invariable stem hang. 
kupbifosa'da. Z//-, proclit. conj. -p-, 2^ sing. obj. pron. -6i-, 
locative. tosa\ (probably auditory error for t(jsaD\ climb, 
BRING UP. -rfa, continued future. 
10. kutmanagia. kn-^ proclit. conj. -^, preterit, -wa-, locative. 
nagia^ hang. 


kuthaicldd. ku-^ proclit. conj. -f-, preterit, -bai-^ locative, -a-, 

intensive, rfa, pret. of stem dag^ seize. 
kumficiam])(}p'tuk'U'R. ku-^ proclit. conj. -m-, 3"^ plu. sbj. pron. 

-^-, preterit, -ic-iam-^ positive + negative, equivocal. -2>op'- 

(probably po'p^ pu-op) adverbial particles thus-also. tuhwR^ 

STING, (stem uncertain). 

11. na'tpuvdku'ida. w-, proclit. conj. -a-, 3^ sing. sbj. pron. -t-, 

preterit. -/>w-, emphatic subj. -ra-, completive, ka-ij probable 
stem SAY. -rfa, continued future. (This form, though evi- 
dently future, is commonly used for the past tense with this ' 
verb. Like inconsistencies apply with some other verbs of 
saying, etc.). 

hogahyr. hoga^ demonst. 

c'rnvanvsaN. ci-, imperative, -m-, (combines with preceding 
element to crn-) !■' sing. obj. pron. vani'saN^ stem stretch. 

12. kHticiamcidak'ta. ku-^ proclit. conj. -^-, preterit, -ic'iam^ posi- 

tive + negative, equivocal, -cf-, intensive, ddkta^ invariable 


virdt'an'mo. vwof'a-^ normally postposition, here adverb, -n'mo^ 

(//k?), possibly postposition. 
kuticgantpopniH. ku-^ proclit. conj. -f-, preterit, -/c-, positive. 

-gam-j progressive. -/><^i/>, (probably pu-op) thus-also. ;wm, 

pret. of muk^ die. 

13. kunatpumovaduvut. ku-n-^ proclit. conjs. -a-, 3^ sing. sbj. pron. 

-<-, preterit. -/>//-, emphatic subj. -/wc/-, locative, -ra-, com- 
pletive, duvia^ invariable sing, stem arrive. 

hoganul. hiiga^ demonst. 

kupigamigaga'imida, ku-^ proclit. conj. -/^/-, 2"* sing. sbj. pron. 
gant'^ progressive, -i-, possibly perpendicular, gagw^ redup. 
continuative of yrr, seek. -//«-, contemporaneous motion, -/rfa, 
continued future with motion. 

14. kutito. cf. § 7. ^ 
avictni'ka'f. r/-, 3'^ sing. sbj. pron. -r-, euphonic interpolation. 

-eVv, positive, -fa/'-, descriptive adv. ka-tj defective stem lie, 


oava'ivot'a\ rnt'a\ postposition. 

o'rasinimoak. Sp. ahora si! -w/-, 1*' sing. sbj. pron. (m here 

should be //r, long in quantity to represent m of 2^ sing. 

obj. pron. plus m of verb stem), moak^ (possibly better mo(ik\ 

stem KILL. 



15. kupiaminmomoa^da. cf. § 8. 

mitd'puigo'i. 7/«'-, 3^ plu. sbj. pron. ta^pu^ adv. immediately- 
-i-, perpendicular, gro'i, pret. of goc^ fall. (It is difficult to 
avoid suspicion of Spanish influence in the use of the com- 
pletive particles -ra- and -#a-, generally translated by Sp. 
^'ya", **already". **Ya" is frequently used in Spanish for 
future tenses as "ya merito", idiom for **at once", which is 
generally translated in Tepecano by ta'pu. Similarly antivahi% 
an obvious preterit, is translated, **ya me voy", **! am going". 
This Spanish example may explain the use of the preterit 
verb form and particle for an evidently future tense). 

gaa'vihelis. ga- article. Sp. angeles. 

nictoHmt. w-, V^ sing. sbj. pron. -ic-, positive. toHn^ probably 
by syncope from toton^ uphold (n surd after t; ' dubious). 
-i7, (probably -(d) applicative. 

16. higa.irc. ku-, proclit. conj. -//rt-, article. 

vachio't. ra-, completive, -c-, positive (by assimilation from 
-w>). liio't^ (possibly better hio'D)^ bloom. 

17. kunatprwddak't'a, iw-n-, proclit. conjs. -a-, 3'^ sing. sbj. pron. -/-, 

preterit, -po- (better -JJU-)^ emphatic subj. -ra-, completive. 

dak't'u (better dakta) invariable stem seize. 
mokpdptirt, mok-j adv. far. -pop- (probably -pw-^>p-), thus-also. 

tu't^ pret. of tirn^ jump. 
sietnpre. Sp. siempre. 

18. fuitpogamagaga'itn'i. w-, proclit. conj. -a-, 3"^ sing. pron. sbj. -f-, 

preterit, 'pd- (better -;>i/-), emphatic sbj. 'gam{ay^ progressive. 

gaga'j reduplicated continuative of invariable stem ga'^ seek. 

-i;w-, contemporaneous motion. -/, pret. applicative. 
ku'tito', ku-^ proclit. conj. -^-, preterit, -t-, euphonic interpolation. 

fo'^ pret. of tog^ see. 
HU'diko'imv. ko'vav^ postposition, at edge. 
^vicda'ka't^ cf. § 7. 

19. saphiirk'a't. 8ap(t)'^ repeated statement, nwk'wt {possibly nwkaD^ 

quantity dubious), stem guard. 
hogakia'ru. hoga^ demonst. kiacti^ Sp. queso. 
. su'diJrR, /{'i?, postposition. 
puvaka'tof. pu-^ emphatic sbj. -ra-, completive, ka't^ defective 
stem LIE, BE SPREAD OUT. -oY, past continued (imperfect). 

20. avnnrrcichiuk'a'L re-, 3"^ sing. pron. sbj. -r-, euphonic connective. 

-fv//-, heard variant of negative -/«//<-, which in conjunction 


with positive -ic-, (here heard as -ac-), denotes superlative. 
->c-, repetition of positive, possibly denoting desire, biuk^ 
defective stem be hijngrt. -Ara*^, continued past state, (final 
and initial k combine to k'). 
natpuvdrn'a. rt-, proclit. conj. -a-, 3*^ sing. pron. sbj. -^-, preterit, 
-pw-, emphatic sbj. -ra-, completive, -m-, passive, used here 
as 3"* reflexive pron. obj. a, pret. of ag^ converse, tell. 
With reflexive object denotes think, i. e. to commune with 


ani.ihain'a. ani-^ V^ sing. pron. sbj. -/-, perpendicular, hain^ 
stem break, -a, future. 

natpuamdgd'i. w-, proclit. conj. -a-, 3"* sing. pron. sbj. -^-, pret- 
erit, -pw-, emphatic sbj. -a-, completive (t? weakened after w). 
-mrt-, locative, go'i^ pret. of stem gdc^ fall. 

21. kuticgampdpbd'rm'. ku-^ proclit. conj. -^-, preterit, -/c-, positive. 

-gam-^ progressive. -pcj>-, probably pu-opj thus-also. haH'vn^ 

sing. pret. form drown. (Stem probably defective). 
amuh6d6i\ amu-^ locative there. -Ao-, locative, place where. 

'dor^ locative postposition, from. 
avicJiimdat, a-, 3^ sing. sbj. pron. -t;-, euphonic connective, -ic-, 

positive, him^ stem oo. -dat^ imperfect, past continued act. 
ga'a-ru ga-^ article, -a-n, adjective, small. 

22. natpoaHosaD. n-, proclit. conj. -a-, 3"^ sing. sbj. pron. -^-, pret- 

erit, 'pd' (better pw), emphatic sbj. -a-, completive {v wea- 
kened after o, m). tosao^ stem take out, climb out. (Pres. 
stem used in pret. for applicative.) 

nat'povabo'k'. m-, proclit. conj. -a-, 3"* sing. pron. sbj. -^-, pret. 
-po-, emphatic sbj. (better pu). -va-^ completive, bo'k^ stem 
carry; defective (?) 

kiamithd\ 4t^ 3"* sing, possessive (better -iv), -ha\ postposition. 

natpdvatot. w-, proclit. conj. -a-, 3"^ sing. pron. sbj. -^-, preterit, 
-po-, emphatic sbj. (better pu). -i?a-, completive, fo, stem tell. 
-^, very dubious; may be preterit by reduplication; may be 
error for applicative -rf; may be integral part of stem. 

23. gadoUvD. ga-^ article. -dohcD^ stem used only in 3^ sing. poss. 
kuvihido'rda. ku-^ proclit. conj. -t?t-, uncertain, hido'r^ stem cook. 

-rfa, continued future. 
kuticiamvomgok. A?/-, proclit. conj. -^, preterit, -ic-iani'^ positive 
-f negative, equivocal, vomg^ by syncope from vomig^ stem 
ARISE. '6k, past simultaneous. 



haVdo'ki'yiK bai-^ stem tail. -W, auditory error for -rf, 3'^ sing. 

poss. pron. ffkon^ elision from ho'kffn^ postposition. 
24. mitpuago'G. m-, proclit. conj. -a-, 3"* sing. sbj. pron. -^-, pret. 

-pw-, emphatic sbj. -«-, completive {v weakens after ?/). (JO'g^ 

pret. of stem g6r^ strike, whip. 
tidamUVt'oa^poFoa. t-^ preterit, -ic-iimi-^ positive + negative, 

equivocal. td't'O^ nominal stem wall, -a'po-^ (better ob'o)^ 

postposition, roa (better rwa), invariable stem do. (A good 

instance of nominal incorporation). 
natarmri's, n-, proclit. conj. -a-, 3^ sing. pron. sbj. -/-, pret. 

-a-, completive, mori'n^ pret. of nwrinoo^ run. 


The Deerslayer 

1. homai 


gaR bomatkam 

ccrtaiu individual 

nat.o'i hoga.o'^oc ho^'g-abdN 

he sowed that field. That covote 

2. natpuvap'o'i kugaho'matkam navanu'katdaD ho''ga.o'cgiD 

he now also sowed. Then the individual he now guarding was that sowing his. 


Then it dawn will. 

4. na^puvdka'ida 

then he now says, 

5. kuananici'^'dida 

Now I hereabouts 
spy will 

6. natpuva^'i'di 

then he now 

7. amiti'ciwu's 

there came out 

kuico ckat ho'gaba'uv 

Then sowed was that beans. 


"Who reaps 


who it reaps.** 


And there is 
seated ; 


that deer; 


that he spies 

po noa 

in form 

8. avi^cma'c 

he appears. 


Then he now tells him, 

9. h6'g-a.inba'vtuG kuna^tpuva^xo'G 

that my beaosr" Then he now replied. 

para'a e 

"For what 


that deer. 

10. ho'gabav para nantono^ya nof'k-a'Rddm 

that beans in order that I siog shall patio in." 

11. ma'ik 



my house toward!*' 


Then the man 


That individual 


that mv beans? 


Muming in 


Then right there 




that you it reap 


"I hither to reap 


Then he now 
tells him, 


that he now replies. 








pa-pso'pukio namoni'pukio 

"Where you do "Above there I li?e, 

natpubovadu'via homai toho'V 

then he there now One cave 



mesa lo 



Then thev now went; 

ami'ciama'c'da ti'tio'D 

they merely are seated, men 


and the women. 


Go, hither bring 


Then there is 


Then they now tell him. 


"Here arrive! 


that seat 


Then he now says 


that he sit down 

ho^ga nurs 

that most 


Hither from! 


this my kinsman!" 








gambai^'citumak'utohu'gia hogac'a'^'m wo'so'G a^nihocmo^mbra 

"Go, here it give that tu eat!" That yellow rat about scampers. 

ho^ gBila'^mpara tok-auvana^g'iu kimapuvato^tda ho^gahomatkam 

That lamp above now hangs. Then he now that individual, 

tells him 

kuja^mnmdiskmda^riitieit p urke — ' ^ 

that "not you careless should be, because 

ami cim'na 

they you want. 


that lamp 

ho'na napavii'snia 

Then vou run out will; 



then it fall will. Then darken will 


22. kunapam6ri^}^gia 

Then you floe will." 

23. kuna^puvaka"'ida 

Then he now say^, 

24. kuamihovan 

Then right here 


then you must carry 


So he now ran out. 


that light 


Now I as soon 
as break will 


that light. 


roetate in. 


He only little appeared. 






that deer, 


they now say. 


"Go seize him ! 


"Here now goes! 


Here now goes!" 


Go seize him! 

apimiamda^daktarda Dakimordat 

You all not release Then he 

him will!" running was. 

ictutu'k'ani.dra kunampuva^ka*ida numa'vamor 

darkness in. Then thev now sav, "There now runs !" 


he eats. 




Thus say, 

atigumho'wdn amihomti^civi 

He got away. There they 



There seated 


that fly 


merely say will 


that squash 

napuha^bantuhi doT kunapuvaka'ida 

that he with it cook. Then he now says 


29. h6gahai'^//?a-« kunu^kaD*a ga.i'ma'i kuptu^ciddkta 

that others more that guord it will the squash. "Then voa it 


30. nathi 

Then he went. 


A man was sowing his field; Coyote likewise was sowing his. 
He guarded the field and at daybreak had sowed his beans. Then 
he said to himself, "Who can be cutting my beans? I will watch 
and see who it is!" Another morning he was seated there watching 
when a Deer in human form came out of the woods. So he addressed 
him, ^'Why do you cut my beans?" And the Deer replied, "I came 
to cut the beans in order to sing in the patio!" Then he said, 
"Come to my home!" "Where do you live?" asked the man. 
"Above there in the mesa". So they went and soon arrived there. 

There in a cave were seated men and women. They cried, 
"Come on! Over here! Go! Bring him a seat that he may sit 
down; he is my kinsman!" So he sat down. Then said the oldest 
man, "Go! Bring him something to eat!" 

A yellow rat was scampering around and told him, "Don't be 
off your guard; they want to eat you! Now as soon as I break the 
lamp which hangs above there, it will fall and the light will be 
dimmed. Then run out! Hide the light in the metate and flee!" 
So he ran out and was hardly seen. Then the Deer cried, "Seize 
him! There he goes!" Then in another place, "Here he goes! 
Grab him! Don't let him escape!" Still he kept running and got 
away, while they stopped in the darkness. And still they cried, 

"There he goes! 


Nearby was seated the fly eating. So he cried to him to cook 
the squash in the jar. Then he told the others to guard well the 
squash. "Do not let it go !" Then he went away. **^ 


1. hontai. cardinal numeral, one. (Also obtained as homaD), 
(/as. uncertain as to meaning. 

** Cf. Journal of American Folk Lore, id., p. 153. 
^^ The last paragraph is extremely dubious. 


homatkam. hbrnat-^ probably from homag^ honiadj form, create. 

-taw, abstractive suffix; thus creature. (Possibly related to 

hatnai)^ one.) 
nat.oL 6ij pret. of 6*c, sow. 
hdga.o^'oc. ooc^ reduplicated plural of 5c, cornfield. 

2. natpuvdp'oi. -p*-, assimilated from 5/^, likewise, of, pret. of 

Of, sow. 

fMvanukatdaD. nukat^ heard for nukai)^ stem guard, (rf be- 
comes partly surd as 1st member of consonantal combination). 
-rfaD, imperfect, continued past action. 

hdga.dcgii), Ocgin. oc^ cornfield, -gi-^ possessive, (possibly by 
metathesis from -ig,) -d, 3d sing. poss. pron. 

3. kuna.aituma''^ina. -ai-, doubtful, probably locative. 

'tU'j indef. impersonal object. mw'^R^ unexplained variant of 
stem mar, appear, ina'^'n may be distinct root.) -m, future 
kuicockat. oc^ stem fiow. -kat^ continued past state. 

4. fiapuvdka'ida. ka'id<t^ stem probably kwi^ say. -rfa, continued 

future. (But many verbs of saying, etc,^ use pres. and fut. 

forms in past.) 
harowsopuMU, haror-^ interrog. pron., who? -«^-, interrogative. 

Mw, stem reap. (Also heard uu and ;///:) 
hogaAnhayiuG, in-^ Ist sing. pron. possessive, hav^ beans, {v becomes 

partly surd before t). -tiu;^ possessive suffix. 

5. kuunanici'dida. a//-, Ist sing. pron. sbj. -a^ti-, locative, herea- 

bouts, nv//, stem spy, watch, -rfa, continued future. 
ikokovd'sa. ic-^ adjectival sign, probably identical with positive. 
kokov^ stem meaning uncertain. -a'j?f/, postposition in, at. 

6. hiamiliocdu. ami-^ locative, nearby, -ho-^ locative, place where. 

-(*-, positive, (/ combines with o), da^ invariable sing, stem be 

napuci'diD. c'rdi^ stem spy. -z;, presc^nt applicative. 
kuamihoivav. ami-^ locative, nearby. -Aii-, place where, -wau^ 

(better -ra??), locative postposition, towards. 

7. aniiticiwu's. ami-^ h)cative, nearby, -r/-, intensive, inrs^ (better 

ivrs), pret. of vHs(a)n^ leave, depart, come out. 

8. avicnm'c, ma-c^ stem appear, be seen. 

hniapuvatvira. stem probably to^ say, tell. (Stem uncertain; 
cf. {^rs.t 1, 22.) -</(/, continued future suffix used with verb of 
saying in past tense. (Heard as -7)'nr). 



para'ac. (better para.a-c). Sp. para, for. -a'c, for ha'c^ indefinite. 
9. kunatpuvaxv'G, xo'g^ (better to"c), stem reply. Present stem 
used in pret. for applicative. 
antibiu^uam. -bi-^ locative, hither, i^'m, stem reap. -a?/i, desi- 

10. nantorid'ya. -^-, probably for -fw-, indef. inanimate object. «^('), 

stem SING, DANCE, -ya, future. 

ndi'k'ajtddm. noiO^ stem dance, sing. -iaT, nominal instru- 
mental, -rfei/w, postposition, on. 

kunapdvdtOD'a. cf. § 8. 

11. mwih. interjection. 

inkiamhd\ in-^ 1st sing. poss. pron. kiani^ home. -W, post- 

napuvdfwyiD. ho-g^ stem reply, -i-, possibly original stem 
vowel; possibly euphonic interpolation; possibly part of suffix. 
-D, applicative. (Present form, used as frequently with verbs 
of speaking for past tense). 

12. pa'psopukio. pa-^ locative interrog. where? -ap-, 2d sing. sbj. 

pron. 'SO- J interrogative. -/>?/-, emphatic, sbj. kiS^ stem dwell, 
RESIDE (probably defective). 

namonipukio. nam'd^ locative, there above, -piikio^ cf. supra. 

ofda.a^ba. -a'ba^ postposition, in. 

kunamitpuvahi. ami-^ 3d plu. sbj. pron. -t-pu-va-^ pret. — em- 
phatic, sbj. — completive. A/, pret. of Atw, stem go. 

13. natpubdvaduvia. -fe-, locative, thither, duvia^ invariable sing. 

stem ARRIVE. 

amiciamac' da. am-^ possibly 3d plu. sbj. pron., they, but more 
probably locative, there, -ic-iam-j positive + negative, equi- 
vocal, -ar'-, doubtful; possibly indefinite /roc; possibly com- 
pletive -a- plus positive -ic-. c/or, sing, stem BE seated. (But 
context should require plural stem dadar here. Both are 

titWD^ havaga,iVirv. reduplicated plurals. 

14. kunanipfiratdtda, cf. § 8. 

bi'ciduvia. bi-^ locative, hither, -a-, imperative, duvia^ inva- 
riable sing, stem arrive. 

rnaha\ldr, rna-, locative, here. -ha\ postposition, toward. -rfi?r, 
postposition, from. 

15. gambiciboL gam-^ progressive, -fc/-, locative, hither, -ri-, impe- 

rative, boi^ pret. of te, bring, carry. 


hdga.atockar. atoc^ uncertain stem, (cf. af, buttocks), -kar^ no- 
minal instrumental. 
nada'iwa. dwiwa^ invariable sing, stem sit down. (cf. da^ be 


hidinhaduN. hidi^ demonst., this, -n-, 1st sing. poss. pron. 

16. kuamthovicda. -ami-hd-j locatives, there, da^ invariable sing. 

stem BE SEATED. 

kunapuvakaida. cf. § 4. 
mas. Sp. mas. 

17. gambaicitumak'utdhugia, gam-^ progressive. -/;«/-, locative, hi- 

ther, -ci-, imperative, -^m-, indef. inanimate obj. mak, stem 
GIVE, t?/-, conj. THAT, -fii-, (better -fw-), indef. inanimate 
obj. hug^ stem eat. -ia, future. (Really two words). 

hogac'a'm, hoga^ demonst. that, -c'-, (probably better -c.-), by 
assimilation from -/c-, adjectival prefix (possibly same as posi- 
tive ; i absorbed in a), -a'm^ adjectival stem yellow. 

icoso'o. Possibly etymologically ro, wool, so'g^ wolf. 

anihoctnomhra, (mi-hd-j locatives, hereabouts, -c-, from -/c-, po- 
sitive, mombra^ invariable stem scamper, run about. (Possibly 
reduplicated from or related to stem nior^ run). 

18. tok'auvanag'iu, tohauv^ adv. above, -a-, completive, nagiu^ 

defective stem be hanging. 
kunapuvatdtda. cf. § 8. 

19. hiyamumdishddarutdat. ku-^ proclit. conj. that, -ya/w-, nega- 

tive. -w;w-, 2rf sing. pron. obj. (Or possibly passive), diskwidar^ 
Sp. descuidar. -wf-, adaptive suffix appended to foreign words. 
-</a-, continued future. -^-, (better -7>), 8ubjuncti\e. 

amicinrnd, am-^ 3d plu. sbj. pron. -?"c-, positive, used commonly 
with verbs of desiring, etc, -/-, doubtful, possibly -rt-, intensive. 
-?w-, 2d sing. pron. obj. (From -?/w?-; a being absorbed in ».). 
mi^ defective stem crave, desire (to eat). 

nanicapokia, an-^ pron. sbj. -ic-ap-^ positive + adv. well, to- 
gether forming adv. as soon as. dk^ stem break -ia, fut.. 

20. naagiicia. na-^ proclit. conj. + 3d sing. pron. sbj. 'a, (probably 

better .(/), doubtful, probably completive, gik^ stem fall. 
-/a, future. 
kuvicgamtntuk'ia. -gam-^ progressive, tutuk'^ probably redup. 
continuative of tuk'^ dark, black, (cf. ictufuk'um^ dauknes.^.) 
-/«, future. 

21. napavirsnia. -ap-^ 2d sing. pron. sbj. -a-, doubtful, probably 


completive, vwsn^ by syncope from vwsan^ depart, leave. 

-la, future. 
napcibdk'ia. -ap-, 2d sing. pron. sbj. -a-, probably imperative, 

possibly intensive, bok^ stem carry, -fa, probably for -da, 

continued future. 
matoRduM. -drfj/, postposition. 

22. kunapamorivigia. -ap-^ 2d sing. pron. sbj. -a-, dubious, probably 

completive. 7nariy,g^ by syncope from iharinog^ run. (Pro- 
bably related to mor^ run), -la, future. 

kunata'vm. -ta-^ probably preterit completive, vus^ pret. of vtisan^ 

aticiamparopma'ciR, parop^ diminutive adv., possibly compounded 
with op^ also. mn'oiR^ pret. of tnax^ appear, be seen. 

23. kunapiwaka'ida. cf. § 4. 

gaacida'G. gam-^ progressive, (w partly surd before c). -c/-, 

imperative, da'o^ stem seize. 
imnovahiM. in-nw-^ locatives, here, -va-^ completive. Wj/, 

stem GO. 

24. kuamihdvan. ami-hv-van^ locative particles. 
namp'uvaka'ida, cf. § 4. 

inmfivahimj gmncida'a. cf. § 23. 

25. apimiamdadaktarda. apim-^ 2d plu. pron. sbj. -iam-^ negative. 

dadaktar^ probably redup. continuative of dakta(')^ release, 
LOOSE, (-r-, dubious, probably developed from '). -r/a, con- 
tinued future. 

nakimordat. -ki-^ proximate. //k?r, stem run. -rfa^, imperfect. 

atigumho'wan. a-, 3d sing. sbj. pron. -f-, preterit, -igum-^ dubious. 
'lur-wan^ locative particles here functioning as verb, lit. he 

amilidmticivi . ami-lid'^ locative particles, -m-, 3d plu. pron. sbj. 
•t(i)-^ preterit, -a-, intensive. «?/, pret. of vid^ remain, stay. 

26. ictutuk'am.ora. ic-^ adjective prefix, possibly identical with po- 

sitive, tutuk^ redup. plural of tuh^ black, dark, -kam, 

abstractive suffix, -rfra, postposition into. 
kunampuvaka'idu. cf. § 4. 

numavamor. ntwia-^ locative, -ra-, completive, nwr^ stem run. 
amihocdakat, ami-hd-^ locative particles, -c-, from -ic', positive; 

(/ absorbed in o). da, invariable sing, stem be seated, -katj 

past continued state. 

27. avictuk'd. a-, 3d sing. pron. sbj. -r-, euphonic interpolation. 

'ic'^ positive, -^u-, indef. inanimate obj. irf, defective stem 


hap'uka'ida. hapUj adv. thus, ka'ida^ cf. § 4, etc. 

iciampucikd'ida. -ic-iam-, positive + negative, equivocal, -jw-, 
either emphatic sbj. or adv. thus, ka'ida^ cf. § 4, etc. 
28. napuhabantuhido'r. -a-, 3d sing. pron. sbj. -pw-, emphatic sbj. 
haban^ adv. meaning uncertain, -tu-^ indefinite inanimate obj. 
hido'r^ stem cook. 

kunapiivaka'ida. cf. § 4, etc. 
39. kunukan'a. nukan^ stem guard, -da, continued future. 

kuptuciddkta. -p-, 2d sing. pron. sbj. -tu-^ indefinite inanimate 
obj. -CI-, probably imperative, dakta^ stem release. (There 
should be doubtless a negative here; the form was translated, 
"Do not release it." The stem may however be dacda, con- 
tinued future of dag, seize. The two stems probably have 
a common origin). 
30. nathi. -a-, 3d sing. pron. sbj. -f-, preterit. A/, pret. of him, go. 

A Journey to Santa Maria Ocotan 


1. varxo'k'va' nanitxf'mOk* go'ma'i ki'dadam 

It is long ago that I gone had another town in 

2. pi nampuptuni6k- hogathdha-cduN hapumi'ctuni6k- 

where they thus speak. That our kinsmen thos they speak 

3. ponoG a'tiv ave'micmok'OT ci'vgo'k to'no'rho'koD 

like ourselves. It very distant, seven sun with 

4. nanitga'mahi para go'mai ki'dadaif pinampuptuni6k' 

that I went to another town in where they similarly 


5. ponok a'tiv itNi'o-kho'ko'D ami'cupnio'k 

like ourselves. Our language with they also speak 

6. gagok'i'k'dadaM antipuo'imo nanitsa'pboiraG hoga^r'to/o 

the two towns in. I walked for I, ordered hriog that title 

went to 

7. havagaA-amjoa'wa havahomai ga.vande''ra civma'kov 

and the bell and one the banner. Nine 

8. tono'rhok-ot* antibodu via kuna'nitpuvatuato'k'a 

sun with I there arrived. Then I now it them asked 


9. hogatha'haxdux kumsapiam'a*'tot pihonapua'ptutui 

that our kinsmen that they maybe not knew where that they are. 









nampuvanto'tda kumiputuato'k'a ho'gahai" ga/i?^'^k6k'rigit' 

Then they now that they it them that rest the most old 

me tell ask will 


that to find tkey maybe know 


that they said here us 
send will. 


there that 1 walked. 



pixonapuap'tu i 

where that it is 


in order 




napuap'tu i 

that it is. 


It very distant. 


Then thev me tell 


Then thev now remained 


I, I was extremely tired, 


that thev not know 


that they here it me 
write will, 

kumtiambituna'a'N anticto'maitono'rimok* kutiamha'ctupima'cir 

But wrote they not here it I uselessly it wait did, for not anything appeared. 

16. hogeitt tulo var'a*'tiv i''nkam Iifd'i ki-'da OT'kaM 

That title 

IS ours, 














art I . 


And I hey me sent had, 


I, they »ay. again 
go will 


they nut me pay wi»h. 

ga'u''ciaka'm kuntiamhactubibo'k' 

the authority. But I not anything here 



I, I not going 



nanpova'ato'tda kumihomaiga*'ga 

So 1 now them tell that they one find 







a'nanianikihi''mim porke aviamicmo'k'or na''kug6mai.6ida'a'ba 

I, I not 10 go wish, becauttc it very far. Maybe another year in 

ni'tiam'u yam kunti'vamu kuniamikihi'raia. 

I if not die not. And I if now die, then I not go will. 

nanatogira gatha'ha'cdun na''kumhomaiinma'kia ga.u'V 

I see them the our kinsmen if they one me give will the woman 

will go to 

• • «• 

ame micapno n*o 

they very good look. 


the girls. 


On this account 


I go wish. 


'Where from 


vou come?" 


And I now them tell 


Then they now me 

kunaTDODonarta'mdor ku'nampuvatonto'k'a h6''c 

that is ants place from. Then they now it me ask, "How 

napocnir/k'or ananpuwa.ato'tda kuavi'amicmok'OT 

that it farr" I, I now them say that it very distant. 

ku-nainpuwa'citima'gii) o"dam micupniok'i'in 

Then they now it me converse, mecos, tkey also speaking; 


28. mar'ithdha'cdun hapu' mi'cuptunio'k'im Bi'r'kam 

they are oar kinsmen similarly they also it speaking. Extremely 

29. na*'vapictoh6'p*it kov avi ciamgicta" Du*pi''li' 

that it also grows cold, ice it simply whitens. Head-man 

30. navacho'hidaD na'nsaptuda'Dgiai) kuanantiamho'hiR porke 

that be desiring that I, he said, work but I, I not wished, because 

was should, 

31. nemici'vwim'tugiat ho'namickida'dakdat hogat'iup* 

I very tired ^?) Then they working were that church 

32. nanitmo'o'fmo gat'ha'hacdunavwf kunanitpuva'ptot'o 

that I there walked that our kindred with. Then I now when saw 

33. ha'ctunampuacwa'daD h6n*a nampuwacho'hidaD 

the thing that they then that they now desiring were 

doing were, 

34. nantuda'DgiaD kugasa*'iiiit' miamput'ot'ok* po'nok 

that I work should. And the tortilla they not call like 

35. a''tiv h5'gam*iputo'tok* Dom'ka'r mi'tcu' 

ourselves; they coll, "oOm-ka'r mi'tcu*.'* 


It was a long time ago that I went to that other town were they 
speak the same as we. Our kindred there speak just like our- 
selves. It is very distant; it took me seven days to reach that 
other town where they speak like ourselves. They speak our 
language in two towns. I walked there to get a title, a bell and 
a banner. In nine days I arrived. Then I asked our kindred if 
they knew where they were. They said they would ask the others, 
the oldest people, to see if they knew where they were, that they 
might send them to us. It is very far; I was extremely tired 
when I walked there. Then they told me they didn't know where 
they were; they said that they would write to me. But they have 
not written. I got tired of waiting for they didn't find anything. 

The title is ours, of this town, and the authorities sent me. 

^^ Santa Maria Ocotan is the principal settlement of the Southern Tepehuane, some 
forty miles south of the city of Durango. (Cf. Hrdli£ka, Phytiological and Medical Ob- 
servations, eic.y Bulletin 34, Bur. Am. Eth., p. 11; The ChicAimecs, ele., p. 418; Lum- 
holtz, Unknown Mexico, p. 469). Some of the municipal insignia of Azqueltan are said to 
have been carried thither during one of the ubiquitous Mexican revolutions. My infor- 
mant, Eleno Aguilar, was sent there to bring them back. 


But I didn't bring anything. Now they want me to go again but 
I don't want to go because they won't pay me. I tell them to 
find someone else, for I don't want to go because it is very far. 
Maybe some other year, if I don't die! And if I die, — then I 
won't go! I want to see if they will give me a wife, our kindred; 
the girls are very pretty. On this account I would like to go! 

They asked me, ** Where do you come from?" and I told them, 
''From Azqueltan." Then they asked me, ''How far distant?" and 
I told them that it is very far. Then the Tepehuanes conversed 
with me; they speak just the same; they are our people. It was 
extremely cold; the ground was white with ice. The head man 
wanted me to go to work but I didn't want to, for I was very 
tired. They were building the church when I walked there with 
our kindred. I noticed what they were doing and they wanted 
me to work too! 

They do not call the tortillas as we do; they call them "Dom-kaT 


1. varxo'k'vd*. «?-, euphonic interpolation, -ar'^ substantive, -ho'lrj 

adv. -va\ possibly completive. 
nanitxl'rtwlc. hi'm, stem GO, -ok'^ past simultaneous. 
kidadam. -dam^ postposition, in. 

2. pifiampuptuni6k\ pi-, locative relative, where, -am-^ 3d plu. 

pron. sbj. -pup-j probably -pu-op-j thus-also. -fw-, indefinite 

inanimate obj. niok^ stem speak. 
hogathdha'cduN, -f-, 1st plu. poss. pron. {i of -it- is absorbed 

in a), haha'cdun^ redup. plural of ha'dun^ (c is unexplained 

hapuniictunidk'. hapu^ adv. thus, similarly. (Generally found 

in shorter form -/w/-). -w-, 3d plu. sbj. pron. -ic-, positive. 

'tuniok', cf. § 2. 

3. avemicmok'O'r. a-, 3d sing. pron. sbj. -r-, euphonic interpolation. 

-etn-ic-^ heard variant of 'iam-ic-^ negative -f positive, super- 
lative, very. moA", adv. distant, -ot, phenomenal. 

civgo'k. Cardinal seven, (lit. ''?two"). 

tofwrho'koj). totij stem denoting heat, -ot, phenomenal suffix, 
thus tono'r^ sun, day. -hd'kd^i), instrumental postposition. 

4. nanitgamahi, 'gam-^ progressive, -a-, completive. Ai, pret. of 

Ami, GO. 


5. ityio'kho'kd^j). tf-, Ist plu. poss. pron. nick, stem speak or 

SPEECH, (n partially surd after t). -ho^ko^D^ instrumental 
amiciipfiio'k. am-^ 3d plu. pron. sbj. -ic-, positive, -wp-, adv. also. 
(possibly better -op-), nio'k, speak. 

6. gagok'ik'daddm. ga-^ article, -gok-^ cardinal numeral, two. 

kihda^ by syncope for kikida^ redup. plu. of kida^ town. 

'ddm^ postposition, in. 
antipuoimo, oimo^ pret. of oimor^ walk. 
fMnitsapboiraG. -sap-y repeated statement. bai\ pret. of 6i?, bring. 

-raG, past purposive motion. 

7. civmukov. Cardinal numeral nine, (lit. ^'Pfour"). 

8. antiboduvia. -6(?-, locative, thither, duvia^ invariable sing, stem 


kunanitpuDatiiatdk'a. -a-, 3d plu. pron. obj. tdk'a^ invariable 
stem ASK. 

9. kumsapianra'tdt. -sap-^ repeated statement, -/a/w-, negative, ma't^